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Analyzing North Korea is essential for examining international relations in East Asia as a whole, but North Korea's tight control over information makes this difficult. Another factor complicating analysis of North Korea is its "special relationship" with China. The aim of this paper is to examine four factors contributing to the "special relationship" between China and North Korea, how that relationship came about, and how it functions within the context of international politics today. This paper is a structural analysis of China–North Korea relations that describes four factors behind their "special relationship." It continues by analyzing China–North Korea relations under Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un up to the deployment of THAAD in South Korea. The "special relationship" between China and North Korea is based on four factors. What is distinctive about these factors is that they can bring the two sides together but also push them apart. In terms of national security issues, the force bringing them together has ultimately prevailed. Socialist ideology issues have surfaced much less frequently now and have lost their capacity to both bring the two together and push them apart. In the area of traditional ties, the two leaders are attempting to use their personal relationship to have closer relations, but this is not having much lasting effect. Where economic relations are concerned, Beijing and Pyongyang have become even more dependent on each other and this is a strong force pushing them closer together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Escalation of great power rivalry resulting from China's rise and Russia's invasion of Ukraine has prompted Japan to align its foreign and security policies more closely. This paper analyzes how ODA policy, which the Japanese government regards as a crucial diplomatic instrument, has been modified in the face of these changes. The most significant transformation is the securitization of ODA, or the deployment of ODA to advance Japan's national security interests. This trend is evident in the emergence of a new type of ODA that aims to contribute to Japan's security interests by strengthening the deterrence capabilities of developing countries involved in territorial disputes with China. Notably, Japan is justifying this new ODA trend in the name of upholding the universal value of the international rule of law. In other words, Japan is shifting the focus of assistance away from domestic issues of democracy and human rights in each recipient country toward the rule of law in international relations. This is a manifestation of Japan's effort to strike a careful balance between upholding universal values and avoiding the risk of offending incumbent governments in recipient countries with questionable domestic governance records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of American exceptionalism in guiding US national security concerns has often come under scrutiny in the past from security analysts and policy makers alike. The US is not alone in projecting its exceptional values in its foreign policy articulations. Indian foreign policy assertions also stress India's unique civilizational qualities that make it capable of pursuing a "peaceful" modernity as opposed to the "violent" modernity of the West. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the idea of exceptionalism impacts the national security cultures of the two biggest democracies of the world. What are US and Indian exceptionalism in the context of international relations? How do they translate into the national security cultures of a superpower and a rising power? Is their national security culture driven by fear or hope, trust or mistrust, flexible or rigid strategies? These are some of the issues that this paper seeks to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current theoretical and policy-based explanations of security in the Philippines have portrayed "politics" and "security" as distinct and separate fields. However, the recent "2011-2016 National Security Policy: Securing the Gains of Democracy", has conflated "security" and "politics", as may be observed in its two national security goals "to promote internal socio-political stability" and "to exercise full sovereignty over its territory". Although likely derived from administrative expediency, the composite policy definition is also likely to result in the conceptualisation of political goals that are only partially attainable and of a security environment that will remain "unsecured". As this appears to be a norm of governance in the Philippines, this paper examines the possibility that national security policymaking is likely more concerned with the survival of the regime during which the policy was created rather than with the long-term stabilisation of the entire state. Several theories may be useful in accounting for this behaviour; namely, small states conflict theory, securitisation theory and threat normalisation theory. This paper is intended to show that the definition of threat corresponds to threat-acceptance and may likely lead to threat-toleration than to threat-resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about the proposal intended for national security in the U.S. The proposal is the outgrowth of a series of informal, entirely unofficial meetings between Herman Kahn of Princeton University, James E. King, Jr. of Washington Center of Foreign Policy Research, Evron Kirkpatrick of the American Political Science Association and others. The author stresses the paper is his interpretation and explanation of the discussion, rather than being a formal report approved by all participants.

