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Background: Young people whose parents are separated or divorced form a significant and increasing proportion of young people who attend school. To date, empirical research with young people whose parents are separated or divorced has tended to focus on either their household context, or their school context, rather than on both contexts together. This paper redresses this singular focus by examining the intersection of the experiences of young people at both home and school. Purpose: The paper seeks to map the empirical evidence of young people's home and school experiences as they move between households and schools. Sources of evidence: The paper provides a narrative review of the literature from the 1990s to the present, locating Australian research within an international context. The review is framed by four main questions. What is the impact upon young people of the family transitions that occur when parents separate or divorce? What is the everyday impact upon young people of moving between one household and another? What does the research reveal regarding educational, social and emotional outcomes for this group? What does the research reveal regarding their school experiences? Main argument: The review reveals a paucity of Australian research at the intersection of home and school. It shows that, while young people from these contexts form a growing proportion of the school population, there is little empirical evidence of what is actually occurring in their everyday lives. The review reveals the importance of researching from the perspectives of the young people themselves. Conclusions: Evidence provided in the paper shows that many young people whose parents separate or divorce are affected socially, emotionally and educationally. Such evidence points to the need for research into the everyday experiences of the young people at school, in order to identify, from their perspective, how schools can better cater for these young people and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent increase in American divorce rates has aroused a great deal of media publicity, popular discussion, and social science research. Several recent works have begun to reexamine the origins, trends, and implications of divorce in American history. This paper presents systematic data concerning the extent of divorce in three North Central states for the 1810-60 period. The findings establish the incidence of mass divorce for a considerable period prior to official divorce statistics. Major patterns are analyzed and compared to late 19th-century data from the first governmental studies of divorce for the 1870-1900 decades. While some urban-rural differences are found, changing laws and norms played the principal role in the increase in divorce rates during the 1800s. The final part of the paper discusses the implications of these findings for understanding marital disruption in social-historical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While economists have been studying the family as an economic unit for almost thirty years, most models have focused on cooperative family units. Domestic violence, one of the most widespread violent crimes against women, is one example of a family unit that is better explained as a noncooperative relationship. In this paper. a noncooperative model of domestic 'violence is presented. The comparative statics from this model predict that women's incomes and other financial support received from outside the marriage (family, welfare, shelters, divorce settlements, etc.) will decrease the level of violence in intact families because they increase the woman's threat point. Implications of the theoretical model are discussed and empirical evidence is summarized. The results from existing and new analysis provide support for the hypothesis that improved economic opportunities for women will decrease the level of violence in abusive relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information related to demographic and socioeeconomic influences on recent Marital Breakdown in Great Britain. in this paper marital breakdown will be taken to refer to separation or divorce, whichever occurs earlier, and hence excludes termination through death of a spouse (or those cases where a couple continue to live together but the marriage is effectively `dead'). The main source of information on marital breakdown has hitherto been official divorce statistics. These statistics are not collected for demographic purposes and are subject to a number of problems; in particular, a marriage may break down without being ended by a formal divorce and even if there is a divorce, it may occur some time after the de facto breakdown and hence underestimate the frequency of breakdown: these problems are exacerbated when trends are considered and the availability and timing of divorce are heavily influenced by legal and administrative changes. A second major disadvantage of divorce statistics is that the number of socio-economic and demographic variables available for analysis is very limited: they generally include age at and duration of marriage, presence of children (legally rather than biologically defined) and, occasionally, social class. Data on judicial separations relate to only a fraction of actual separations, and are worthless as indicators of levels and trends in separation.

