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The article offers the author's insights on the economic and social condition of New Brunswick, a province in southeastern Canada. Topics discussed include the growth of housing and nursing homes in the province, concentration of Maritime innovation in large urban areas, and the region is the only officially bilingual province.

The article looks at how being an in-province resident can boost an applicant's chances of being accepted to medical schools in Canada. It is noted that because medical schools burden provinces' taxpayers, more spots are held for local applicants. Topics include the ethics of students relocating to boost their chances of acceptance, the small percentage of students accepted overall, particularly in British Columbia, and the different definitions of resident in different provinces.

The article discusses the results of this magazine's annual Canada Day survey, which compares the provinces to each other on different economic, social, and medical metrics. It was found that 62% of respondents in British Columbia feel that their province has less influence on lasting national decisions. Survey results on employment, income, health, and crime in the provinces are discussed.

In this article the authors discuss the fact that the Canadian province of British Columbia has become the base for a number of organized crime syndicates operating on a global scale. The province is assessed as a location for the cultivation of marijuana, for the distribution of cocaine and for the import of materials used in the manufacture of methamphetamine. Among other issues the authors examine the gangster culture of the province.

The article examines the 2007 financial problems besetting the Canadian province of Quebec. The piece notes that the financial problems of the region are a result of reduced productivity and increased public debt. The large subsidy provided to the region by Canada's central government is noted. A documentary film about Quebec, "L'Illusion Tranquille," is discussed.

This article discusses how farmers can hold onto their farms and get rich staying in the farming business. Most farmers in the western provinces of Canada have seen their annual income sink to excruciatingly low levels over the past three years because of poor weather, low grain prices, disease and other factors. Darren Watson, however, has had success that has made him rich because he treated farming as an entrepreneur rather than as a homesteader. Watson used his financial education to run the farm as a business.

The article discusses the market for skilled workers and the immigration policy in Canada. Rodney MacDonald is the only provincial immigration minister in Atlantic Canada. His new position can be seen as a sign that provinces across the country are taking on a more significant role in how immigration policy operates in Canada. Manitoba and Quebec, in particular, already exert considerable control over their own immigration policies. One of the most pressing immigration challenges is the fact that 76% of all newcomers have chosen to settle in the three major urban centres: Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver. The so-called MTV Problem has put pressure on the three big cities to integrate a large number of immigrants while denying most other areas of the country the benefits of an expanding pool of labour that immigration can bring. It seems clear that the federal immigration system is crumbling under the weight of its own processes and internal politics. And since no immediate solutions to these problems are in the offing from Ottawa, it is now up to the provinces to chart their own course. The key to provincial plans for taking a greater role in immigration is the provincial nominee program. The innovation allows provinces to select their own immigration candidates separate from the backlogged pool of permanent visa applicants overseen by Ottawa. The selection criteria can be based on the unique circumstances of the provincial labour market or other factors the individual provinces find desirable. The federal government's involvement is limited to the security, health and documentation checks that are standard for all immigrants. That makes the process considerably faster and allows the provinces to make their case directly with potential immigrants to avoid the MTV problem.

This article focuses on Canada and the budget proposed by Finance Minister Ralph Goodale. Last week, after Goodale tabled this year's fiscal blueprint, it was tough to find anyone peddling a convincing rant among the lobbyists and special interest groups camped out in the annual budget-reaction bazaar. Amid the sunny spending promises and surplus projections, Goodale slipped in a bit of anxiety: America is not what it once was. How much do the American elephant's ailing economic fundamentals threaten the fiscally healthier Canadian mouse? "The American situation," Goodale warned in his otherwise celebratory speech, "could lead to higher interest rates, slower U.S. growth and a further depreciation in the American dollar -- any of which could negatively affect us here in Canada." While Goodale acknowledged the dangers posed by the precarious U.S. situation, his working assumption is that this year and next will be good times. Other key budget measures can also be viewed through the lens of the Canada-U.S. relationship, economic and otherwise.