The three-sector model - encompassing the private, public and non-governmental or 'third' sectors - is important to much of the research that is undertaken on development policy. While it may be analytically convenient to separate the three sectors, the realities are more complex. Non-governmental actors and government/public sector agencies are linked in potentially important (though often far from visible) ways via personal relationships, resource flows and informal transactions. This paper seeks to understand these links by studying the 'life-work histories' of individuals who have operated in both the government and third sector. Two main types of such boundary crossing are identified: 'consecutive', in which a person moves from one sector to the other in order to take up a new position, and 'extensive', in which a person is simultaneously active in both sectors. Drawing on a set of recently collected life-work history data, the paper explores the diversity of this phenomenon in three countries. It examines the reasons for cross-over, analyses the experiences of some of those involved, and explores the implications for better understanding the boundaries, both conceptual and tangible, that both separate and link government and third sector in these different institutional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

March 2002 George W. Bush announced that the new Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) would increase US development assistance by $5 billion per annum. The MCA's goal of 'reducing poverty through growth' was highlighted in the November 2002 National Security Strategy, which elevated development to join defence and diplomacy as one of the three pillars of the 'war on terror'. This paper critiques the crude and dogmatic alignments that the NSS and the MCA draw between neoliberal economic policies, poverty reduction and security. Drawing on an analysis of the first five MCA 'Compacts' with Cape Verde, Honduras, Madagascar, Nicaragua and Georgia, I argue that the newly invigorated security-development paradigm is being used to legitimate more spending on 'development' programmes which are primarily intended to serve the interests of US consumers, manufacturers and investors. Despite the rhetoric, poverty reduction is at best a secondary objective. The paradox of American empire is that its pursuit of economic hegemony through the extension and ever-deepening penetration of neoliberal capitalism (in which the MCA is one small vehicle) precisely undermines the conditions for sustainable profitability, as well as social justice. This analysis suggests that like its military and diplomatic counterparts, the developmental 'pillar' of national security will contribute to the erosion of human and political security for the United States and the rest of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the practice of naming events, actions, places and people in the Palestine - Israel conflict. It explores the way colonialism and the national project deploy transformations in naming to construct places and identities and craft widespread imaginaries about these places. Names form part of cultural systems that structure and nuance the way we imagine and understand the world. They embody ideological significance and moral attributes and can be consciously mobilised for various projects of power. Words and names reference a moral grammar that underwrites and reproduces power. As such, our analytical approaches to lexicons must be embedded in historical, political and cultural frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information related to international defense and strategy. A written agreement on missile bases was signed by the U.S. and Great Britain in Washington on February 22, 1958. The British government has issued an annual White Paper on Defense on February 13, 1958, which states that Great Britain would use nuclear weapons if any attack occurs in the country. John A. Wheeler, professor of physics, urged the Advanced Projects of the Defense Department to form a national defense research center which would pool the best talent working on the service's missile programs, nuclear weapons, and electronic programs.

Transboundary impact assessment (TIA) has become an important environmental management tool, particularly where a project may have transboundary impacts. With the growing practice of TIA, it becomes important to consider the accuracy of the transboundary impact assessments that are being conducted. If TIA is a planning tool designed to provide a basis for making an informed decision, does it actually provide the necessary information? This paper summarizes lessons learned in pilot-testing a methodology to assess the accuracy of TIAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on Chinese military strategy. The author posed that predominantly the concern of Chinese foreign policy has been the containment and control of Soviet power. It is identified that in various military, political and diplomatic undertakings, the Soviet Union has been considered as a prime threat to the security of different states, including the Peoples' Republic of China. This country's views of world politics and security objectives are dominated by the manifestations of Soviet behavior and intent.

The article criticizes the role of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in achieving international cooperation in the field of atomic energy. Technical assistance to third world countries has become an increasingly important function of IAEA for its four years of existence. Often, the agency is criticized because of the following factors including the inability to perform its role efficiently, its swelling administration, and its connection with money-wasting Board of Governors. In this regard, the author proposes key operating factors for agency to extend its role, as well as to officially establish an international technical assistance agency.

The article presents the perspective of the U.S. on the Western Alliance nuclear deterrent power. The explosion of a nuclear device by Frances had generated debate on the British capability to counter nuclear strike. Regarding the future of nuclear deterrence, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has planned to integrate Western deterrent power and disperse the power among members of the coalition. It can be seen that the difference of international perspectives and interests between the U.S. and European counties is an underlying factor which tend to weaken NATO. The author explains the different proposals for the solution of the problem encountered by NATO. He suggests that an allied deterrence would be the perfect solution to the dilemma that now confronts NATO.

The article presents the report of the Committee on Science and Technology of the Democratic Advisory Council about nuclear deterrence policy and national security in the U.S. It looks at the need of the U.S. for weapon development and the need of the Soviet Union for nuclear tests. It discusses how arms control agreement can be achieved effectively through the establishment of nuclear tests inspection system. It addresses the question regarding the kind of test control agreement to be implemented and suggests some changes in the inspection system that was agreed at the Geneva convention in 1958.