Whether a couple remain married or divorce has repeatedly been shown to be of importance for the marital stability of their children. This paper addresses the related question of whether the intergenerational transmission of divorce is contingent on the age at which parents divorced and the sex of the spouse who experienced the parents' divorce. Using a population-wide data-set on Norwegian first marriages followed from 1980 to 2003, we find that the intergenerational transmission hypothesis holds also for Norway, that this relationship is stronger for women than for men, and that there is a negative age gradient in the transmission effect for women. The experience of multiple family transitions, such as a parent's remarriage or a second divorce, does not affect couples' divorce risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European countries differ considerably in their marriage patterns. The study presented in this paper describes these differences for the 1990s and attempts to explain them from a macro-level perspective. We find that different indicators of marriage (i.e., marriage rate, age at marriage, divorce rate, and prevalence of unmarried cohabitation) cannot be seen as indicators of an underlying concept such as the 'strength of marriage'. Multivariate ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analyses are estimated with countries as units and panel regression models are estimated in which annual time series for multiple countries are pooled. Using these models, we find that popular explanations of trends in the indicators - explanations that focus on gender roles, secularization, unemployment, and educational expansion - are also important for understanding differences among countries. We also find evidence for the role of historical continuity and societal disintegration in understanding cross-national differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes core innovations in the strategy of research on demographic behaviour. One aim is a shift of attention away from events and towards a focus on dynamic processes and their interplay: away from a preoccupation with marriage and divorce, births, deaths, migrations, and household structure towards a broader perspective that takes account of partnership and intimacy, parenthood, potential and well-being, position in society and space, and personal ties. Another aim is a much closer engagement with genetics, neuroscience, psychology, and behavioural economics. A third aim is a strategy that pays more attention to pathways within the individual, to the processes entailed when the individual interacts with various contexts, and to progressions that involve the interplay of the pathways and processes through the life course. These shifts of emphasis, which have already begun to occur, require a systematic reassessment of priorities for research on demographic behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we consider the role of marital disruption on health. Much research that has focused on this topic has looked at the mental health effects of divorce with less attention paid to indicators of physical health. Research on mental health indicates that the events of divorce create psychological distress (social causation) but that pre-existing conditions (selectivity) also play a role. We explore this argument for indicators of physical health. Using data from the longitudinal survey Americans' Changing Lives, we find some direct relationship between physical health indications and divorce. However, depression also plays an explanatory role. Further analysis indicates the role of selection in physical health and divorce. There is a significant relationship between initial physical health decrements and becoming divorced over a three-year period. Poor health, both physical and mental, contributes to becoming divorced. Implications of these results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in the economics of the family has established that economic incentives play a significant role in the process of marriage formation and dissolution. This paper distinguishes between two aspects of husbands’ earnings in the process of divorce. On one hand, measured earnings might exert a direct effect on the stability of marriage. On the other hand, some husbands possess unobserved traits that might simultaneously affect their earnings growth and their propensities to terminate their marriages. This research utilizes data from the United States Current Population Survey for years 2003 through 2010, and is based on samples of initially married men at two points in time. We seek first to examine whether marriage dissolution occurs in the presence of correlation between unobserved factors present in both earnings during the first period and the subsequent decision to divorce. Second, we look for an explicit role of earningsper sein the divorce decision. Results of the study provide support for significant effects in both dimensions. Increases in observed earnings result a tendency to stabilize marriages. Controlling for observed earnings, however, there is evidence that men with strong unmeasured earnings attributes possess latent propensities to dissolve their marriages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general inverse relationship between marital disruption (separation and divorce) and educational status, commonly assumed by family sociologists, is demonstrated for both men and women using the 1/1000 sample of the 1970 United States Census. A minor, but interesting exception to this generally inverse relationship is noted for males with six or more years of college. This paper, however, focuses on a more dramatic and particularly significant deviation from the general pattern. Specifically, highly educated females—those with five or more years of college—have an especially high disruption rate compared to women with only four years of college. In fact, the disruption rate for women with five or more years of college exceeds that for women at every educational level except those who did not finish high school. The objective of this study was to see if those factors which differentiate women with four years of college from those with five or more are the same factors that differentiate between the "never disrupted" and the "ever disrupted" women with five or more years of college. The findings reveal that three variables—race, employment outside the home, and income—are associated with the likelihood that highly educated women will divorce or separate. These same variables also distinguish them from baccalaureate-level women. Four possible explanations, unrelated to the data analysis presented, are suggested for why a woman who enters graduate school significantly increases her probability of marital disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to establish the extent to which the incidence of divorce and the character of the law regulating the legal dissolution of marriage can be accounted for by historical continuities and cultural traditions in distinctive 'families of nations'. The research brings together the diverse traditions of comparative law and comparative sociology, and uses both to come to grips with the questions of why divorce rates vary from country to country and why there has been such a massive increase in the divorce rate in the postwar era. A multivariate model of cross-national divorce outcomes suggests the strong influence of historical continuities within distinctive 'families of nations' on divorce outcomes in the 1960s and a much enhanced influence of social context variables on the character of the law in the following two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to disentangle simultaneous demographic effects on divorce probabilities by means of age-period-cohort-type models. A multi-dimensional analysis of divorce probabilities in Finland between 1948 and 1984 is presented by period, marriage cohort, and duration, and for the year 1984 by age, age at marriage, and duration. Effects of order of marriage, number of children, and age of youngest child are also studied. Finland is one of the few countries in which such data are available from a population register. For the changes between 1948 and 1984, period effects turn out to be much more important for the increase in divorce than cohort effects. As regards period analysis for 1984, a quite surprising pattern appears: neither a specific duration of marriage (usually risk is highest at durations of between four and six years), nor a young age at marriage present the major risk factors, but young age itself. If this pattern were also to hold for other populations, it suggests the need for a major change in divorce analysis and registration of divorce data, giving less emphasis to duration or age at marriage, and more to age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of children born during marital dissolution on the probabilities and timing of women's divorce and remarriage and explore whether the new children and those already present modify each other's effects on these outcomes. In studying the influence of post-marital childbearing on the probabilities of divorce and remarriage, an unexamined but significant problem in the area of marriage and childbearing. The present paper also provide an illustration of an application of this useful new technique. The impact of children on the processes of divorce and remarriage is an important topic for research. Both the effects of children living at the time of the dissolution of the marriage and the effects of those born to women while separated or divorced are important, as each has significant but different implications for the process of family formation. Previous researchers, however, have either examined only the impact of children already born at the time of breakdown or have not distinguished between these children and those born after the dissolution. Children are born to parents whose marriages have broken down relatively frequently in the United States. Data collected in 1970 showed that the probability of a birth within 48 months of separation or widowhood was 0.26. Although the post-marital birth rate has since decreased, it remains substantial. Because of the sharp increase in divorce rates after 1970 and a recent apparent delay in remarriage, more women will remain in a martially disrupted state for a longer period.

