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Current theoretical and policy-based explanations of security in the Philippines have portrayed "politics" and "security" as distinct and separate fields. However, the recent "2011-2016 National Security Policy: Securing the Gains of Democracy", has conflated "security" and "politics", as may be observed in its two national security goals "to promote internal socio-political stability" and "to exercise full sovereignty over its territory". Although likely derived from administrative expediency, the composite policy definition is also likely to result in the conceptualisation of political goals that are only partially attainable and of a security environment that will remain "unsecured". As this appears to be a norm of governance in the Philippines, this paper examines the possibility that national security policymaking is likely more concerned with the survival of the regime during which the policy was created rather than with the long-term stabilisation of the entire state. Several theories may be useful in accounting for this behaviour; namely, small states conflict theory, securitisation theory and threat normalisation theory. This paper is intended to show that the definition of threat corresponds to threat-acceptance and may likely lead to threat-toleration than to threat-resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses various issues related to the imposition of controls over the free flow of scientific information in the United States and its national security. The article makes specific reference to the views of Bobby Inman, deputy director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, in this regard. There are many reports and proposed regulations that ask to limit openness and free flow of scientific work due to certain national security concerns. Different reviews conducted by different agencies have affected the work of intellectuals including scientists, engineers, students along with university and industrial officials.

The article offers information about the proposal intended for national security in the U.S. The proposal is the outgrowth of a series of informal, entirely unofficial meetings between Herman Kahn of Princeton University, James E. King, Jr. of Washington Center of Foreign Policy Research, Evron Kirkpatrick of the American Political Science Association and others. The author stresses the paper is his interpretation and explanation of the discussion, rather than being a formal report approved by all participants.

Defense and commercial trade offsets (also known as countertrade or industrial participation) are valued in the tens of billions of dollars each year andoften accompany the export of advanced technological goods. An offset is any type of non-monetary compensation that a procuring government requires an exporting firm to provide as a condition of the sale and generally commits the exporting firm to spend a certain percentage of the value of the sale in the procuring country. This paper examines 1) how procuring governments use offsets to achieve their goals, and 2) the economic and national security implications of offsets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three-sector model - encompassing the private, public and non-governmental or 'third' sectors - is important to much of the research that is undertaken on development policy. While it may be analytically convenient to separate the three sectors, the realities are more complex. Non-governmental actors and government/public sector agencies are linked in potentially important (though often far from visible) ways via personal relationships, resource flows and informal transactions. This paper seeks to understand these links by studying the 'life-work histories' of individuals who have operated in both the government and third sector. Two main types of such boundary crossing are identified: 'consecutive', in which a person moves from one sector to the other in order to take up a new position, and 'extensive', in which a person is simultaneously active in both sectors. Drawing on a set of recently collected life-work history data, the paper explores the diversity of this phenomenon in three countries. It examines the reasons for cross-over, analyses the experiences of some of those involved, and explores the implications for better understanding the boundaries, both conceptual and tangible, that both separate and link government and third sector in these different institutional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the author's views on the efforts of the U.S. officials over the past half decade to restrict the free flow of scientific and technical information. Such attempts are against fundamental principles of openness. Restricting open communication among American scientists and engineers that helped the U.S. in the past would hamper the technological basis of its national security. Clear rules as to what should be kept secret are required to prevent abuses.

The article offers information on Chinese military strategy. The author posed that predominantly the concern of Chinese foreign policy has been the containment and control of Soviet power. It is identified that in various military, political and diplomatic undertakings, the Soviet Union has been considered as a prime threat to the security of different states, including the Peoples' Republic of China. This country's views of world politics and security objectives are dominated by the manifestations of Soviet behavior and intent.

The article presents a discussion of the function of the military systems. The purpose of military systems is to maintain and improve national security. National security is defined as the prevention of property damage, injury and loss of life caused by military means. However, the danger of death, destruction and the compromise of national sovereignty are increasing as they grow in size and complexity. One military strategy which can increase military national security is substantial disarmament.

The article reports on policies and programs concerning the national security in the U.S. An independent high-level commission has introduced a resolution calling for a twelve-member bipartisan commission comprised partially of members of Congress to study not only the Federal employee clearance program but also security procedures in defense plants. However, President Dwight D. Eisenhower continued to defend his administration's security program and said he saw no need for a special commission.

The article criticizes the role of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in achieving international cooperation in the field of atomic energy. Technical assistance to third world countries has become an increasingly important function of IAEA for its four years of existence. Often, the agency is criticized because of the following factors including the inability to perform its role efficiently, its swelling administration, and its connection with money-wasting Board of Governors. In this regard, the author proposes key operating factors for agency to extend its role, as well as to officially establish an international technical assistance agency.

The article discusses the integration of national policy alternatives for the national security and for the betterment of international relations. Accordingly, the availability of nuclear weapons with awesome capacities for destruction may not alter the nature of international conflict or its goals, but it certainly must change radically the weights that were usually used in evaluating alternative strategies. Several discussions of policy in a nuclear age has been framed in technological terms and carried on more by physicists and engineers than by social scientists, but nuclear technology merely exaggerates the problem, and it neither explains difficulties nor offers any real solutions.

The article focuses on the stand taken by the Norwegian Labor Party in Norway regarding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's decision on twin track missile deployment in the years 1979 and 1982. In December 1979, the Norwegian Labor Party supported the decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization despite disagreements and public debate within the party. In April 1982, the Labor Party has reversed its position and opposed the deployment of missiles. Labor opponents of the twin track decision found it difficult to comprehend any situation in which the party can support the deployment.