The article discusses the integration of national policy alternatives for the national security and for the betterment of international relations. Accordingly, the availability of nuclear weapons with awesome capacities for destruction may not alter the nature of international conflict or its goals, but it certainly must change radically the weights that were usually used in evaluating alternative strategies. Several discussions of policy in a nuclear age has been framed in technological terms and carried on more by physicists and engineers than by social scientists, but nuclear technology merely exaggerates the problem, and it neither explains difficulties nor offers any real solutions.

The article discusses some aspects of averting surprise attacks and disarmament. An anti-surprise-attack scheme aims to reduce or eliminate the advantage of striking first. The special significance of surprise attack lies in the possibility of a vulnerable retaliatory forces. Arrangements to discourage attack have an objective to put the safety of nuclear weapons rather than the safety of people. Once the surprise-attack problem with the vulnerability of retaliatory forces are identified, it is important to evaluate military strength, defensive measures, and proposals for the inspection or limitation of armament.

The article discusses the possible consequences on the continuance of inventing nuclear weapons by the superpower nations. Each of this nation's aim focuses on national security. The system of thinking based on security through military dominance has been their core strategy in achieving world peace. However, this mode of analysis is becoming obsolete and is far more positively dangerous in that it will bring about catastrophic damages to the humanity. At a certain point, where tests of thermonuclear weapons in the Pacific and Siberia dramatized this transition. Understandably, accidents and misunderstandings are always a possibility should this misadventure continues, thus, the term stalemate.

The article discusses the objectives of the Atomic Energy Act in the United States. The law aims to strengthen national security in all ways and assure civilian control of the security program. It seeks to discover and exploit economic and other peaceful values, and to promote contributions to world peace. It is also intended for fitting the enterprise into the American way. The law creates four agencies including the Atomic Energy Commission, the Military Liaison Committee, the General Advisory Committee and the Joint Congressional Committee.

The article presents a reprint of the document "The Effects of the Atomic Bomb on National Security (An Expression of War Department Thinking)," which appeared in the April 12, 1947 issue of the "Army Navy Journal." It focuses on the limitations and capabilities of the atomic bomb, the requirements of satisfactory international control and the effect of the bomb on political requirements.

The article focuses on the author's comments regarding the strategy Graduated and Reciprocated Initiatives in Tension-reduction meant for maintaining national security, maximizing the likelihood of reciprocation and evaluating the genuineness of reciprocations. According to the author, nuclear capacity can serve rational foreign policy if it is viewed as a security base to take limited risks in reducing tensions. A shift in military policy should be clearly indicated at the beginning.

The author presents an analysis of the unsuccessful strategy of the U.S. on their practice of technological secrecy, consequent clearance and security practices, compartmentalization of science and technology, and restrictive practices employed over science and scientists. It is in this strategy, that the U.S. is slowing down their own technological achievement while giving faster progress to other nations. It has been noted that the dooming of the country's technological supremacy in 1945 has begun. Meanwhile, the intervention of the Congress is essential in addressing the issue as these poses a threat to its national security.

The article focuses on the system of information security in the U.S. The author suggests that for the country to achieve long-range strength in scientific and technical productivity, the flow of information must go two ways, both into and out of government agencies. He notes that classification of information should be well-examined, if it is still inclined to the security measures set by the country or if it needs reorganization in relation to the importance of new ideas and new concepts. The need for maximum utilization of brain power specifically abroad and a system which promotes originality and invention is the key to unveiling a more sound information security. Moreover, progress in science depends on the number and quality of trained minds, and on free flow of information.

The article focuses on the issue concerning the disarmament and nuclear energy control modification in the U.S. It elaborates the two major decision made by the U.S. government, relative to the nuclear disarmament including the stockpiling prohibition of atomic and hydrogen bombs since foolproof control of nuclear disarmament is no longer technically possible, and that the U.S. should not reduce its present level of armaments in either the atomic or the conventional field until satisfactory political settlements can be reached in Europe and the Far East. It is then mentioned that the disarmament issue is an inappropriate issue to be discussed in the United Nation when one of the members has no intention of disarming.