For those who experience marital disruption because of discord, the re-marriage process consists of a series of steps including divorce and re-marriage. This paper analyses the overall differentials in re-marriage, decomposing them into two distinct parts: differentials in propensity to divorce following separation and re-marriage given that a divorce has occurred. The results indicate that differentials in re-marriage depend in important ways on both steps in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has one of the highest rates of domestic violence in the world, with an estimated 46% women reporting lifetime violence. Survivors of domestic violence experience significant stigma from their families and communities, often in the form of blame, shame, gossip, and dismissal. While the manifestations of stigma are often the same across cultural settings, the drivers may be different. We conducted sixty semi-structured interviews with survivors of domestic violence in three provinces of Afghanistan. Data were analysed using thematic network analysis. Our analysis highlights stigma as a structural phenomenon in Afghanistan underpinned by mutually reinforcing structural elements (including community, government authorities, marital and natal families, other survivors and the self). In a country with a deeply patriarchal social structure, the main manifestation of stigma was the silencing of survivors of violence, as domestic violence was considered a private affair. Notions of honour were paramount in fuelling stigma against survivors of violence, as any action to report or leave violent relationships was considered dishonourable. Our findings have implications for the design of services to help survivors of violence seek help for the violence they experience, especially at a time when such services are increasingly constricted for women in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We address a problem in inference from retrospective studies where the value of a variable is measured at the date of the survey but is used as covariate to events that have occurred long before the survey. This causes problem because the value of the current-date (anticipatory) covariate does not follow the temporal order of events. We propose a dynamic Bayesian approach for modelling jointly the anticipatory covariate and the event of interest, and allowing the effects of the anticipatory covariate to vary over time. The issues are illustrated with data on the effects of education attained by the survey-time on divorce risks among Swedish men. The overall results show that failure to adjust for the anticipatory nature of education leads to elevated relative risks of divorce across educational levels. The results are partially in accordance with previous findings based on analyses of the same data set. More importantly, our findings provide new insights in that the bias due to anticipatory covariates varies over marriage duration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we conduct descriptive aggregate analyses to revisit the relationship of low and lowest-low period fertility to cohort fertility and key fertility-related behaviour such as leaving the parental home, marriage, and women's labour force participation. Our analyses show that the cross-country correlations in Europe between total fertility and the total first marriage rate, the proportion of extramarital births, and the labour force participation of women reversed during the period from 1975 to 1999. By the end of the 1990s there was also no longer evidence that divorce levels were negatively associated with fertility levels. We argue that lowest-low fertility has been particularly associated with a 'falling behind' of cohort fertility at higher birth orders and later ages. From these analyses we conclude that the emergence of lowest-low fertility during the 1990s was accompanied by a disruption or even a reversal of many well-known relationships that have been used to explain cross-country differences in fertility patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The data for this study come from Matlab, a rural area of Bangladesh, where a continuous registration of demographic events has been maintained by the International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh since 1966. A total of 11,951 first marriages of Muslims that took place in the area between 1975 and 1987 were followed until the end of 1989, to examine the relationship between parental marriage breakdown and survival of first live-born children. The impact of divorce on survival of children during infancy and childhood was examined, using hazard analysis. Other independent variables included age of mother at birth, and mother's education, year of birth, sex of children, and residence at the time of childbirth. It is shown that the net odds of death among children of divorced mothers in infancy and childhood were respectively 3.2 and 1.4 times higher than those of mothers whose marriages continued. The paper also discusses the possible mechanisms which link divorce and child survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many investigators have found that divorce risks decrease as you move from groups with little educational or social capital to groups with more. This negative educational gradient fits with the notion that people with more education are better at selecting spouses and better at making a marriage work. Other investigators have found a positive gradient, often in populations where the situation is dominated by the individual's ability to handle the divorce process and to cope with the economic and other problems that follow in the wake of a divorce. The sign of the educational gradient in divorce risks seems to depend on the balance between countervailing influences. Information about the gradient over a few educational levels is about as much as you can expect to get from the interview data of a normal-sized general survey. With access to the data from a full-coverage system of the population and educational registers of a sizeable population like that of Sweden, educational effects can be studied in much greater detail. We begin to tap this source in the present paper. When we do, the educational gradient in divorce risks turns out to be too slippery a basis for the general theories that have been developed around it so far, at least in a population where it is reasonably easy to get a divorce and where the hurtful consequences to the divorcees are more limited than elsewhere. There has been no uniform relation between educational level and divorce risk of Swedish women at the various educational levels during the 1970s and 1980s; developments in recent decades in Swedish first-marriage divorce risks have been much more favourable to the more highly educated than to women with less education, and the result is that the educational gradient has become negative as we leave the 1980s. The educational gradient changed sign correspondingly between cohorts born in the mid-1940s and cohorts from the mid-1960s. In a society such... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Periods of increasing unemployment are associated with increases in suicide rates. Unemployment increases suicide among laid off persons, new entrants, reentrants to the labor market, and groups indirectly affected -- the underemployed, those fearing unemployment, the families of the unemployed, and even those suffering from falling real wages, a condition endemic in major recessions. The present investigation deals with a neglected unemployment measure: the duration of unemployment, a condition known to be critical to the generation of extreme behavior such as suicide. Controls are introduced from alternative perspectives on the problem including the incidence of divorce. The data analyzed refer to yearly measures of the variables over a 31 year period. The results of a Cochrane-Orcutt iterative regression analysis indicate that the greater the duration of unemployment the greater the suicide rate. Using ex post forecasting techniques it is estimated that increases in unemployment during the Reagan administration have been associated with at least 929 additional deaths from suicide. The duration of unemployment increases suicide rates for both males and females. The model explains between 59 and 88 percent of the variance in suicide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'waithood' has become increasingly used to describe the situations of 20-something males and females throughout the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The suggestion is that, following a youth life stage, young adults' lives stall due to males' inability to obtain sufficiently stable and salaried employment to enable them to head new family forming households, which leaves young women, most of whom do not enter the labour market, unable to marry. We use quantitative and qualitative evidence from research in three North-West Africa countries (Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia) to argue that the situation is more nuanced. We conclude that youth life stage transitions in present-day MENA exhibit a region-specific combination of features. The combination is atypical globally, but neither intolerable for young people in MENA nor unsustainable societally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parental alienation is a construct which describes a campaign of disenfranchisement from children on the part of one parent against another, particularly during divorce. It has been at the forefront of child custody research aimed at explaining its short- and long-term effects on the children affected by it. During a time when tension between parents is at its highest and conflict regarding parenting responsibilities and parenting time arises, parents resort to parental alienation in an effort to control and hinder the emotional relationship the children would otherwise forge with the other parent. This paper is a review and integration of established ambivalence and parental alienation theory incorporating clinical examples. The clinical examples are cited from real interviews conducted by the authors from 2010 to 2016. The purpose and diagnostic utility of the examination of this subject matter is to exemplify the need for making a fine grain clinical analysis of ambivalence in order to most accurately assess the existence of parental alienation in a clinical situation with children. Specifically, the expressed lack of ambivalence as manifested by the alienated child serves as an observable defining characteristic of the presence of parental alienation. The understanding of this phenomenon provides predictive criteria for clinicians and forensic experts to establish or rule out the existence of parental alienation in clinical and forensic settings with implications for treatment and custody recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to assess reports by psychologists and social workers in lawsuits regarding grandparent visitation rights in Barcelona (Spain). Seventy-three reports written during a five-year period were analysed Sixty-three per cent of cases recommended grandparents being granted visitation rights. A content analysis of the reports revealed that they were more likely to contain negative rather than positive comments about a family member (especially grandparents). Finally, the analysis showed that aspects such as grandparent abilities and a hidden agenda on the part of grandparents were associated with a recommendation that a visitation schedule be denied, whereas the presence of a strong bond between grandparents and the grandchild was related to a favourable recommendation. The article discusses directions for further research and the potential value of drawing up guidelines to assess grandparent rights in the event of family conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We used data on women's first marriages from the Fertility and Family Surveys to analyse the intergenerational transmission of divorce across 18 countries and to seek explanations in macro-level characteristics for the cross-national variation. Our results show that women whose parents divorced have a significantly higher risk of divorce in 17 countries. There is some cross-national variation. When compared with the USA, the association is stronger in six countries. This variation is negatively associated with the proportion of women in each cohort who experienced the divorce of their parents and with the national level of women's participation in the labour force during childhood. We conclude that differences in the contexts in which children of divorce learn marital and interpersonal behaviour affect the strength of the intergenerational transmission of divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article talks about a father and son relationship. It notes that the day to day separation after the divorce were the reasons for the gaps in the relationship of the two. It states that the father and son have grown to love, respect and admire each other unconditionally withstanding the vicissitudes of family separation and divorce. The people around them perceive a strong bond between them. The article also relates how the father have shown his unconditional to his son. The son was accepted into graduate school at Penn State University through the help of his father.