Discusses interprovincial trade in Canada, with a focus on the political history of margarine and free trade. Details of the legal battle by Unilever Canada over the color of Country Crock margarine in Quebec, which was regulated to protect the province's dairy industry; Pros and cons of trade liberalization; Establishment of the 1994 Agreement on Internal Trade to ensure that all Canadian goods and services were treated equally and that provincial policies do not create trade obstacles; Shortcomings of AIT that kept it from fixing these problems; Hope that political apathy concerning interprovincial trade barriers is declining.

Reports on the failure of the Meech Lake accord in June 1990 and how Canada is still living with the consequences of that failure 10 years later. What the accord was suppose to do; How Meech Lake's influence has been as great in failure as it might have been in success; Which tenets of the accord sparked the most controversy.

Focuses on the Canadian province of Nunavut, which will be made official in April of 1999 after splitting from the Northwest Territories. Land that the province will encompass; Percentage of the Nunavut population which will be Inuit; How the province will mark the first large-scale test of native self-government in Canada; Social problems that the Nunavut government will have to deal with; Efforts by the Inuit to preserve their culture through the new government.

The article reports on the impact of economic prosperity on the Canadian province of Newfoundland and Labrador. It is explained that the province, once considered the poorest of the Canadian regions, is enjoying respect as its economic influence increases owing to the discovery of oil off Newfoundland's coastline.

The article reports that the 2008 Canadian government restructuring of a registry that tracks sex offenders. The move comes as a result of an investigation conducted by this magazine into flaws in the registry. The reform of the system has also been advocated by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and by the governments of the Canadian provinces.

The article reports on the activities of Brad Wall the premier of the Canadian province of Saskatchewan. Noting that the region he represents is struggling financially, Wall is seeking U.S. government support that would allow Saskatchewan to exploit its significant uranium deposits. Wall also describes the potential contained in the province's significant petroleum deposits.

This article emphasizes central Canada's importance to national political campaigns. Belinda Stronach's hometown, Aurora, Ont., just north of Toronto, is as good a place as any to ponder the fate of the new Conservative Party of Canada. The meeting was held well away from the maple-shaded streets of Aurora's historic core, in the auditorium of a much newer high school amid subdivisions typical of Toronto's sprawling penumbra--out past the urban Liberal strongholds, into the suburbs and beyond, where federal Conservative hopes of an all-important Ontario revival lie. It was hardly the tactic of a calm and confident campaign, and the party refused to grant the extension. Tony Clement, the scrappy long shot, jumped on signs that Stronach was faltering, trying for a last-ditch push to persuade Conservatives to look at him as their Ontario saviour.Ontario is a prize Conservative strategists are hardly alone in contemplating. This week, the Conservative leadership teams will focus on the province for their stretch run. In the weeks and months to follow, just about everyone who plays or watches the federal political game may come to share the same obsession.

The article discusses the differences and relationship between Canadian provinces through referencing the government agency Statistics Canada, including linguistic differences, regional identity in Alberta and provinces' relations with the federal government. Canadian attitudes reflecting regional differences, including on oil pipelines and their province's independence from Canada, are discussed.

The article offers statistics on per capital sales of marijuana in various Canadian provinces from October 17-December 1, 2019.

The article reports that provincial and territorial ministers in Canada have agreed "in principle" to open trade, to deal with obstacles to government procurement, and to standardize rules.

The article discusses Canadian climate change policies in relation to a November 30 to December, 11 2015 Paris, France United Nations climate conference. Topics include the role of Canadian Environment Minister Catherine McKenna and her chief of staff, Marlo Raynolds, differences among Canadian provincial governments on climate policy, and the approach of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau regarding carbon emissions and pricing. The article explains the role of the oil industry in Saskatchewan and Alberta.

The article discusses the involvement of individuals in the Canadian Conservative Party with similar political views to Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper in elections in various Canadian provinces. Topics discussed include the involvement of Jim Prentice and Brian Jean in the Alberta provincial election, the involvement of Patrick Brown in the Ontario provincial election, and the fact that while the candidates are all very different, they are still all similar to Harper.

A map is provided which compares the size of Canadian provinces with countries throughout the world, including with Cameroon, Colombia and Mexico.

The article offers information on the funding programs for adoption of the use electronic medical records (EMRs) by the doctors in selected provinces of Canada. It presents the views of doctor Alan Brookstone, founder of Canadian EMR, related to the money offerings and technical support to physicians for encouraging formal use of EMRs.