The article discusses the reasons why Great Britain is affected by the American loyalty-security policy. The author states that the loyalty-security program of the U.S. resulted in action within Great Britain. He uses as an example the use of British police officers to seek evidence to support the indictment of Owen Lattimore. He asserts that the loyalty-security program has limited British access to Americans and to the U.S. He also argues that the loyalty-security program affects the climate of the Atlantic alliance and the quality of American foreign policy.

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations of these two countries, and an assessment of the impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy, historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China compete on a range of economic and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article advances a critical analysis of John Rawls's justification of liberal democratic nuclear deterrence in the post-Cold War era as found in The Law of Peoples. Rawls's justification overlooked how nuclear-armed liberal democracies are ensnared in two intransigent ethical dilemmas: one in which the mandate to secure liberal constitutionalism requires both the preservation and violation of important constitutional provisions in domestic affairs, and the other in which this same mandate requires both the preservation and violation of the liberal commitment to international legal arrangements and to the rule of law generally. On this view, the choice to violate constitutional provisions and international legal arrangements is evidence of nuclear despotism. Moreover, this choice does not imply that the ethical foreign policy dilemmas were resolved. Instead, it implies that the dilemmas force liberal democratic governments into implementing ethically paradoxical policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses India's national defense in regards to Southeast Asia and its implications for India-ASEAN relations. The Indian Navy's promotion of maritime security in Southeast Asian waters is addressed, with focus given to the potential for conflict between India and China regarding the territorial waters of Myanmar. India's ability to balance the growth of Chinese power in the region through increased defense cooperation with ASEAN nations is then examined.