A textbook hypothesis about divorce is that heterogamous marriages are more likely to end in divorce than homogamous marriages. We analyse vital statistics on the population of the Netherlands, which provide a unique and powerful opportunity to test this hypothesis. All marriages formed between 1974 and 1984 (nearly 1 million marriages) are traced in the divorce records and multivariate logistic regression models are used to analyse the effects on divorce of heterogamy in religion and national origin. Our analyses confirm the hypothesis for marriages that cross the Protestant-Catholic or the Jewish-Gentile boundary. Heterogamy effects are weaker for marriages involving Protestants or unaffiliated persons. Marriages between Dutch and other nationalities have a higher risk of divorce, the more so the greater the cultural differences between the two groups. Overall, the evidence supports the view that, in the Netherlands, new group boundaries are more difficult to cross than old group boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses questions about the influences of task specialization and assortative mating on divorce in the Netherlands. Two hypotheses are tested. The first hypothesis is derived from microeconomic theorizing on marriage and argues that a traditional division of labor in marriage reduces the probability of divorce. The second hypothesis is more sociological in nature and holds that assortative mating on education and occupation increases cultural similarity in marriage, which, in turn, reduces the odds of divorce. The two hypotheses represent different views on what the costs and benefits of marriage are and yield different, and, to some extent, competing predictions about the socioeconomic determinants of divorce. Using retrospective data we test these hypotheses on the life course of 1,016 women whose first marriage ended in divorce and 278 women who were in intact first marriages. We find strong evidence that a nontraditional division of paid labor, as measured by the wife's employment, education, and hours worked, has destabilizing effects on marriage. The hypothesis about homogamy is partially confirmed. Educational differences tend to make marriage less stable, but only when they deviate from the traditional pattern. More important, when a traditional distribution of resources is combined with heterogamy, the potentially stabilizing effect of specialization is mitigated, suggesting that homogamy and specialization may cancel each other out. Occupational heterogamy has little effect, but we do find a negative effect of the wife's occupational status on divorce and no effect of the husband's occupational status, in contrast to economic theorizing of divorce. Combined with the positive effect of the wife's education, we interpret the opposing effects of the wife's status in terms of the contrast between cultural and economic status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with marital and nonmarital union disruption in Greece. Relevant existing statistical and research data on nuptiality and cohabitation, divorce and separation, educational attainment, women's participation in the labor forte, and the division of labor in the household are briefly described. The main issue, union disruption, is treated in depth using the 1999 Greek FES data. Event history analysis shows that women's labor forte participation does not affect union disruption. Children seem to have a stabilizing effect on marital unions as do premarital cohabitation, age at the start of the union, and its duration, while parental divorce is related to higher propensity to separation. However low divorce rates in Greece should not necessarily he interpreted through society's traditional family values. The weak position of women in the labor market and their role in substituting for the insufficient welfare state impedes the decision to divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses recent panel data to explore the dynamics of divorce in the United Kingdom. The findings are consistent with the independence hypothesis, but reveal little impact of gender-role attitudes or domestic division of labor. The article also finds a robust effect of children in raising the risk of divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the increasing rate of divorce all over the world. The steepest rise in divorce rates took place between the late 1960s and early 1980s. Since then, in many countries, the intensity of divorce has stabilized or even declined. The increase in divorce rates has been particularly strong in developed countries of the Western world; among these, the United States has been an outlier. For most of the twentieth century, the United States had a generally higher proportion ever marrying, a clearly higher probability that a marriage would end in divorce, a higher proportion remarrying after divorce and widowhood, and a much shorter average duration of marriage. In the developed Western world, increases in divorce rates did not occur in isolation. They are part of major transformations of the family and household relationships in modern society. Many authors have linked the rise in divorce rates to the process of modernization, including women's increasing educational attainment and rising labor force participation, the expansion of welfare-state based extra-familial institutions that provide alternative sources of material security and personal services, increasing urbanization and declining social integration as well as increasing mobility rates.