China's anti-satellite (ASAT) test of January 2007 has brought renewed focus on space security. The test also appears to have forced a re-evaluation of India's traditional declaratory policy against the militarization of space and more specifically created pressures for an Indian ASAT system. India's policy itself does not appear to have fully changed yet but there are signs of some fluctuations. This article examines the impact of the Chinese ASAT test on India's policy on space militarization and on India's ASAT policy. The first section of the article tracks Indian policy on space militarization and the small indicators of fluctuation in that policy, some of which predate the Chinese ASAT test. The article then examines how India's ASAT policy also shows some indicators of change, though this transformation is not yet complete, and nor is it clear that the transformation will take place. The article also identifies changes in Chinese ASAT capability as the key driver in India's rethinking about ASATs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungary's constitutional commitment to support kin-nationals beyond its borders (nation policy) has been a central feature of its post-1989 foreign policy and highlights a particularly important national security concern - the societal security of national identity, culture, language and tradition. This article examines Hungary's societal security concerns and the policy methods it utilises, including its EU membership and the promotion of minority rights at the European level, to help combat these concerns. It is suggested that Hungary has found it somewhat difficult to balance its societal security policy objective with internal economic demands on its welfare system and its external foreign policy objective to maintain good neighbourly relations. This article also notes that Hungary's attempts to Europeanise, or rather 'EU-ise', minority and ethnic rights issues as a means to enhance societal security for the Hungarian nation has certain political consequences for the EU. This suggests that societal security provision is an issue that cannot be overlooked when trying to understand the longer-term implications of EU eastern enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses homeland security results management approaches and issues. It discusses several approaches often used in results management that can be used independently or in concert to set homeland security goals and assess progress. The article identifies issues with implementing these approaches for homeland security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ideas involved in the ongoing international relations debate over reconceptualising security in Third World countries. Security is potentially a more complex concept than is traditionally understood and the increasing number of people working on the concept suggests that it will be an important area for future investigation. The traditional Realist definition of security in International Relations is relatively simple. However, Pluralist and Structuralist paradigms emphasise that other linkages exist between various actors and issues, the inclusion of which might enrich current concepts of security. The traditional definition of security developed to represent the view of the most important issue for Western developed states. Security thus came to be a dominant organising concept in the study of International Relations but it was not the only way of looking at the subject. Non-Realist interpretations of International Relations from the Pluralist and Structuralist paradigms suggest that traditional concepts of security have kept important issues off the political agenda.

The article discusses the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) regional security and integration prospects. The author relates that the military cooperation between member-states has become a pressing matter for the GCC. The rising regional threats, the GCC's primary concern is with external security, and it is through the Joint Defence Arrangement that the organization seeks to face challenges to its politico-military stability. With respect to internal security, GCC states continue to discuss the adoption of the Internal Security Agreement, blocked by Kuwait's insistence that certain extra-territorial rights conceded to Saudi Arabia be revoked.

The article reports on issues and topics related to the national security in the U.S. The directors of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, in a formal policy statement, called for radical change in the Eisenhower Administration’s basic concept of security. The Bar Association of New York, under a grant of $100,000 by the Ford Foundation's Fund for the Republic, will make a thorough inquiry into the Federal loyalty and security program. The Supreme Court has agreed to review the dismissal of Dr. John P. Peters, senior Professor of Medicine at Yale University, from government service because of reasonable doubt as to his loyalty.

The article reports that U.S. scientist Dr. Edward U. Condon was granted a hearing on September 5, 1952 in Chicago by the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives. Earlier, the Committee charged Dr. Gordon with unpatriotic activities for expressing disagreements with security rules at the Manhatten Project. He was also charged with giving comfort to atomic scientists whom the Committee investigated for alleged national security violations. Dr. Gordon was not given the chance to present his side when the charges were first made, hence his request for a hearing.

The article reflects the views of the city mayors in the U.S. regarding the civil defense plan, penned by the National Security Resources Board. In their meeting in Washington D.C. early in October 1950, they criticize the plan due to the fact that it is vague and lacks clarity or distinctness. San Francisco, California Mayor Elmer Robinson voiced the general opinion of the mayor stressing that civil defense is the step-child of the government. He demanded to know why the government had not determined how much it would spend on civil defense so that local governments could make their supplemental appropriations.

The article examines the civil defense plan in the U.S., prepared by the National Security Resources Board. The plan, which given favorable approval from President Harry Truman, has now been read and considered by the mayors of leading cities and all those directing the local civil defense programs. The mayors, upon examination of the plan, described the plan as a simple reproduction of the Hopley report and that the situation is little advanced beyond that subsisting before the NSRB began its consideration of the problem. Likewise, the director of the Office of Civil Defense in World War II James M. Landis stresses that the defense plan appears to be more like for World War II. Analyses and views of the author are presented.

The article presents a reply by Dr. William Y. Elliot, professor of Government at Harvard University, to the article "Military Support of American Science, A Danger?," by Louis N. Ridenour, which appeared in the August 1947 issue of this periodical. Ridenour'sarguments for favoring military funding for scientific research is clear and persuasive. People have to trust the military because they have the knowledge and capability to defend the nation from the onslaughts to national security. The proposal to scrap the atomic bomb and enter into arms control negotiations shall weaken the U.S. as a world power and protector of human liberties.