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Magistritöö „Direktiivi 2013/51/Euratom kujunemine ja selle ülevõtmine Eesti õigusesse“ eesmärk oli esitada direktiivi ülevõtmiseks vajalikud riigisiseste aktide muudatusettepanekud. Selleks selgitati välja, millises ulatuses on direktiivi nõuded praegu riigisisessse õigusesse üle võetud. Selgus, et direktiivi ülevõtmiseks on vajalik täiendada sotsiaalministri 2001. a määrust nr 82 “Joogivee kvaliteedi- ja kontrollinõuded ning analüüsimeetodid”. Magistritöö raames spetsiaalselt Eesti jaoks välja töötatud seirestrateegia alusel tuleb edaspidi kambrium-vendi ja ordoviitsiumi veekihtides määrata raadiumi isotoopide sisaldust sagedusega kord 10 aasta jooksul eeldusel, et hüdrogeoloogiline seisund on stabiilne. Magistritöö käigus läbi viidud kvalitatiivse võrdlusanalüüsi ja seireandmete koondamise tulemusena vormistati määruse muutmise eelnõu koos seletuskirjaga. Täiendavalt järeldati magistritöös, et EL kiirgus- ja tuumaohutuse valdkonnas on integratsioon süvenenud ja laienenud. Veel leiti, et Euratom asutamislepe kohaldamiseala on küllaltki üldiselt defineeritud ning selle piiritlemisele on oluliselt kaasa aidanud kohtuotsused. Magistritöös antakse soovitusi teemade osas, mida võiks edasi uurida. Näiteks võiks analüüsida direktiivi 2013/51/Euratom rakendamist ning direktiivi 2013/59/Euratom uute keskkonnakaitseliste nõuete tõlgendamist., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4500558*est

This thesis aims to analyze Estonian historical art film In the Crosswind (2014) as a product of cultural memory, which represents the national trauma of Soviet deportations in 1941-1949. The film is analyzed in a broader social and political framework of the European collective memory divide over the history of the Second World War and its aftermath. The thesis argues that In the Crosswind can be considered as attempt of Estonia as one of Eastern European states to promote their subaltern narrative of Stalinist crimes and victimization and achieve recognition among “Old” Europeans, which is part of their ‘politics of becoming European’. This thesis uses a multidisciplinary approach, which is based on a theory of memory studies, trauma theory and cultural media studies and attempts to analyze, how the Estonian national trauma of deportations is represented and constructed in the film, so it would find acceptance and recognition among the foreign audience. This thesis analyzes the cinematic techniques and iconography, used in the film to narrate the story of deportations trauma. As the film is analyzed not only as a work of art, but in a broader socio-political context, the thesis employs method of visual Critical Discourse Analysis, combined with iconographic, narrative and intertextual analysis. In the Crosswind can be considered as a successfully constructed trauma representation, which attempts to challenge the dominant memory discourse of communist crimes in Europe and promote Estonian national narrative of deportation trauma. Through the means of prosthetic memory, the film has a potential to influence the foreign audience and contribute to the construction of transnational memory of Stalinist crimes. It would be an overstatement to say that this goal is achieved with one film, but it is definitely a case of contribution to the Eastern European memory politics of ‘becoming European’., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4497837

This thesis is focused on the construction of Novorossiya and its relation to great power identity and the conservative revolution in Russia. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between these three interlocutory discourses in a bid to determine the relationship between Novorossiya and the wider discursive field. Several key questions are answered: of what Novorossiya is an instance; how ideology is inflected in it by conservative revolutionaries; what politics logics are used to move the conservative revolution towards the political and discursive mainstream. The thesis is founded upon a poststructural ontological position and combines the thought of Laclauian discourse theory and TartuMoscow School semiotics of culture to underpin a semiotic model. The concepts of metaphor and metonymy are posited as key theoretical tools of analysis. They are employed in order to explain the conservative revolutionary challenge to liberal hegemony, the chaining of nationalist narratives into a contiguous link with great power identity, and the appearance of Novorossiya as a metaphorical phenomenon. Ideology is unpacked with reference to political logics which focus on forming an analogous relation between discursive and state frontiers. Due to the existence of Novorossiya as a small part of a greater conservative revolution across the Russian political and discursive space, this thesis seeks to provide greater understanding to a widely misunderstood political movement, whilst aiming to provoke a body of work on the new right in Russia., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4487809

This Master’s Thesis provides a hypothesis-generating comparative case study that focuses on the structures of three national security discourses in the context of the Ukrainian crisis: Finnish, Estonian and Russian. More specifically, it looks at the official (presidential and governmental) articulations concerning the crisis situation in Ukraine and its impacts on national and European security. Drawing upon poststructuralist security theories, most importantly the securitisation theory, the main aim of the thesis is to better understand the connection between security policy and national identity in the selected cases, in order to subsequently propose hypotheses for further research. After explaining the theoretical framework, the an analysis of the discourses at two levels – national and European – demonstrates that the structural pattern of the selected national security discourses is somewhat counter-intuitive. Although the Finnish and the Estonian case initially seem to share a number of common features, at deeper levels, the two discourses differ significantly. At the same time, a closer look reveals the underlying structural similarity of Estonian and Russian security discourses. Namely, the two tend to be more polarised and use antagonisation, protagonisation and historisation, whereas their Finnish counterpart remains relatively neutral with regard to the Ukrainian crisis. The findings confirm that the link between policy and identity is relatively stable and cannot be seen as one-to-one. Instead, it is embedded into wider structures of memory. Finally, hypotheses for further research are suggested. Keywords: national security, http://www.ester.ee/record=b4497507