This article presents the results of a longitudinal analysis of a large, nationally representative U.S. dataset. Based on the theoretical considerations outlined, it examines how a range of social and demographic factors are associated with marital disruption, that is, divorce or separation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over most of the twentieth century, the U.S. has witnessed considerable increases in divorce rates. Conventional economic literature believes that married women's entry into market work may have contributed to this by decreasing the gains from marriage arising from specialization between spouses. However, since the 1980s, divorce rates have ceased to increase though married women's labor supply continues to rise, suggesting that the relationship has changed across time and birth cohorts. Here I use two cohorts of women, those born between 1944-1954 and those born between 1957-1964, to test whether this is the case. My findings indicate that the detrimental effect of married women's market work on marital stability has indeed decreased substantially across cohorts, and such work may even be beneficial to marital stability among the recent cohort. Therefore, it appears that women's market work can no longer be held culpable for the breaking up of American families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various studies report an inverse association between socio-economic status and the risk of marital disruption. Using register-based follow-up data on first marriages in Finland intact at the end of 1990 and divorces in 1991-93 (n=21 309), this study aimed at gaining a better understanding of socio-economic differentials in divorce risk by disentangling the influences of various aspects of the socio-economic status of the spouses. Indicators of socioeconomic status include each spouse's education, occupational class, economic activity, and income as well as housing tenure and housing density. When examined individually, divorce risk was inversely associated with socio-economic status for all its various indicators except wife's income. All of these factors had an independent effect on divorce risk. The effect was, however, weak for the spouses' occupational rankings and housing density, and it was positive for the wife's income. Given the multifaceted nature of these socio-economic differentials, it appears unlikely that one single explanation could account for them all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about the sub-Saharan African family during the past the past three decades. For the most part, this literature deals with reproductive-related behavior and gender relations. Less explored is the issue of marital instability. Using national-level data, this study explores the factors influencing one indicator of instability, divorce in Ghana. The theoretical arguments draw on a number of institutional and noninstitutional factors that are believed to affect marital stability in sub-Saharan Africa. Our findings provide some empirical support for a structural determinist interpretation of divorce in Ghana. For instance, the incidence of divorce was higher among women from matrilineal (Akan) societies, and also among women who were urban residents. Regarding the respondents' background measures, we found that previous marital history, the duration of marriage, religion, and parity (children ever born) were strong predictors of divorce in Ghana. The implications of the study and specific suggestions for further research are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from the 1991 Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU) was analysed to study the long-term impact of parental divorce on the adult individual's self-reported psychological well-being. The results show that neither women nor men who experienced parental divorce during childhood fare poorer than women and men from intact families. Instead, the decisive factor is whether or not the individual experienced severe conflict in the family of origin. Respondents who grew up in intact families characterized by serious dissension report the lowest level of psychological wellbeing, followed by those who experienced conflict and parental divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a longitudinal survey of a British cohort born in 1958 this study finds that, by age 33, off-spring of parents who divorced are more likely to have dissolved their first partnerships. This finding persists after taking into account age at first partnership, type of first partnership (marital, pre-marital cohabiting union, and cohabiting union), and indicators of class background and childhood and adolescent school achievement and behaviour problems. Some of these factors are associated with partnership dissolution in their own right, but the association between parental divorce and second generation partnership dissolution is largely independent of them. Demographic factors, including type of and age at first partnership, were important links between parental divorce and partnership dissolution. Moreover, the estimated effects of parental divorce were substantially reduced when the demographic variables were taken into account, suggesting that cohabitation and early partnership may be important pathways through which a parental divorce, or the unmeasured characteristics correlated with it, affect partnership dissolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses why divorce benefited women, and determines the legal and social statues of the married woman in Rouen, France, during the French Revolution from 1780 to 1800. The Church ensured that divorce was not available in France but it allowed a form of judicial separation which permitted the wife to take up a separate dwelling to administer and use the property and revenues she may have contributed at the time of marriage. The separations must be attributed to social pressure and unwillingness or social inability to seek legal redress against husbands.