The article looks at discrepancies in health care among Canada's provinces. Topics include how medical decisions are made on the basis of elements such as the capacity of the local system or a doctor's preference rather than medical evidence; the variation in cost for the same procedure in different provinces; and how electronic medical records (EMR) are being used to standardize care.

The article looks at federal-provincial government relations in Canada, questioning how much the federal government should involve itself in provincial affairs. Topics include the strong performance ratings of the provinces' education systems, Prime Minister Stephen Harper's refusal to meet with the premiers after their 2012 annual meeting in Halifax, Nova Scotia, and the disagreement between British Columbia and Alberta over the Northern Gateway petroleum pipeline.

The article reports on the passage of a law in Canada that would allow wine to be transported between Canadian provinces. Topics include the anticipated reversal of the Importation of Intoxicating Liquors Act of 1928, which prohibited interprovincial wine trade, a discussion of provincial laws that could continue to limit wine trade in Canada, and the effect of the law, Bill C-311, on Canada's provincial revenues.

In this article the author discusses Progressive Conservative party losses in Manitoba and Ontario in the 2011 Canadian provincial elections. He notes that the candidates Tim Hudak and Hugh McFadyen, though relatively inexperienced, did not have strong opponents, making their losses surprising. He complains that the Conservatives in Canada have lost confidence in themselves, which lost them voters. He believes that unless they take stronger positions on issues, they will not win.

This article discusses the call to extend the stimulus fund of the Canadian government in 2011. It attributes the call to pressure facing provinces and cities in paying a bill they cannot afford. It also notes the search for government projects than can stimulate the economy. In addition, the article states the need to address the country's budget deficits.

The article discusses the increasing popularity of the Conservative Party of Canada (Tories). An overview of the Tories' competitiveness across several Canadian provinces, such as Tory David Alward's defeat of Liberal Party opponent Shawn Graham in New Brunswick, and predictions of the winners of several elections in various provinces, including Prince Edward Island (P.E.I.), Manitoba, and Ontario, is presented.

This article deals with the growing number of Canadian provincial trade offices in the overseas market and its implications for Canadian trade. In May 2010, a new trade and investment office was opened by the premiers of British Columbia and Alberta in Shanghai, China. It questions whether the provincial missions improve Canadian trade relations with other countries or balkanize them. It cites the key criticism of Alberta's international office network. A study by John Ries and Keith Head found that these missions did not produced an increase in trade.

The article examines government programs in Canada to encourage living organ donation. A pilot program begun by four provinces to compensate kidney donors by reimbursing them for costs associated with the donation such as lost work time and travel expenses is considered. The relatively small number of Canadians who agree to donate organs in the event of their deaths is discussed

In this article the author comments on issues arising from Muslims wearing the Islamic headscarves and other body coverings in the Canadian province of Quebec. The author expresses the opinion that he would rather be counted with members of the region's population who are considered intolerant. He notes that society would not appreciate masked men on the street.

The author reflects on the impact of Canadian federalism on the country's provinces, within the context of the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's federalism policies. An overview of the former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper's political leadership is discussed. An overview of the impact of Trudeau's climate change policies on the Canadian Provinces, including in regard to carbon taxes in the provinces, is provided.

The article reports on financial and business conditions in the Canadian province of British Columbia (B.C.) in light of the 2008 global economic crisis. According to Colin Hansen, the finance minister of the province, the region has seen a downturn in revenues and a slowing of commercial activity. However, the article states, other areas of Canada are in worse financial shape. Also examined are the political aspects of the B.C. economy.

The article discusses the city of Saguenay located in the Canadian province of Quebec. In 2008 a survey ranked it as having the worst learning environment of any Canadian city. The author states that conditions in Saguenay are indicative of the general decline that afflicts the entire province. Demographic factors that have had a negative impact on the city are examined.

The article reports that the governments of the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan are at odds with elements in the Canadian federal government and with the United States. Alberta and Saskatchewan do not wish to share large budget surpluses, earned as a result of high global prices for natural resources, with the rest of the country. The U.S. is considering a ban on the petroleum produced from the oil sands found in the region.