Magistritöö eesmärk on analüüsida koduste ja töötavate Eesti ning Rootsi naiste üldoskuste erinevusi, tuua välja oskuste võimalikud mõjutajad ja pakkuda välja lahendusi. Oskuste analüüsi taustateooriateks on inimkapitali ja elukestva õppe teooriad. Eesmärgini jõudmiseks analüüsitakse seni kõige ulatuslikuma täiskasvanute üldoskuste uuringu PIAAC andmeid. PIAAC uuring viidi läbi 24-s riigis üle maailma eesmärgiga teha paremaid poliitikaotsuseid. Magistritöös on põhiprobleemiks seatud naiste üldoskuste vähenemine tööturult eemal olles. Naised on analüüsitavaks sihtrühmaks, sest nemad jäävad enam tööturult eemale kui mehed. Koduseks jäädakse peamiselt perekondlikel põhjustel. Magistritöö uurimus on kvantitatiivne. Kasutatakse lineaarset regressioonanalüüsi, et tuua välja olulisimad üldoskuste mõjutajad. Lisaks on tehtud lihtvõrlused iga üldoskuse kohta 9 naise tausta iseloomustava tunnusega, et täpsemalt uurida mõjutajaid Eesti ja Rootsi naistel erinevate hõiverühmade vahel. Analüüsist selgub, et Eesti naiste oskused on erinevate hõiverühmade vahel suhteliselt sarnased. Rootsi naistel on tulemuste vahed töötavate ja koduste naiste võrdluses palju suuremad. Tulemused näitavad, et lisaks hõivele on oluline silmas pidada erinevaid eluloolisi tunnuseid, näiteks päritolu või haridus, mis võivad oskusi rohkem mõjutada. Seetõttu on oluline tähelepanu pöörata naistele, kellel on madalam haridus ja kes on mujal sündinud. Töötavate naiste oskuste võrdlus on oluline teema edasiseks uurimiseks, eriti just soolise palgalõhe ning naiste vähese kõrgemate positsioonide hõivamise tõttu. Ka koduste ja töötavate naiste võrdluses saab PIAAC uuringu andmeid kasutada edasiseks uurimiseks, sest taustaküsimustik on väga mahukas ja võimaldab võrdlusi erinevatest probleemipüstitustest, millest antud magistritöö on vaid üks lähenemine., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4501125*est

The current thesis set out to explore the dynamics of collective memory and identity in anniversary journalism, using the case study of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (MRP) signed between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany in 1939. MRP was chosen due to offering multiple layers of commemoration and also being politically relevant in the present day, and not only domestically or bilaterally but starting from 2009 also at pan-European level. The empirical material comprised newspaper articles from the Estonian (both in the Estonian and Russian language) and Russian press between 1989-2004, thus also allowing for a comparison across different mnemonic communities. The theoretical part of the thesis dealt with the key concepts of collective memory and identity, politics of memory and journalism’s memory work (anniversary journalism). Content analysis was used to achieve the research aim. The given study provides an overview of the emergence and gradual disappearance – the dynamics – of the commemoration of the MRP in the Estonian press. The results give ground to conclude that the current politics of memory behind the MRP, now mostly at European level, will keep the anniversary date of 23 August as a worthy object of research for memory scholars. However, even if the relevance of 23 August is increasing, it will most likely not be the MRP as the centrepoint. It remains to be seen to which extent it will become a commemoration day of the Baltic Way and/or for the victims of totalitarian regimes. As for Russia and the Russian press, the relevance of the MRP and 23 August will most likely depend on the role this date will become to hold in the European politics of memory, since the thesis showed the journalistic treatment of the MRP in the Russian press to be mostly of reactionary nature to others’ initiatives., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4486926

Selleks et seista silmitsi ja ennetada julgeolekuohte ning kaitsta Euroopa huvisfääri, on oluline Euroopa Liidu ühise julgeoleku- ja kaitsepoliitika (CSDP) eesmärgipärane toimimine ja vajadusel kiire rakendamine. Sellest tulenevalt on käesoleva töö eesmärgiks välja selgitada Euroopa Liidu julgeolekuintegratsiooni peamised võimaldajad ja takistajad ehk tegurid, mis aitavad kaasa või pidurdavad julgeolekuintegratsiooni edasist arengut. Lisaks esitatakse rakenduslikke ettepanekuid CSDP eesmärgipäraseks toimimiseks. Esmalt antakse töös ülevaade EL-i julgeolekuintegratsiooni arengust ning seejärel käsitletakse kolme peamist Euroopa inegratsiooniteooriat - neofunktsionalismi, liberaalset valitsustevahelist teooriat ning konstruktivismi. Töö uurimiseesmärgi saavutamiseks kasutati juhmiuuringut ning viidi läbi 13 poolstruktureeritud ekspertintervjuud nii Eesti- kui ka välisekspertidega. Analüüsi tulemusel selgus, et CSDP integratsiooni peamiseks takistajaks on selle valitsustevaheline iseloom, sest erinevate huvide ja ohutunnetuste tõttu ei suudeta kiiresti reageerida ning CSDP-d rakendada. Samas annab valitsustevaheline iseloom liikmesriikidele võimaluse oma huvide ja poliitikate realiseerimiseks ning otsuste mõjutamiseks. Peamisteks võimaldavateks teguriteks on ühiselt konstrueeritud väärtused, nagu moraal, eetika, humanitaarsus. Ühise visiooni, plaanide ja strateegiate puudumine tingib CSDP toimimise juhuslikult ning sõltuvuse üksikute liikmesriikide huvidest. CSDP eesmärgipäraseks toimimiseks on vajalik edasine koostöö ja koordinatsioon NATO ja CSDP vahel ning lahingugruppide rakendamine. Sellest lähtuvalt tehakse töös järgmised ettepanekud CSDP eesmärgipäraseks toimimiseks: (1) sõjalise koostöö arendamine väiksemates poliitiliselt ja kultuuriselt sarnastest riikide liitudes; (2) teatud pädevuse delegeerimine EL-i institutsioonidele; (3) lahingugruppide rakendamine operatsioonidel ning nende kasutamise muutmine paindlikumaks; (4) EL-i alalise ümberpaigutatava operatsioonide peakorteri loomine; (5) varustuse ja väljaõppe ühtlustamine, et vähendada liikmesriikide operatsioonidel osalemise kulutusi; (6) liikmesriikide vahel kokkulepete sõlmimine ühistes visioonides, ohtudes ja meetmetes ning EL-i julgeolekustrateegia kaasajastamine., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4504550