Marriage rates have now been falling in all Western countries for more than 20 years. Rising levels of wometfs education and employment, extra-marital cohabitation, and separation and divorce both preceded, and continue to accompany, this trend. We apply hazards models to a data-set rich in event-history information in order to study the links between these movements at the level of the individual in Australia. Contra the New Home Economists it transpires that longer education lowers women's propensity to marry, not by providing them with alternative careers to marriage, but by delaying their entry into the marriage market. Again, contra the New Home Economists, employment actually increases women's marriage probabilities. Cohabitation serves variously as an alternative and a prelude to formal marriage. Finally, in contrast with a study of marriage dissolution in Australia, the strengths of factors that variously inhibit or promote marriage, such as women's education and employment, have neither weakened nor strengthened during the recent past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on children experiencing divorce and remarriage. The quality of the parents' marriages may suffer as a result, and the marriage may even end in divorce. A finding that poor health in children destabilizes marriage would have significant implications for health providers, counselors, and policymakers. Because chronically ill children need more attention and resources than average, they are especially vulnerable to the poverty, loss of parental time, and emotional stress that often divorce. Given that parents are less likely to divorce than childless couples, it is interesting to ask what traits in children encourage or inhibit divorce. Earlier research has identified three important factors: the child's age, the child's sex, and the timing of the child's birth. Studies of the role of children's illness in divorce have appeared in the pediatric and public health literature, but have usually been marred by small samples, poor outcome measures, and inadequate controls.

The risk of marriage breakdown for teenage brides is substantially greater than for women who marry later. From the life histories of a British cohort born in 1946, we show that teenage brides frequently come from less advantageous family backgrounds, have received less education and are in occupations of a lower status than those who marry later. Such pre-marital factors did not distinguish between teenage marriages that survived and those that broke down by the time the women were in their early thirties. Antecedent factors associated with higher risk of marital breakdown were marital breakdown in the family of origin and, more importantly, neuroticism score at age 16. Women whose marriages broke down were less stable, even before they married, than those whose marriages remained intact. Conditions after marriage also distinguish broken marriages from surviving marriages. Women with short first birth intervals and greater numbers of children were more frequently found in the group with broken marriages. Additionally, buying one's own home and higher incomes appear to be constraints on marriage breakdown. Generally, the results suggest that the factors which have a more direct bearing on marriage breakdown are conditions after marriage and latent characteristics such as personality type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the effects of children on divorce and re-marriage with the help of a multivariate analysis of life table probabilities. Data from the 1973 National Survey of Family Growth is analyzed using proportional hazards models and multiple decrement life tables. The results of the study is that the probability that mothers of two or more children would divorce after separation was significantly lower than for childless women, or those with only one child. Also, among whites, mothers of three or more children were at a significant disadvantage regarding their chances of re-marriage, whereas the probability that a black mother of three or more children would re-marry was no smaller than that of a woman with fewer or no children. Furthermore, in each category of family size and age of youngest child, the probability that a black woman would divorce after separation or re-marry after divorce was lower than for white women. This study helps in understanding the problem of divorce and re-marriage and in particular problems of single-parent families.

The article analyzes marital status for cohorts of men and women born in England and Wales between 1900 and 1945. Marital status life tables, which follow a real or synthetic birth cohort through life and the marital statuses of "never" married, "presently married", "widowed" and "divorced" reflect observed marriage, divorce and mortality behavior and provide a detailed record of a cohort's experience. The result is that cohorts deviate substantially from the "European pattern" of late marriage and high proportions never marrying. Also, dramatic rise in divorce has taken place and one marriage out of four ends in divorce. The aftermath of World War II and divorce reform legislation were both associated with sharp increases in period divorce rates. The magnitude and suddenness of those declines was dramatic, leading to speculation that the traditional European marriage pattern had been largely abandoned. The proportions ever married and the modal age at first marriage had changed substantially in female cohorts, whereas for males the only significant change was a decline in the age at first marriage. As marriage and divorce are closely related, they are best analyzed in the context of a single, comprehensive model.

The article focuses on a representative sample of national divorce records of the year 1979 and analyzes its characteristics according to the social class and socio-economic position of the husband in England and Wales. Demographic variables such as ages at marriage and divorce, duration of marriage, previous marital status, family size and the presence of a pre-maritally conceived child are investigated for social class and socio-economic differentials. Furthermore, an age standardized measure; the "standardized divorce ration" is used to summarize the relative rates of divorce for the different social classes and socio-economic groups. Age of the wife at marriage and duration of marriage are known to influence the chance of divorce. The husband' age at divorce serves as a proxy variable for both marriage duration and wife's age at marriage, therefore, divorce rates were standardized for this variable. The median ages at divorce for husbands in the different occupations do not vary very markedly, when compared to the variations in the standardized divorce ratios. This suggests that age at divorce may not be the best variable - even though it is the only one available - on which to standardize.