The article reports on the Canadian trend toward the licensing of bar bouncers. The author notes that in a number of Canadian provinces bouncers are required to undergo a number of hurdles before they can be hired including background checks and ability tests. The trend grows out of Canadian efforts to regulate the private security business.

In this article the author examines the bottled water industry in Canada. The author notes that large corporations engaged in the industry used Canadian water resources and paid little in return for consumption. Also under examination is government control of water and water management in the Canadian provinces of Ontario and Prince Edward Island.

This article reports on the housing market in locations across Canada. Information is provided on housing price changes between 2007 and 2008 and projected average prices for 2008. The article discusses cities in western provinces such as Vancouver, British Columbia and Edmonton, Alberta and cities in eastern provinces like Ottawa and Toronto in Ontario, noting that the market is better in the West.

In this article the author discusses the Canadian fast food chain Tim Hortons Inc. According to the author the chain, which specializes in coffee and donuts, is a beloved feature of Canadian life, particularly in small towns in the provinces. Plans for company expansion into the U.S. market are examined.

The article is an account of the political career of Ed Stelmach, elected in 2006 to the premiership of the Canadian province of Alberta. Stelmach's surprise election to the post is examined as are the problems that he has encountered since his elevation to the post. The article criticises Stelmach's selection of political appointees.

Several letters to the editor in response to articles in previous issues are presented. Readers comment on "Give us the gold...or else," by Jonathon Gatehouse, "The Mounties give up," by Charlie Gillis, and a response is offered to the letter "The maple leaf forever," by Stan Riome, all from the January 30, 2006 issue. Readers also comment on "Nobody Loves Canada," by John Geddes, "Ministry of branding," by Andrew Potter, "Interview," and "The end," from the January 23, 2006 issue.

This article focuses on the annual meeting of Canada's Investment Dealers Association in Banff, Canada and their discussion of the province of Alberta. The gathering gave us a close-up look at former provincial treasurer Jim Dinning, widely viewed as the successor to Ralph Klein whenever that formidable presence rides into the sunset. In the interim, Dinning cools his heels as chairman of a local financial services company, and he used a slug of his allotted time to hymn his company's virtues.When he switched to what was listed as a review of Alberta's first century, we learned why he's considered a hot political commodity. Dinning put down one marker that could prove important in the light of the Supreme Court's recent decision on access to private health care in Quebec. He wants Alberta to become the centre of Canada's medical research and experimentation in new health care techniques. The conference also got a memorable helping of Albertan optimism and achievement when Jim Gray spoke on the energy panel. Gray reviewed an important new book on Saudi oil reserves, Twilight in the Desert, by American oil industry analyst Matthew Simmons. Gray then led us through an analysis of the next 25 years of the Alberta oil sands. Alberta looks to be Canada's biggest winner from three kinds of aging: rising age-related demand for Canadians' health care, rising demand for its oil, and rising demand for the specialized financial products that will help underwrite the next 50 years of oil sands output.

This article focuses on Canadian politics and the effect that the sponsorship trial is having on various politicians in Canadian polls. Among Tory MPs, the prevailing view is that their leader, Stephen Harper, suffers from a persistent, but superficial, image problem. With the House likely to wrap up this week, they're hoping Harper's plan to tour the country and flip plenty of burgers during the summer break will boost his appeal. Into this debate over what Harper must do to bounce back in the polls comes a new book--the kind that passes for deck chair reading among politics addicts. William Johnson's Stephen Harper and the Future of Canada is an unabashed, 418-page fan letter. But while the author doesn't hide his admiration for his subject, this biography is thorough enough to illuminate Harper's faults even as it focuses on his strengths. John Williamson, federal director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, a non-partisan lower-taxes advocacy group, slams Harper's Conservatives for watering down key positions in recent months, when it looked like the Liberal minority might fall in the wake of new revelations at Justice John Gomery's sponsorship inquiry. A more fundamental question is whether Harper has permanently given up on talking boldly about health care. All the debate over Harper's woes flows from a familiar source: the latest polls. New Gomery inquiry revelations briefly hammered the Liberals in April opinion surveys, but the governing party has bounced back. Meanwhile, the Conservatives have slipped, and Harper's own approval numbers suffered.