The main goal of this thesis is to create understanding on how the EU sees the events in Ukraine and creates itself through the articulation of a self and other. This official discourse, articulated through the readings of EU political elite, is seen as hegemonic and discourses radically opposing it as counter-hegemonic discourses. To achieve this a poststructuralist approach to discourse, language and identity is adopted. The results of the analysis show that by the official discourse, the events in Ukraine are depicted in a way as to offer legitimacy for the EU and the values underpinning it. At the same time these events are seen as threat to the very idea of Europe. Within the official discourse, the identity of the EU is created through a linking to the values underpinning the Union and though a differentiation from Russia. Meanwhile the counter-hegemonic discourses were both very similar in the way in which they viewed Europe, Russia and the events in Ukraine constructing a radically different identity for Europe. The findings of this comparative analysis stretch far beyond the discourses emanated from the actors analysed. They are illustrative of deep splits within EU identity, with Ukraine being one of catalysts. It is possible to further research the identity construction and antagonisms in the EU though other topics, such as accepting refugees from Africa, or by choosing other actors, such as far-left political parties, leaders of member states, or by adopting different research methods, such as Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4494526

Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) assumes that it is possible to identify certain regional “clusters” regarding common security threats. Essential elements of a Regional Security Complex (RSC) are an anarchic structure, boundary, social construction (patterns of amity and enmity) and polarity (the distribution of power). RSCs are durable, but not permanent features in the international system. This thesis focuses on Russia’s role in the post-Soviet RSC. Russia is the central regional power, but at the same time it also holds the status of a great power, which makes it special. It is argued that the South Caucasus can be seen as a subcomplex of this RSC. The Russian influence on the security dynamics in this region is analyzed against the background of the recent developments in Armenian-Russian relations, which serve as a case-study. The thesis aims to assess the impact of change caused by Russia’s interference in the South Caucasian subcomplex. Although Russia and the South Caucasus are part of the same RSC, the analysis shows that Russia’s role in the Armenian case follows the same logic as great power penetration (GPP). Thus, the consequences of its involvement could be similar as well and include changes in patterns of amity and enmity or in the distribution of power. They could also lead to changes in the boundary, which means the subcomplex could “break apart”. Eventually, the study comes to the result that by looking at the Russian-Armenian relationship, it is possible to argue that the distribution of power in the region has already shifted to some extent. Patterns of amity and enmity still remain a uniting element, but they could also be affected by future developments. If geopolitical tensions continue, the boundary could be changed as well, but Armenia’s mere decision for the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) is not a sufficient indicator for this. Russia’s role in the post-Soviet RSC can be characterized as very dominant; the RSC is clearly centred on Russia. However, subcomplexes with their own regional security dynamics continue to exist, albeit the post-Soviet RSC is, indeed, possibly (again) in danger of a Russian “takeover”., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4499779

Käesoleva töö eesmärgiks on Euroopa Liidu küberjulgeoleku strateegiast lähtuvalt võrrelda Eesti kriitilise infrastruktuuriga ettevõtete ja Eesti riigi küberjulgeoleku strateegiaid küberrünnakute eest kaitsmisel. Töö eesmärki aitavad saavutada neli uurimisküsimust, mis selgitavad küberjulgeoleku kujunemist, avaliku sektori ja erasektori koostööd, küberrünnakute liigitust ning kriitilise infrastruktuuri olemust ja kaitse vajalikkust. Teoreetilistest käsitlustest kasutatakse klassikalise julgeoleku kompleksi ning Kopenhaageni koolkonna teooriat. Töö eesmärki aitavad saavutada kvalitatiivsetest uurimismeetoditest dokumentide analüüs ning poolstruktureeritud ekspertintervjuud. Dokumentide analüüsimisel võrreldi Euroopa Liidu ja Eesti küberjulgeoleku strateegiaid, mille tulemusena selgus strateegiate sarnasus ning rõhuasetus kriitilisele infrastruktuurile. Ekspertintervjuud viidi läbi seitsme energia ning telekommunikatsiooni ettevõtte eksperdi seas, mille tulemusel toodi peamiste kitsaskohtadena välja koostöö puudulikkus, avaliku sektori killustatus, investeeringute vähesus küberkaitsesse ning küberjulgeoleku teadlikkuse madal tase. Peamiste ettepanekutena soovitati suurendada avaliku sektori ja erasektori koostööd läbi koolituste, infopäevade ning regulaarsete kohtumiste. Riigi Infosüsteemi Amet võiks edastada kriitilise infrastruktuuriga ettevõtetele kord poolaastas informatsiooni aktuaalsetest küberohtudest ning riik teavitada ettevõtteid Euroopa Liidus toimuvatest konverentsidest, parima praktika vahetamise võimalustest ja rahvusvahelistest koolitustest. Riik võiks lisaks omalt poolt küberjulgeoleku valdkonda rohkem politiseerida ning seeläbi tagada suurem investeeringute maht küberkaitsesse. Edaspidistes uurimustes võib uurida spetsiifilisemalt iga kriitilise infrastruktuuri valmisolekut küberrünnakuteks või seoses direktiivi peatse vastu võtmisega kaasnevaid kohustusi riigile, kriitilise infrastruktuuri ettevõtetele., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4499799

The thesis is focused on EU conflict management strategy in case of South Caucasus through the prism of the engagement strategy. The concept of engagement refers to the use of non-coercive means to ameliorate the non-status quo elements of [targeted state’s] behavior. The ultimate goal of the strategy is protection of the international order. In the scope of this thesis EU is the status-quo power in relation to South Caucasus and is engaged with Abkhazian, SO and NK conflicts from this particular position. The method of case study is chosen; academic and official sources are analyzed. Based on provided analysis of developments in the region and EU responses this thesis argues that EU engages with conflicts from the position of protector of status quo. The aim of EU is to minimize conflict in order to avoid war and meanwhile keep immunity of the existing international order. Analysis reveals that Russia, in 2008 explicitly intervening into the erupted conflict between Georgia and SO on the side of the latter threatened status quo and provoked EU active engagement with Abkhazian and SO conflicts. Meanwhile, EU perception in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia determines the extent EU is engaged with conflicts, whereas EU perception in Abkhazia, SO and NK does not affect EU decision engage or not to engage., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4494470

Following Russia’s incursion into Crimea, ambiguous warfare and strategic ambiguity used during the Ukrainian conflict have been cited by NATO as a threat to the future of European security. The use of strategic ambiguity holds many benefits over clear communications, particularly its ability to foster multiple interpretations of and create a united diversity around a specific issue during times of crisis. Within the Copenhagen School of Security Studies and Dr Holger Stritzel’s analytical frameworks for securitization and desecuritization, this research asks the question of whether strategic ambiguity can be used as a tactic to influence audiences for the purpose and process of desecuritization. Critical discourse analysis is used in a case study of the Ukrainian conflict, analysing NATO and Kremlin speeches and transcripts, to identify and analyse how Russia has used strategic ambiguity as a tactic for desecuritization in order to influence its targeted audiences. Much focus is also directed towards explaining how strategic ambiguity has benefited Russia’s campaign of information and psychological warfare. The outcome of this studied has shown mixed results. The author argues from the position that while Russia has been overall unsuccessful in its attempted desecuritization, strategic ambiguity still serves as an important tactic for influencing and dividing perceptions of targeted audiences for the purpose and process of desecuritization., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4488275