This article analyzes the latest trends in India-Pakistan relations. It begins by justifying the assumption of one coherent Indian strategy towards Pakistan and, while focusing on the debate in India, argues that this strategy can best be described as one of "hedging." It then analyzes three sources of cooperation and six sources of competition—including one in Afghanistan. Next it argues that India should preferably follow an engagement strategy instead of its current hedging or the alternative containment strategies. At the same time, it acknowledges that an engagement strategy is unlikely, while there are recurrent terrorist attacks in India, especially those that have their roots in Pakistan. In the penultimate section, it examines the sort of political decisions that are needed in following this engagement strategy that should, ideally, lead toward a normalization of relations. However it concludes with the assessment that, despite the erratic composite dialogue, "ugly stability" continues to characterize the bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All non-nuclear-weapon states are morally and legally obliged by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) to refrain from acquiring nuclear weapons. These obligations cannot be overridden for reasons of mere prudence. Only (i) material breaches of the treaty and/or a corresponding; (ii) 'fundamental change in circumstances' (rebus sic stantibus) that undermines the integrity of the NPT may override states parties' legal nonproliferation duties. More than the violations of the NPT by 'rogue' states like North Korea or Iran, I argue that the failure of the de jure nuclear-weapon powers since 2001 to uphold their informal and some formal NPT commitments suggests the possibility of material breach and/or institutional subversion. If NPT subversion were to occur, the non-nuclear-weapon states' collective responsibility to avoid complicity in that subversion leads them to choose between (a) individually seeking nuclear weapons capability for state security; or, more preferably, (b) a publicly announced and collective withdrawal from the NPT that simultaneously refuses to pursue the nuclear weapons option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With East Asian international relations in flux since the end of the Cold War, Japan's security role is critical in influencing the region's future. In this article, the author examines Japanese opinion leaders' attitudes toward relations with Asian countries, the U.S.-Japan security alliance, the role of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, and Japan's culpability for the Fifteen-Year War of 1931-45. The four major contemporary security strands in Japan—pacifism, mercantilism, normalism, and nationalism—are analyzed. The author argues that normalism continues to rise in the post-Cold War era as the rightist conservatives (normalists) gradually gain predominance over the moderate conservatives (mercantilists). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with religious soft power in foreign policy making through a focus on the foreign policies of the USA, India and Iran. It suggests that, if religious actors 'get the ear' of key foreign policy makers because of their shared religious beliefs, the former may become able to influence foreign policy outcomes through the exercise of religious soft power. In relation to the above-mentioned countries, the article proposes that several named religious actors do significantly influence foreign policy through such a strategy. It also notes that such influence is apparent not only when key policy makers share religious values, norms and beliefs but also when policy makers accept that foreign policy should be informed by them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungary's constitutional commitment to support kin-nationals beyond its borders (nation policy) has been a central feature of its post-1989 foreign policy and highlights a particularly important national security concern - the societal security of national identity, culture, language and tradition. This article examines Hungary's societal security concerns and the policy methods it utilises, including its EU membership and the promotion of minority rights at the European level, to help combat these concerns. It is suggested that Hungary has found it somewhat difficult to balance its societal security policy objective with internal economic demands on its welfare system and its external foreign policy objective to maintain good neighbourly relations. This article also notes that Hungary's attempts to Europeanise, or rather 'EU-ise', minority and ethnic rights issues as a means to enhance societal security for the Hungarian nation has certain political consequences for the EU. This suggests that societal security provision is an issue that cannot be overlooked when trying to understand the longer-term implications of EU eastern enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the effect of the Congo war on state power in Rwanda and Uganda. Drawing on theories of European state formation, it asks whether the Congo war has led to a strengthening of the state in the two countries. It is argued that this has not been the case. Neither the Rwandan nor the Ugandan state has been strengthened as a result of the war. While the war has weakened the state in Uganda, the remarkable strength of the Rwandan state just a few years after the 1994 genocide must be understood as a result of the security threat faced by the regime from Hutu militias, and not as a result of the Congo war. This means that security threats against the regime can, in certain circumstances, have the same effect on state formation as war had in early modern Europe. I also argue that changes in the state system have altered the links between war and state formation. The ‘war makes states’ connection presupposes a positive relationship between war, regime survival and state formation. In contemporary Africa there is no such link. On the one hand, state survival is guaranteed anyway, no matter how weak the state is. On the other hand, regime survival does not depend on mobilisation of resources through taxation, since resources are available from elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary International Relations theory, there exists a sharp distinction between international political economy and security studies. However, this is largely a false distinction, a product of peculiar circumstances associated with the cold war, and one which is becoming increasingly anachronistic in the post-cold war era. In order to understand international relations in this era, a reintegration of the discipline is necessary. This article considers three sets of issue areas in which appeals to themes normally associated with political economy are necessary to understand national security concerns. It explains how the cold war temporarily allowed the salience of these issues to recede, and why they are likely to be of increasing importance in contemporary international politics. It concludes with a brief survey of how these influences are likely to affect the national security of a variety of states in the coming years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of International Relations have generally presumed the existence of separate and analytically distinct 'levels of analysis'. For realists and neo-realists, the state is considered to act more or less independently of domestic social forces, and explanation is sought primarily at the international systemic level, in terms of the imperatives of a given configuration of international power relations. Other theoretical traditions reject the assumption of the causal primacy of international structure, and the corollary assumption of the analytical separation of state and society. For the most part, however, 'domestic structures' have been granted a status as a second-order or supplementary variable, something to be 'added on' to systemic explanations. This has been particularly evident in theory and research on cycles of free trade and mercantilism. This article seeks to develop a more synthetic account of the relation- ship between societies, states, and the global political economy by analyzing the relationship between the dominant or hegemonic power and the evolution of international shipping. The imperatives of global structure considered in isolation from domestic social forces do not adequately explain events. The global transformation of shipping results from the mutual interaction of concrete political and economic struggles among classes and class fractions within the hegemonic power and the opportunities and constraints of a given international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the national security dilemmas in Russia and Estonia from 1991 to 1994. Russia as a threat to Estonian security; Baltic cooperation in security matters; Russian desire to secure an international mandate for peacekeeping.

This article is a discussion of how ideological paradigms shaped during the Cold War might be adapted in high schools to explore critically the roles played by the United States in world affairs during the last half century. The author focuses on two specific paradigms, represented respectively by the work of Paul Gagnon and Noam Chomsky. Whereas Gagnon asserts that examination of flaws in American foreign and military policies must be tempered by recognition of the legitimate national security concerns of policymakers and the difficult dilemmas they face, Chomsky argues that the rela objective of American policies has been geopolitical dominance and that the methods used to realize that objective have been ruthless. The author concludes with the argument that allowing students to stand outside of both paradigms and explore them in light of historical evidence will help them to develope a meaningful perspective on the roles played by the U.S. during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ideas involved in the ongoing international relations debate over reconceptualising security in Third World countries. Security is potentially a more complex concept than is traditionally understood and the increasing number of people working on the concept suggests that it will be an important area for future investigation. The traditional Realist definition of security in International Relations is relatively simple. However, Pluralist and Structuralist paradigms emphasise that other linkages exist between various actors and issues, the inclusion of which might enrich current concepts of security. The traditional definition of security developed to represent the view of the most important issue for Western developed states. Security thus came to be a dominant organising concept in the study of International Relations but it was not the only way of looking at the subject. Non-Realist interpretations of International Relations from the Pluralist and Structuralist paradigms suggest that traditional concepts of security have kept important issues off the political agenda.

