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Rather than ask why New Zealand supported the intervention, this paper focuses on how representations of New Zealand and the international terrorist threat resulted in public acquiescence to a pre-emptive strike by the world's sole superpower against one of the poorest, most war-torn countries in the world. The paper concludes that legitimacy was achieved through the blending of themes of terrorism and war, national interest and democracy, rule of law and human rights, to produce an ambiguous ‘international campaign against terrorism’ that allowed for picking and choosing of the most convenient position on different matters. The alternative—to refuse moral and material support for the United States-led ‘war on terror’—was to risk New Zealand's membership of the United States-led international community and a ‘seat at the table’ in future international trade and security negotiations. As such, any campaign benefits appear to have accrued to New Zealand rather than Afghanistan or the Afghan people, especially given the parlous state of that country in 2018. A wide-ranging debate within New Zealand on the purpose of such interventions is needed before similar commitments are made in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai-an attack which had been amply foreshadowed by intelligence and previous, similar strikes-India's government promised unprecedented reforms to the nation's internal security architecture. Five years after Mumbai however, these reforms have almost completely failed to bear fruit. This article reviews both the reasons that the Mumbai attacks had such an impact within India's politics and also why the promised reforms were never able to take shape. It argues that the high-profile nature of the Mumbai attacks, and their effect on India's economic elite, forced the central government to respond. But India's states are so adamantly opposed to the loss of autonomy, particularly over their police forces, that substantive security reform would entail. Thus the prospects for effective reform in the foreseeable future are dim. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A potential terrorist attack utilizing a Radiological Dispersal Device would spread fear and panic on a massive scale, in addition to creating a widespread, severe, and long-lasting economic burden. The main purpose of the present study is to make some assessments of the radiological impact of such an incident, with a primary focus on the public health risk. We discuss the possibility of utilizing radioactive sources or nuclear fuel in such an incident and make a comparison of the relative impact associated with each source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues that the instrumentalization of natural resources, anchored by oil, is redefining U.S. relations with sub-Saharan African states as part of U. S. to create an informal global empire. Details of a symposium that made linkage between the effort to combat terrorism and the U. S. consumption of African Oil; Focus of the national energy policy of U. S.; Salient elements for the declaration of the Gulf of Guinea as vital to U. S national security; Negative side of petroleum exploration in Africa.

September 11 has been etched on our memories. This article explores the uses and problems of memory in relation to responses to September 11, focusing largely on material from the USA and the Federal Republic of Germany as illustration, and argues that we might be better off forgetting September 11. The exhortation to remember is used to justify responding militarily abroad and, significantly, curtailing civil liberties at home. Criticism of these policies is difficult because of the moral cause established by the dead. However, the problematic of memory destabilises the possibility of straightforward knowledge and this is important for analysing the construction of a particular 'we' through distinguishing between 'us' and 'them' and the construction of September 11 as something exceptional. These constructions work together not only to make possible responses which are mere technical fixes, but also to undermine what may be said to constitute the identity of the West, other than as an entity under attack. This precludes the contemplation of alternative responses to the events which would take into account our responsibility towards others and the political power of renouncing a memory. It is in addressing the problematic of memory and, as a result, in considering such alternatives that we may find the affirmation of our identity that we currently seem unable to find. What is at stake are fundamental questions of politics-about who we are, about how to address our inevitable vulnerability and our responsibility towards others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the public perception of the association of Arabs in the U.S. with terrorism. Role of Israel in propagating the idea that Arabs represent a terrorist threat throughout the world; Implementation of the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System in the country; Responsibilities of Arabs in the U.S. and the political organizations that represent their interests.

The article focuses on the influence of the military on politics in Latin America. As late as the early 1960s it was a normal assumption of political observers that economic modernization would be accompanied by the consolidation of civilian government and the professionalization of the armed forces. By 1973, however, the majority of Latin Americans were again living under military government. Since the spread of these regimes was in some sense a response to what their leaders saw as the threat of Cuban-inspired subversion, guerilla warfare and urban terrorism, this movement has been seen as the consolidation of the garrison state or national security state.