Are technocratic governments the reformers of last resort? And why are they appointed? Facing the ongoing European debt crisis, some countries choose to put technocrats into reform government offices, while others are able to reform their markets and fiscal structure within regularly elected governments. What differentiates these technocratic from non-technocratic governments in terms of origins and reform efforts? And are technocratic government compositions more able to implement complex market and fiscal reforms in a short period of time when facing difficult institutional settings? In order to answer these questions, this research follows an institutional approach along rational choice theory and the concept of varieties of capitalism. A comparative study of the political economy of Greece, Ireland and Italy examines the different underpinnings that build-up to these reform governments and shows how reform efforts and forms of reform governments, understood as being either partisan or non-partisan composed, vary between different varieties of capitalism. The findings provides evidence that the varieties of capitalism configuration, and the embedded features of economic and political institutions, influence the incentives for counties to appoint technocratic governments when facing an economic crisis, thus advancing an existing model that describes the likelihood of, http://www.ester.ee/record=b4487893

The intention of the thesis is to look at the functioning of the Estonian electricity system in a situation where a paramilitary conflict has forced the two biggest power stations in Estonia into a production halt. The hypothetical scenario that the thesis anticipates is developed on an assumption borrowed from literature on critical infrastructure: a government has to assure the functioning of important infrastructure object in the occurrence of a worst case scenario. Given the current unstable situation in international relations and considering opinions that the Russian government could test NATO’s integrity by inflicting a military confrontation in the Baltic States, the scenario which anticipates a regional military insurgence taking place in the eastern region of Estonia remains plausible. The goal is to assess the vulnerability of the Estonian electricity system with a purpose-built model which links the measure of vulnerability to economic losses of a country. The author builds on the general model developed by Edward Christie which intended to measure the economic losses in the case of a gas supply disruption. After making some critical amendments to Christie’s model, the author establishes a concrete function to calculate the economic losses in the occurrence of an electricity supply cut. After testing the model in the case of Estonia, the thesis concludes that due to the high level of interconnectivity and sufficient domestic production options, the losses for Estonian economy deriving from the supply cut are extremely marginal. Thus, the vulnerability of Estonian electricity system is low and can supply end-users even in the occurrence of the hypothetical event. The author suggests further work on the developed model by possibly adding the dimensions of electricity market prices, seasonal coefficients and most importantly, a refined relationship between the consumption and available supply capacity., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4487631

In the spring of 2012 Vladimir Putin was elected as the President of Russia for the third time. With his return as the head of the state, new conservative discourse, with normative dimension, started to emerge in the Russian politics. Cases of the Pussy Riot, the gay propaganda law or anti-blasphemy law, are examples of this conservative turn. This discourse also implies portrayal of the West as deviant and perverted, while Russia stands as the last bastion in defense of traditional values. Such articulation is widely supported and enhanced by the Russian Orthodox Church. As it is argued in the present study, this discourse serves not only domestic political purposes, but also provides important bases for the Russian normative hegemony to be projected outwards. Hegemony is defined from the Neo-Gramscian understanding and it is illustrated how the civil society institutions inside Georgia help to articulate, project and maintain the Russian discourse to the Georgian society and subsequently counter an alternative, the Western discourse, expressed within the Association Agreement with the EU. Discourse analysis, more specifically, the discourse theory was applied as a methodology to analyze ongoing discourse. Findings illustrate that the Georgian society is still struggling to associate itself with the Western normative discourse and it can serve basis for the Kremlin to achieve its political goals without brute force, through normative hegemony., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4487621

Töö eesmärk on leida vastus küsimusele, kas Euroopa Liidu tasandil direktiiviga 2002/14/EÜ kehtestatud töötajate üldise ja püsiva kaasamise miinimumstandardi tõstmine on õiguspärane. Teema on aktuaalne, kuna „Euroopa 2020“ strateegia rakendamine eeldab töötajate senisest suuremat kaasatust. Senise praktika põhjal võib eeldada, et Euroopa Komisjon püüab seda saavutada töötajate kaasamise täiendava reguleerimise abil Euroopa Liidu tasandil. Töös leitakse, et töötajate üldise ja püsiva kaasamise miinimumstandardi tõstmine ei ole õiguspärane, kuna see ei ole kooskõlas subsidiaarsus- ja proportsionaalsusprintsiibiga ning võib sõltuvalt tõstmise eesmärgist ja sisust ületada Euroopa Liidule omistatud sisulise sekkumispädevuse piire. Töös ei anta hinnangut töötajate kaasatusele ning töötajate kaasamise reguleerimisele üldiselt. Kui Euroopa Liit leiab, et töötajate kaasatuse tõstmine liikmesriikides on õigustatud, tuleb leida selleks töös käsitletust erinevaid võimalusi. Empiirilised andmed viitavad, et selleks võib olla näiteks sotsiaalpartnerite teadlikkuse tõstmine. Alternatiivsete meetmete efektiivsust ning sobivust on asjakohane hinnata töö edasiarendustes., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4412683~S1*est