This article analyzes the 1990-1991 Gulf war foreign policy of Saudi Arabia. This policy during the Gulf war represents a watershed in the kingdom's conduct in international affairs. When Saudi Arabia sanctioned the use of U.S. force to crush Iraqi power just to end the war between Iraq and Iran, the kingdom has emphasised the primacy of the regional balance of power and its relations with the U.S. to preserve its security in the post-Gulf war era. Saudi Arabia's Gulf war policy also represents the culmination of unprecedented Saudi foreign policy activism. The 1973-74 Arab oil embargo and oil price increase thrust the kingdom into an Arab leadership role for which it was poorly prepared. In such political and economic circumstances, and as a result of them, Saudi foreign policy sought compromise and consensus.

The article examines the U.S. policy toward Nicaragua and Iran. There has been a consistency and continuity of the major elements of American foreign affairs over time and across the globe. It was found that the states foreign policy is motivated by economic interests and these economic motivations are clarified in the ideology of national security. Its opposition to Third World nationalist movements arises from structural and ideological factors in the American economic system and from perceptions of policy makers about the needs of the economy.

The article discusses the social impact of the increasingly autonomous national security bureaucracy headed by the president in the U.S. The Institute for the Study of World Politics revealed that the foreign policy elites circumvented the authority of congress and the courts, perceived themselves above the law and use secrecy and distortion to deceive Congress and the public in order to accomplish their policy objectives. The Vietnam War and Watergate has warned the Americans on the danger brought by these changes in the government. It is asserted that politics was seen dangerous to the democracy during Vietnam and Watergate. It is also stated that the political conflict are caused by continuous growth of secrecy that gave the government a distort information.

The article discusses the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) regional security and integration prospects. The author relates that the military cooperation between member-states has become a pressing matter for the GCC. The rising regional threats, the GCC's primary concern is with external security, and it is through the Joint Defence Arrangement that the organization seeks to face challenges to its politico-military stability. With respect to internal security, GCC states continue to discuss the adoption of the Internal Security Agreement, blocked by Kuwait's insistence that certain extra-territorial rights conceded to Saudi Arabia be revoked.

Focuses on issues pertaining to the plan of the U.S. government to develop an effective defensive shield or ABM in order to protect the country from nuclear annihilation. Reason why the author believes that no defensive system, no matter how advanced, will work; Focus given on how an intensified effort to develop ABMs will change the basic U.S.-Soviet Union strategic relationship; Effect on U.S. national security.

The article focuses on the Korean airliner flight 007 which got destroyed over the Soviet Union territory. The flight had 269 passengers and the destruction of the civilian plane was not an accident. The incident reflects the insecurity of the Soviet military which feels threatened by even a single civilian aircraft. The Soviets find their national security vulnerable and fragile. Instead of making an apology for the destruction of the Korean airliner, the Soviet government chose to campaign for self-justification. The deployment of weapons like the MX and Trident II missiles will only make the Soviet Union feel more insecure.

The article provides information on the test-ban treaty imposed in the countries of Soviet Union, the U.S., France, Great Britain, Germany, China, India, Africa, Brazil and Chile. It has been noted that the test-ban agreement is a victory for the concept of arms control in these countries. The treaty suggests that in an instance where political differences may arise, an overall settlement is vitally needed in nonviolent terms. That is to say, without the use of their nuclear weaponry. Meanwhile, the test treaty confers another meaning, in that it has arisen the evolution of an entirely new system of international relations. Decentralization of international relations has emerged, this time on countries thought to have inferior capabilities in terms of their atomic weapons.

The article offers news briefs related to security. The U.S. Court of Appeals ruled that the State Department must note what part secret information plays in the denial of a passport of physicist Weldon B. Dayton. A year-long study by a House Committee concluded that over a 30 year period an attitude had developed that officials will determine what the people are to be told about their government. The Scientists' Committee on Security, Inc. was formally organized on January 1, 1956.

Information about several topics discussed at the White House conference regarding national security is presented. Federal officials discussed problems related to atomic energy development, foreign policy, national defense and others. Moreover, several advices about retaliating the atomic bomb threat include evacuation, dispersal of target cities and others.