Median age at marriage for women has risen sharply for each of the three major ethnic groups - Malays, Chinese and Indians, in Peninsular Malaysia since 1957. The sharpest - has. been recorded for Malays and Indians, whose median age at marriage was barely over 17 in 1957. A shortage of potential husbands in the traditionally sanctioned ages contributed to the rise for Malays and Indians, but was probably not the paramount reason; average age differences between the spouses narrowed, but median age at marriage for men actually rose. During the same period, the previously extremely high divorce rates amongst Malays have fallen sharply, though, inter-state differences remain. The sharp changes in marriage patterns reflect, and in turn are partly responsible for, far-reaching social and economic changes. They have profoundly affected fertility levels and patterns, as well as intra-familial relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sustained increase in the divorce rate in recent years can be traced to passage of a unique cohort of people, the "baby boom" babies, through the age groups when most marriages and divorces occur. Age-specific rate began to rise. Divorce in older age groups quickly followed the upward trend, as ripples of marital instability spread through the whole married population. As a social response to population dynamics, however, the current high tide of divorce should recede as post-baby-boom girls replace this cohort in the chief marrying and divorcing years - the tide is already turning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is informed that nuptiality may be characterized by its temporal age pattern and by its level as indicated by the proportions of persons who ever marry. The two characteristics are often related in practice, though they are not necessarily interdependent. A computerized system simulating the nuptiality experience of a hypothetical cohort has been developed at the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys with the intention of investigating trends in cohort nuptiality in England and Wales. This system, called GENMAR, has five main programmes dealing with first marriages, the effects of changes in mortality on nuptiality measures, divorce, re-marriage, and marital status distributions. This article summarizes the results of the application of the first programme to data on first marriages of persons under the age of 50 years in England and Wales born in every single year since 1900. The programme starts with a hypothetical cohort of 100,000 persons of either sex in a closed population, and follows them through the nuptial span which is defined as extending from a person's 16th to his 50th birthday. There are two major loops in the main programme: an outer loop increments on sex, while an inner loop increments on year of birth. For any given birth cohort, there are two sub routines: the first constructs a complete gross nuptiality table, and the second calculates an abridged gross nuptiality table.

The dramatic increase in divorce in the United States over the past two decades has resulted in a need for closer examination of the factors associated with the adjustment to marital separation. This article reports a multivariate examination of health and social factors associated with post-separation adjustment. In depth interviews were completed with 206 individuals, separated no longer than 26 months, about their marriage, its failure, and its aftermath. The study examines the role of social contact, health, economic stability, and dating behavior in the adjustment to marital separation. Multiple regression analysis is used to examine the independent and collective influences on adjustment, measured both by the Bradburn Affect Balance Scale and the Cantril Ladder technique. The analysis consistently demonstrated that economic stability, health status, and frequency of dating are significant predictors of post-separation adjustment The implications of these findings are considered with special attention to some variations between sub-groups of the sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the correlation of penalties for adultery by married women with divorce for childlessness. Among the societal devices that could mitigate the effects of childlessness include polygyny, adoption and trial marriage. The authors chose penalties for adultery rather than frequency of adultery as a means of coping with childlessness because they believe that many factors besides childlessness could affect the frequency of adultery, and that childlessness may be relatively unimportant compared to those other factors. The study found that societies that do not allow divorce for childlessness have less severe penalties for adultery. The study also found that adultery frequency and divorce for childlessness are not significantly related.

The article presents information on a study of divorce in Poland. The author's intention was not to analyses the meaning of the legal rules, but to find out how they work. The explanation of these purposes and the empirical investigation of their fulfillment constitute the main contents of the study. The effects of the divorce rules seem to be controversial in all countries which recognize divorce. This is particularly true in the East-European countries among them Poland. All these countries accept the breakdown of marriage as an embracing ground for divorce. In Poland there are two main limitations to this limit. The first concerns children, the court cannot decree divorce if it is contrary to their welfare. The second is the recrimination rule, the guilty spouse cannot, in principle claim divorce, unless his or her innocent partner agrees to divorce. With these two exceptions, the complete and permanent breakdown of marriage is sufficient and simultaneously, the only ground for divorce. However, it is always the duty of the divorce court to act against divorce, to try to reconcile the parties, not only at a special conciliatory session at the beginning of each trial, but also later.