http://www.ester.ee/record=b4464072

Töö eesmärgiks on analüüsida Euroopa Liidu energiatõhususpoliitika elluviimise tegureid, mis võivad mõjutada poliitika transaktsioonikulude suurust ja seetõttu olla takistuseks energiatõhususalaste eesmärkide saavutamisel. Teema on aktuaalne, kuna energiatõhususpoliitika on seotud nii kliimakaitse, energiajulgeoleku kui ka uute tehnoloogiate arendamisega. Uurimistöö alustab transaktsioonikulude teooria lähtekohtade ja energiatõhususpoliitika ees seisvate barjääride käsitlemisega ning analüüsib seejärel poliitika transaktsioonikulude suurust mõjutavate tegurite esinemist hoonete energiatõhususpoliitika elluviimisel Euroopa Liidu liikmesriikide näitel. Analüüsis kasutatakse Euroopa Liidu liikmesriikide energiatõhususe tegevuskavasid, elamuvaldkonna statistikat ning energiatõhususvaldkonna ekspertide hinnanguid. Analüüsi tulemusel ilmnevad hoonete energiatõhususpoliitika transaktsioonikulusid mõjutavate olulisemate teguritena omandiline killustatus ehk suur hoonete omanike osakaal enamike Euroopa Liidu liikmesriikide elanikkonnas, riikide erinev võimekus poliitika sihtrühma transaktsioonikulusid vähendada, energiatõhususpoliitika objektide spetsiifilisus, poliitika elluviimisega seotud ebakindlus ning valdkonna asutuste nõrk koostöö energiatõhususe eesmärkide nimel. Sellest lähtuvalt tehakse töös ettepanekud hoonete energiatõhususpoliitika edasiseks planeerimiseks Euroopa Liidus, mille hulka kuuluvad vajadus arvestada senisest enam poliitika erinevate sihtrühmadega, pöörata tähelepanu teavitus- ja koolitustegevustele, kujundada pikaajalisi strateegiaid ning võtta poliitika planeerimisel arvesse valdkonna polütsentrilisust. Energiatõhususpoliitika transaktsioonikulude valdkond omab suurt potentsiaali edasiseks uurimiseks, kuna energiatõhususe saavutamine on Euroopa Liidu strateegiline eesmärk, millega seonduvat ei ole veel ulatuslikult käsitletud. Lisaks poliitika analüüsi vaatenurgale väärib edasist analüüsi ka praktiline külg, et aidata poliitika asjaosalistel transaktsioonikulusid ära tunda ja vähendada., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4412534~S58*est

Transitional or retroactive justice is chosen by political elites of countries in transition to come to terms with past. Lustration is a non-criminal measure of transitional justice. The Czech Republic and Poland both initiated lustration policy in the post communist period. The difference between these countries is that the former approved initial lustration act in 1991while the latter adopted lustration bill only in 1997. The laws were temporarily limited yet, both Czech and Polish legislators decided to engage with lustration once again after the initial laws had expired. The thesis offers a double layered comparative study of lustration policy in the Czech Republic and Poland. The first part focuses on initial lustration policy and highlights a) the factors which influenced the decisions whether to adopt or not lustration laws soon after the regime change and b) the factors that determined the nature of original bills. In the second part this thesis will explore various explanatory variables to explain the wave of late and renewed lustration initiatives in both countries. The analysis reveals that the decisions whether to approve or not lustration acts in the early years of post communist period were influenced by various past factors: the lack of legitimacy of the post Prague Spring government; the crisis in other communist countries; the loss of strengths of the ruling forces in Czechoslovakia, the weakness of the governing forces in Poland; Solidarity’s attitude towards regime change. The difference in nature was a result of different factors of present: the collapse of two governments and the communist return to power in Poland, the tendency of misusing past in the Czech Republic. Furthermore, the need to safeguard democracy/or the desire to discredit political opponents as well as the memory of post Prague spring regime as illegitimate and the memory of negotiated transition in Poland as a mistake explain the decision about the wave of new and renewed lustration in both countries., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2687831~S1

Rahvastiku vananemine ning üleilmastumine on nii rahvusvahelisele kui ka Euroopa Liidu sisesele mobiilsusele üha enam mõju avaldamas. Riikide kestliku arengu seisukohast on üheks oluliseks teguriks kvalifitseeritud tööjõu migratsioon, kus on peamised teemad väljaränne ja kvalifitseeritud tööjõu väljavool. Nii Euroopa Liidu kui ka selle liikmesriikide tasandil on käivitatud sisserännet soodustavate meetmete leidmine ja rakendamine. Aruka, jätkusuutliku ning kaasava majanduskasvu saavutamiseks vajaliku teadusarenduse ning innovatsiooniga seoses on kvalifitseeritud tööjõu rände kontekstis tähtis roll just teadlastele mõeldud sisserände soodustamise meetmetel. Kuna migratsioonimeetmeid ning makro- ja mikromajanduslikke sisserände soodustamise meetmeid koondav uuring Eestis puudub, on käeoleva uurimustöö eesmärk esmalt välja selgitada, mil määral ning milliseid teadlastele kui kvalifitseeritud tööjõule mõeldud sisserände meetmeid on Eestis rakendatud ning kuivõrd need mõjutavad ning soodustavad teadlaste rännet Eestisse. Uurimistöö eesmärgi saavutamiseks on tehtud andmeanalüüs, kus on kasutatud avalikku andmekorpust ning programmi Ermos grandisaajate küsitlust, et tuua välja programmi ning sisserände soodustamise meetmete kitsaskohad. Eestis on praegu sisserände soodustamise tegevused fragmenteeritud. Kuigi kvalifitseeritud tööjõu eriti just teadlaste sisserände soodustamisel võib näha migratsioonibarjääride leevendamist positiivsena, vajaksid need veel mõnede tööjõupuuduses olevate erialade puhul täiendamist, mida praktiseerivad ka mitmed teised Euroopa Liidu liikmesriigid. Uurimistöö analüüsist ja Ermose programmi uuringust selgub, et ümberasumise lihtsustamisel oleks tarvis suurendada välisesinduste arvu ning arendada riiklikul tasandil tugiteenuseid, et soodustada eriti just perega rännet, ning luua infoplatvorm, mis hõlmaks ka värbamissüsteemi. Kuigi teadlastele on loodud rohkelt mobiilsusmeetmeid ning välisteadlaste värbamiseks on praegu olemas kolm meedet, on vaja kindlasti pöörata tähelepanu eri rahastusmeetmete kestlikkusele. Probleemi lahendusena võiks riiklikul tasandil luua meetme, mis soodustaks nende teadlaste Eestisse jäämist, kes soovivad siin teadustööd jätkata. Kuid esmajoones on tarvis luua ühtne riiklik tugipunkt või infoplatvorm ning määrata teema eest ühtselt vastutav institutsioon või kõneisik ning arendada välja riiklik strateegia ning ühtne poliitika., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4412673~S58*est