This article discusses the Gomery inquiry in Canada and how it is coming to an end. Justice John Gomery's inquiry felt like a popular soap that had been running for too long. The shock and outrage initially triggered by revelations of mismanagement, fraud and political flim-flamming related to the federal Liberals' sponsorship program had worn off somewhat. Maybe the Chrétien Liberals had the whole thing ass-backwards when they spent $332 million to sell Quebecers on Canada through a "visibility" program in the province. The judge will now get ready to write his assessment of the sponsorship mess, with a preliminary report due in early November. His inquiry was a complicated business to follow, because it was chasing many rabbits at once. But as Gomery now prepares to leave the cavernous bowels of the Guy Favreau Complex, the federal building that has hosted his show for the last three months or so, such questions should be asked. Why did we need a sponsorship program? Could it have worked, had it been run properly? What message will voters retain? And what's coming next?

I can still see my very practical father shaking his head in dismay as he pored over my latest high-school report card. After earning a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Alberta in 1978, I became a journalist and, contrary to my father's unspoken fears, never had to go back to my family, cap in hand. Ontario's Grade 10 literacy test, which students must pass if they want to finish high school, is a prominent, albeit controversial example (and one that is currently under review). As well, most provinces (Ontario, Quebec and Prince Edward Island being the exceptions) and all three territories require students to write some form of high-school diploma exams, which count for anything from 25 per cent to 50 per cent of their graduating mark. The province-wide exams provide an objective benchmark of how well students are absorbing the core curriculum, while the input of teachers allows a more nuanced assessment of individual strengths and weaknesses the tests cannot measure. But the "progressives" are not appeased. They want teachers to be the sole arbiters of students' grades (strike that: in some cases, they would actually like the kids to evaluate themselves). High-stakes standardized tests, they say, put undue pressure on students. Worse yet, they force instructors to "teach to the test." To which people like me reply, "And your point is?"There is a reason why a lot of parents, myself included, welcome the "back to the basics" initiatives underway in many provinces. We remember what progressive education did for us. We expect better for our own children.

This article discusses the political climate surrounding the upcoming provincial elections in Saskatchewan. And judging by the seven provincial elections held to date this year, Canadians are in a particularly grumpy mood. In Quebec, Ontario and last week in Newfoundland, long-standing governments of various political stripes were not only defeated, but thoroughly trounced. In New Brunswick, Premier Bernard Lord fared only slightly better, as public fury over skyrocketing auto insurance rates reduced his iron grip on power to a tenuous grasp. True enough, Manitoba's Gary Doer, Nova Scotia's John Hamm and Prince Edward Island's Pat Binns were all returned to office by comfortable margins. But in each case, there was a palpable lack of enthusiasm about the exercise -- as if, given better alternatives, voters might have also opted to topple and turf. Which brings us to Saskatchewan, where a party that didn't even exist seven years ago stands an excellent chance of defeating the province's 12-year-old NDP government. The Saskatchewan Party, an amalgam of disaffected Conservatives and Liberals who formed their own "unite-the-right" movement in 1997, was brimming with confidence last week as the Nov. 5 election date approached. For all of that, the NDP cannot be written off lightly. In power for 43 of the past 59 years, it is Saskatchewan's natural governing party -- and renowned for fielding a formidable cadre of campaign foot soldiers.

The article focuses on efforts of Paul Martin to gain votes and political support in western Canada. In the last federal election, the Liberals took 14 seats in the four western provinces. Martin says he will judge the success of his regime as prime minister by its ability to assuage, if not entirely slay, western alienation. Polling done by the Canada West Foundation, the region's foremost political and social affairs think tank, shows 84 per cent of westerners want an elected Senate in which each province has the same number of seats, a move aimed at providing an effective counterbalance to the representation-by-population House of Commons. Support is firm in all four provinces, and across age groups and genders. Polls in the rest of the country show people evenly split on the Senate's fate, with half wanting to abolish it and the other half to reform it. One of Martin's earliest forays into top-level political activity -- before he was a well-known quantity in Ottawa circles -- showed his frustration with Liberal insensitivity to the western point of view. Martin's sympathy for the energy-producing west and his pro-business outlook went together then -- and still do today.