In recent years, the phenomenon of highly-skilled migration has increasingly attracted the attention of both academia and policy makers around the world. The potential of the highly-skilled to positively impact economic development in the receiving country has led to a ‘global race for talent’, with countries competing for attracting the ‘best and brightest’. To further develop its knowledge economy, Estonia appears not to want to be left out of this race, as it has recently take active steps to attract the highly-skilled. The aim of this thesis is to provide an insight and a better understanding at Estonia’s current immigration policies and measures in the specific context of attracting highly-skilled third-country nationals in light of the theoretical determinants of ‘talent mobility’ – a proxy for highly-skilled migration. A combination of secondary research, interview analysis with highly-skilled migration stakeholders and a short quantitative analysis on issued temporary residence permits in Estonia were the methodological backbone of the work. The resulting outcome from the empirical analysis shows that Estonia, despite having a very clear objective on the attraction of highly-skilled, does not have a comprehensive policy on this topic, but it has instead a set of independently-carried policies and scarcely coordinated measures in this area. The theoretical determinants of ‘talent mobility’, in line with neoclassical economics paradigm, seem to be only partially addressed by the Estonian immigration policies and measures for attracting highly-skilled third-country nationals. Beyond the results, the author also contributes to this topic by discussing some policy implications and issues recommendations that could help better address these determinants through immigration policies and measures, http://www.ester.ee/record=b4413012~S1*est

http://www.ester.ee/record=b4410554~S58*est

This thesis seeks to contribute to the scholarship on this underdeveloped topic of how religion, minority identity, and issues of integration intersect by evaluating the questions of a) whether religion significantly fosters identity within minority groups, b) whether religious communities linked with specific minority groups help or hinder integration, and c) what level of importance religion has in the interplay of minority identity and loyalty to the state where a minority has long resided or claims citizenship. The case study of Estonia was chosen. Its large Russian minority, history as a former Soviet republic, and proximity to Russia make it a fitting choice for this topic, as does its religious landscape which provides an interesting field for examination. Home to two Orthodox churches (the Estonian Orthodox Church-Moscow Patriarchate and the Estonian Apostolic Orthodox Church) under two competing patriarchates (Moscow Patriarchate and Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople), the churches have the potential to be alternative platforms through which ethnic-specific concerns and views are expressed and embodied. In order to answer the key questions of this study, statistical sources have been analyzed, providing a quantitative picture of both the minority and the religious composition of Estonia. Those numbers were enlivened with a qualitative look at minority issues, national historical narratives, and religious community relationships that still contribute greatly to the dialogue in Estonia today. Interviews with Estonian clergy, academics, nonprofit leaders, and government employees form a significant part of this research and are an important element of its contribution to current scholarly debates. Through this variety of research and sources, I argue that Estonia, even in light of its nonreligious reputation, does contain Orthodox religious communities that effect minority identity, both in terms of active members and those who purely claim to be Orthodox. The Orthodox churches provide a connection to ethnic and national loyalties and identities, inevitably becoming politically charged and thus making the churches occasional participants in the debates of large minority issues, especially those that implicate the involvement of the neighboring Russian Federation. Religion is effected in both escalating and deescalating political tensions. Churches, especially the Orthodox communities of Estonia, have the potential to be leaders in resolution, compromise, and cooperation among Estonians and Russians, but must be cultivated as such or risk being case into the role of entities of future division., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4461130

This thesis assesses the normative basis of the law of the European Union according to selected theories of legal and ethical philosophy. Firstly it employs the methodology of legal theorist Hans Kelsen, who envisioned a legal order as a hierarchy of norms with a central norm or Grundnorm at the peak of this hierarchy. Ten such norms are identified within the EU Treaties and related documents, and encompass values such as the ‘promotion of peace’, the ‘rule of law’ and ‘democracy’. However, an examination of the jurisprudential approach of the Court of Justice, which occupies a prominent place in the constitutional law of the EU legal order alongside the Treaties, suggests that the Grundnorm of the EU law is of a functional nature, and is chiefly concerned with the establishment and maintenance of the European Common Market. An assessment of this Grundnorm using the contrasting ethical theories of Kantianism and utilitarianism suggests that the legal philosophy of the European Union is thus consequentially ethical, as the European Common Market brings many benefits, but it is not primarily governed by the protection of deontological values, with these values consistently subordinated to the Common Market Grundnorm. It is then suggested that the functional basis of this Grundnorm will create problems for the ethical legitimacy of the EU legal order in the longer term; it has been constructed in this way by the Court of Justice due to the identity crisis of the Community as caused by the on-going democratic deficit. Thus an ideal Grundnorm for the EU legal system should have a core basis in ethical values, especially those relating to democracy, human rights and the rule of law., http://www.ester.ee/record=b4462267

Magistritöös analüüsiti tegureid, mis võivad integratsiooniprogrammi arenedes mõjutada Euroopa Liidu ühise ümberasustamisprogrammi võimalikku muutumist liikmesriikidele kohustuslikuks, ja uuriti, milline on selle protsessi tulem Eestile. Magistritöö eesmärgiks on läbi liberaalse valitsustevahelisuse ja euroopastumise lähenemise analüüsida tegureid, mis võivad integratsiooni süvenedes mõjutada EL i varjupaigapoliitika õigusraamistikku koondava Euroopa ühise varjupaigasüsteemi ühe meetme – liikmesriikidele osalemiseks vabatahtliku ümberasustamisprogrammi – võimalikku muutumist liikmesriikidele kohustuslikuks ning selgitada, milline on selle protsessi tulem Eestile. Uurimistöös selgitati ja võrreldi teoreetilises plaanis euroopastumise ja liberaalse valitsustevahelise lähenemise lähtekohti, ümberasustamisprogrammi põhijooni ning Euroopa Parlamendi fraktsioonide seisukohti ja liidu liikmesriikide positsioone ümberasustamisprogrammi loomisel ja rakendamisel. Sellele tuginedes positsioneeriti Eesti valitsuse ja Riigikogu seisukohad Euroopa Liidu ühise ümberasustamisprogrammi loomisel ja rakendamisel ning hinnati Euroopa Liidu varjupaigapoliitika euroopastumise tegureid Eestile, lähtudes ümberasustamisprogrammi kujundamisest, ja pakuti välja poliitikasoovitusi Eesti huvidest lähtuvalt., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2686834~S1

There are lots of methods and tools worldwide that are measuring and evaluating variety of fields and standings. The most prominent tool is an index that indicates or measures certain values, producing a discourse in a given field. This is a normative approach, establishing a standard by stating relating or deriving norm. The current thesis sets its focus on Media Sustainability Index (MSI) reports on Russia from 2001 until 2012. The aim of the thesis was to investigate how this particular index influences and controls the production of discourse in 21st century global world with specific focus on how human factor, panelists and moderators have an influence on the final outcomes. The research assumes that an index is a utility tool that enables to promote Western values and stabilize hegemony struggles. The research is following Post-Structuralism paradigm, therefore at first it is important to examine the object itself and then the systems of knowledge that produced the specific object. In order to examine the object and the knowledge of MSI reports on Russia, the research conducted content analysis with 215 markers that registered actors, actions, panelists, citations, highlights, contexts, tonality, and temporal spatial division. Findings from content analysis were divided among three modules that distinguish structural and contextual characteristics, which describe and interpret production and dynamics of MSI reports on Russia from 2001 until 2012. The third module focuses on the citations and highlights that are textual tools, which most clearly depict panelists and moderators input for the final outcome. The research is concluding that content and context of MSI reports promote Western values like rule of law and freedom of speech by the norm how it is perceived in the US., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2656998~S1

This study focuses the issue of Ukraine‟s attitude towards European integration since the 2010 presidential elections. It looks at speeches and articles from Ukrainian officials about European integration. Using constructivism and rationalism as lenses, we are able better understand Ukraine's attitude towards European. The periods preceding the 2010 presidential elections have been studied by Kratochvil and Tulmets (2010) and state the period from 2006 – 2010 is a period of strongly rationalist modes of argumentation between EU and Ukraine. The research question is: how has Ukraine‟s behaviour concerning European Integration changed since the 2010 presidential elections? This study is important because the presidential elections in 2010 marked a change of president, government, as well as potential change in foreign policy in Ukraine. The first chapter gives an introduction and looks at the methodology used in the study. The second chapter looks at what literature is available on the topic of European integration and gives a brief overview of the European Union's attitude towards Ukrainian integration. It also looks at the theoretical framework the case study will use, which is an adaptation of Kratochvil and Tulmets' original study. The third chapter includes the case study which starts by giving a brief background to Kratochvil and Tulmets' findings and follows on with the post-presidential election analysis. Finally conclusions are drawn finding that Ukraine‟s attitude towards European integration has most stayed the same, with a focus on rationalist modes of argumentation. Similar to the before the elections, officials have also moved back to constructivist modes occasionally. The biggest change which was seen was Ukraine new ability to use Russia and the Customs Union as leverage, or as an alternative to EU integration, to European integration in an attempt to speed up the EU‟s integration with Ukraine., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2656931~S1

The purpose of this thesis is to explain the essence of European legal and political mechanisms in promotion of human rights, particularly freedom of expression in the Russian Federation. The confrontation between Europe and Russia over the practice of this commonly accepted liberal democratic norm has become vigorous since the adoption of ECHR in 1998 by the latter. This study emphasizes analysis of obligations taken by Russia under international law and European legal and political instruments for monitoring the compliance. Deriving from the theory of international socialization developed by Thomas Risse, Stephen Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink the research tries to contribute into the understanding of the process and applicability of the theory to powerful norm-violating state. This is done through consideration of the ECtHR case law and evaluation of international political pressure generated by transnational advocacy networks based on particular case studies., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2656910~S1

Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärgiks on EL vabadusel, turvalisusel ja õigusel rajaneva ala suuremahuliste IT-süsteemide operatiivjuhtimise ameti (lühendatult: IT-agentuur) loomise näitel hinnata Eesti EL justiits- ja siseküsimuste otsustusprotsessis tulemusliku osalemise põhitegureid. Magistritöö aktuaalsus seisneb vajaduses teaduspõhiselt selgitada, mida saaks Eesti väikeriigina arvestada EL otsustusprotsessis tulemuslikuks osalemiseks. Uurimistöö põhimeetodina on kasutatud selgitavat juhtumiuuringut, mille läbiviimisel on toetutud ekspertintervjuudele ning kirjalikult dokumenteeritud allikmaterjalidele. Eesti tulemuslikkuse IT-agentuuri loomise protsessis määrasid mitmed tegurid – oskus prioriteete seada ja neid eesmärgipäraselt kasutada, protsessis osalenud ametnike professionaalsus ja valdkondlik kompetents, läbirääkimisstrateegiate õige kasutamine. Samuti tegevustatud riiklik tahe agentuuri asukohamaaks saada, õige ajaraamistik ning Eesti pakkumise atraktiivne sisu. Eesti tulemuslikkust EL otsustusprotsessis osalemisel tuleks teiste näidete ja võrdluste kaudu edasi uurida, loomaks nn parimate praktikate kogumik, millele saaks edaspidi sarnastes olukordades toetuda.

This study assesses trends of the political environment of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) between the period of 2004 and 2012 pertaining to contentions of two differing models of conflict regulation, the consociational and integrative, which apply to BiH. As each model has contentions pertaining to voting patterns, political elite behaviour, and on the workings of institutions, this study conducts an analysis through the assessment of election results, compliance with power-sharing arrangements and the nature of coalition building, and the workings of a consociational institution to reach its findings. The current system is deemed as being largely ineffective. In addition, since there is pressure to introduce more integrative measures to the power-sharing structure in BiH, the aim is to assess how the trends in the political environment have fared from the period a similar study was conducted in order to reach recommendations on whether or not to further support the utilization of consociational elements. The analysis in this study portrays that the trends hold more true for the contentions pertaining to the consociational model. Although the findings are not conclusive at first, new developments further favour the consociational model. Also, integrative measures were found to be the source of the problem when analyzing compliance with power-sharing arrangements. Therefore, the suggestion conveyed is that instead of diverting away from the use of consociational elements there should be an encouragement to improve them., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2656907~S1

The Treaty of Lisbon brought many innovations into the European Union’s agenda, one of which is related to energy policies. The treaty came into force in 2009; until now there has been no evaluation of its practical implementation, especially concerning those member states that are particularly sensitive to all the changes that take place in the energy sector. The thesis “INFLUENCE OF EU COMMON ENERGY POLICY ON LITHUANIA’S ENERGY SECURITY AFTER THE TREATY OF LISBON” analyses the influence of post-Lisbon European Union common energy policies on Lithuania’s energy security. Using Rational Choice Institutionalism as a theoretical approach, the evaluation of the implementation of EU energy policies is done looking at how it minimizes energy security risks in its member state. The Traffic Light Model is used to produce the necessary classification of risks. The research is carried out using secondary data resources, document analysis and expert interviews. It can be observed that post-Lisbon policies have had a positive influence on Lithuania’s energy security; even the policies that are imposed by the Union are in accordance with Lithuania’s objectives. However, the result would be more tangible if Lithuania managed to take advantage of all the opportunities presented by the EU., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2656995~S1

Lühikokkuvõte uurimisteemast ja aktuaalsusest. Alates üleilmse finantskriisi puhkemisest 2008. aasta sügisel on mitmed Euroopa Liidu (EL) liikmesriigid pöördunud ELi institutsioonide ja Rahvusvahelise Valuutafondi (IMF) poole, et küsida oma majandusolukorra stabiliseerimiseks finantsabi. Nn troika ehk Euroopa Komisjoni ja Euroopa Keskpanga ning IMFi koostöös vastava liikmesriigiga koostatakse laenuprogrammid, mille tingimuste täitmisel osutatakse riigile finantsabi. Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärk on tingimuslikkuse teoreetilisele käsitlusele ning ELi ja IMFi senisele tingimuslikkuse rakendamise praktikale tuginedes analüüsida Kreeka, Iirimaa ja Portugali laenuprogramme ajavahemikus 2010–2012 ning pakkuda lahendusi laenuprogrammides tingimuslikkuse rakendamise parendamiseks. Meetod. Käesolevas magistritöös on tegu juhtumianalüüsiga, milles võrreldakse laenuprogrammide küsimise põhjuseid, eesmärke ja tingimusi Kreekas, Iirimaal ja Portugalis. Kasutatakse nii kvantitatiivset kui ka kvalitatiivset analüüsi. Uurimistulemused. Üldjoontes võib öelda, et kõigi kolme riigi laenuprogrammide lühiajaline eesmärk oli eelkõige taastada finantsturgude usaldus nende riikide vastu (seega lähtus tingimuslikkuse rakendamine laenuprogrammides signaliseerimise eesmärgist). Sellele sekundeerisid keskpikas vaates majanduse ümberstruktureerimine ning jätkusuutliku arengu tagamine (tingimuslikkuse rakendamine väljendas eeskätt nn ajendi loomist ning poliitika kinnistamist). Kreeka, Iirimaa ja Portugali laenuprogrammid hõlmavad ulatuslikke meetmeid, mis jagunevad üldistatult neljaks läbivaks majanduspoliitika valdkonnaks: (1) eelarve konsolideerimine, (2) finantssektor ja järelevalve, (3) struktuursed eelarvereformid ja (4) muud struktuursed reformid. Autori soovitused ja ettepanekud laenuprogrammides tingimuslikkuse kasutamise parendamiseks on, et tuleb suurendada omanikutunnet, küsida finantsabi vabatahtlikult ja õigeaegselt, parendada laenuprogrammi tingimuste hindamiskriteeriumeid ja -skaalat, tugevdada koostööd laenuandja- ja võtja vahel, jätkata rahvusvaheliste doonorite koostööd ning kasutada ranget ex ante tingimuslikkust. Kas ja miks peaks teemat edasi uurima. Euroala liikmena on Eestil huvi selle teemaga tegeleda ning seda põhjalikumalt analüüsida, kuna seniseid kogemusi ja õppetunde saab edaspidi kasutada potentsiaalsete tulevaste kriiside hindamisel, lahendamisel ja ennetamisel. Magistritöö võimalikule edasiarendamisele mõeldes saab näiteks programmide lõppemisel anda hinnangu tingimuste täitmisele ja eesmärkide saavutamisele ning programmide tulemuslikkusele riikide majanduste kohandumisel.

The concept of soft power has become an increasingly popular topic of debate since the early 1990s. A countries’ attractiveness can bring about wanted results without the use of hard power, consequently being an important attribute to a countries ability to influence the target. Equally important however, is the targets perception and the context of the relationship, making it hard to “touch” the intangible soft power and to measure it. Current thesis examined Russia’s soft power in the case of Moldova and Armenia with an aim to show how, how do they vary and what might be the reasons. The results revealed that while Russia has significant leverage in terms of culture and values, the use and perception of policy is different and brings about different results. While Russia uses hard policy in order to influence Moldova thus undermining its soft power, in Armenia, Russian military presence empowers Armenia and contributes to the perception of Russia as the security guarantor. The thesis confirmed the importance of image and perception and the distinction of how soft power is used: when soft power was used and perceived as controlled, soft power over someone type of way, it had a more undermining effect than when soft power was used to contribute to the empowerment of someone., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2656996~S1

Vaatamata sellele, et Euroopa Liidus propageeritakse võimalikult suurt avalikkust institutsioonide töös ning juurdepääsu nende dokumentidele, võib läbipaisvuse põhimõte teatud olukordades piiratud olla. Käesoleva uurimistöö eesmärk on teha kindlaks, millistele dokumentidele piiravad Euroopa Liidu institutsioonid juurdepääsu, tuginedes Euroopa Parlamendi ja nõukogu 2001. aasta 30. mai määrusele (EÜ) nr 1049/2001, mis sätestab üldsuse juurdepääsu Euroopa Parlamendi, nõukogu ja komisjoni dokumentidele ja nimetatud määruses sätestatud eranditele ehk siis võimalustele juurdepääsuõiguse piiramiseks. Uurimisülesannete lahendamiseks teostas autor töös Euroopa Liidu kohtupraktika võrdleva analüüsi. Toetudes kohtupraktikale ja EL-i õigusaktidele tõi autor üldiste eelduste määratlemiseks välja dokumenditüübid, millele juurdepääsuõiguse keelamine on üldjuhul lubatud. Käesolevast uurimistööst võib tõusta kõige enam tulu Eesti Vabariigi riigiasutustele, kodanikele, ettevõtetele ja teadustöö tegijatele, kelle töö või igapäevaelu on tihedalt seotud liidu institutsioonides toimuvaga. Autori hinnangul oleks selline analüüs tarvilik ka Euroopa liidu institutsioonides, sest selliste järelduste sõnastades muutuks lihtsamaks ka institutsioonide töö juurdepääsuõiguse taotlusi menetledes., http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2687829~S1

http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2576724~S1*est

http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b1970065~S1*est