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Public health, conflict/war, Social Determinants of Health (SDHs) and Global Health Diplomacy (GHD) are believed to be strongly interwoven. Afghanistan that is known as the 'Graveyard of the Empire' has been passing through a very critical phase given the prolonged civil war during the last couple of decades, wherein the ongoing current situation further pushed the country towards the collapse of the political and economic systems. Thereby, Afghanistan's healthcare system has been entrapped into the civil war conundrum causing the SDHs to be seriously affected. Conflict in any form, i.e. local, regional, or international, has left black swan impacts on not only the SDHs but also led to health crises given the inaccessibility, unaffordability, and more of lack of the infrastructure, and exodus of trained medical staff and healthcare inequity. In this situation, it is anticipated that GHD could play a significant role in providing equitable healthcare to people at stake. Against this backdrop, the focus of this paper is; how the SDHs have been impacted by the civil conflict and how the public healthcare has been turned into a conundrum; would the GHD resolve the healthcare crisis in the prevailing scenario? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rapid climate change is impacting water resources in Afghanistan. The consequences are poorly known. Suitable mitigation and adaptation strategies have not been developed. Thus, this paper summarizes current status of knowledge in relation to Afghan water resources. More than 130 scientific articles, reports and data sources are synthesized to review the potential impacts of climate change on the cryosphere, streamflow, groundwater and hydrological extremes. The available information suggests that Afghanistan is currently witnessing significant increases in temperature, less so precipitation. There is evidence of shifts in the intra-annual distribution of streamflow, with reduced summer flows in non-glaciated basins and increased winter and spring streamflow. However, in the short-term there will be an increase in summer ice melt in glaciated basins, a "glacial subsidy", which sustains summer streamflow, despite reduced snow accumulation. The future prognosis for water resources is likely to be more serious when this glacier subsidy ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores an under-researched area of India's security relations with nations in West Asia. Counter Terrorism (CT) Cooperation between India and the Gulf nations has strengthened remarkably over the past five years after a prolonged period of limited cooperation on this critical issue. This paper explores why this has occurred. It argues that geopolitical factors associated with India's rise, associated shifts in economic interests, and the changing security landscape in the Middle East and Afghanistan account for this new cooperation. It also discusses the impact of the Modi administration in altering the dynamics of India's relationship with the two Gulf nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the post-war reconstruction programme in Afghanistan, arguing that it contains the seeds of radical social change. The paper analyses the tensions of the present reconstruction project in light of the past experience of similar programmes launched by Afghan rulers and their foreign supporters. The central argument is that the conflation of post-war reconstruction with a broader agenda for development and modernisation has brought out a wide range of tensions associated with social change. Simultaneously the prominent foreign role in the undertaking has increasingly had negative effects. As a result, the entire project shows signs of severe contradictions that are adding to the problems caused by the growing insurgency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reconstruction of the health system in Afghanistan is in its early stages, and donors have proposed Performance-based Partnership Agreements (PPAs) through which to subcontract the delivery of health services to private organisations, both for-profit and not-for-profit. Beyond ideological debates, this article sets out to explain the model underlying the PPA initiative and sheds light on empirical data concerning the assumed benefits of such an approach. The article studies privatisation and the contracting-out of health services, though there is as yet no information that can demonstrate the superiority of private over public service provision. Similarly, the merits of subcontracting have not been fully proven and such arrangements raise several ethical issues. Where PPAs are to be attempted, it is important to remain cautious and to ensure that operations are organised in such a way as to permit proper comparison. The paper concludes with recommendations to organisations involved in or considering the advantages of PPAs. * Valéry Ridde is a PhD candidate in community health and a research/teaching assistant at Laval University in Canada. He has been responsible for humanitarian programmes in countries including Afghanistan, Iraq, and Mali and is an independent consultant in international health and programme evaluation. † Editor's note : This paper was translated from French by Grace Toleque and Deborah Eade. The original paper will be available free of charge on our website at www.developmentinpractice.org. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current round of fighting in Afghanistan is only the latest twist in a protracted conflict in which the focus of the international community has tended to fluctuate, depending on prevailing geopolitical agendas. Now in its third decade, the war has resulted in massive population displacement, both internal and external, casualty figures in excess of one million, and a serious deterioration in conditions for the civilian population. This paper takes as its starting point the events of 11 September 2001, which led to the recent dramatic changes in Afghanistan, including the Emergency Loya Jirga and other constitutional developments envisaged in the Bonn Agreement. By way of essential background, the paper then offers a brief introduction to the country; it describes the way in which conflict began and traces the various different phases of the war from the late 1970s to the present day. In so doing, it seeks to outline the global and historical context of the current crisis in Afghanistan. It considers the challenges that need to be addressed in order to achieve effective post-conflict reconstruction and development. Finally, it offers a brief overview of current UN plans for Afghanistan's reconstruction and outlines a number of critical dilemmas facing those involved in their implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As international attention focuses on the rebuilding of Afghanistan, this paper looks critically at the evolution and meaning of the core concepts underpinning aims and strategies for recovery: the key role of institutional development and capacity building in establishing good governance based on collaboration between state, civil society and market; the empirical consensus, over many decades, for best practice in development; the acknowledgement that recovery of war-torn societies is a development challenge. It is shown that, despite this understanding, operational practice continues to contradict the principles and lessons learned from proven experience. The financial and administrative culture of the international institutions, lack of political will, donor conditionality and recipients' contrary agendas are seen to contribute to this failure. The paper concludes by examining the implications of this analysis for the recovery of Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experience shows that there is a close interrelationship between the successful disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants and the sustainability of peace-building processes. While drawing on lessons learned from recent DDR experiences elsewhere, this paper takes into account the contextual differences of Afghanistan. It explores the context of a future Afghan DDR process under three main subheadings: the need for reviewing the sequencing of the DDR process, the dilemma of whether former combatants should be given preferential treatment, and planning and co-ordination challenges for linking DDR with the overall peace-building process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'The red template' examines the policies of the United States in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan in the context of the Cold War. The available documentation tends to support the thesis of this paper: that US policy in Afghanistan, consistent with US policy elsewhere both during and after the Cold War, is geared to protect US private power and thus US access to oil. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan on 25 December 1979, the belief among US foreign policy-makers that the Soviet Union was finally embarking on their longtime mission of advancing upon the oil of the Persian Gulf and the warm water ports of the Arabian Sea was finally supported--a propaganda defeat for the Soviet Union. America's response--to finance and arm the most fundamental and dangerous Muslims that could be rounded up--is a decision that continues to shake the world. The possibilities of the resulting 'blowback'--in the form of well-documented terror and the not so well-known heroin trade--were ignored in the drive to support those who would struggle against Soviet-dominated communism. This paper details the cold calculus of US decision-makers and the negative effects on the people of Afghanistan and beyond. The rise of the Taliban can be directly attributed to this process and America's so-called 'War on Terrorism' is yet another harsh penalty the people of this war-ravaged country must accept at the hands of the world's sole remaining superpower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Psychotraumatology is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study evaluates the renewable energy potential in northern Afghanistan by employing the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) and a genetic optimization algorithm. Eleven geodata layers, including factors like solar radiation, elevation, and proximity to various infrastructures, were considered for assessing suitable solar energy development sites across nine provinces. The research combines AHP and genetic algorithm approaches to determine optimal locations for solar energy projects, aiming to aid policymakers and investors in decision-making. Morphological factors such as slope, elevation, and solar radiation were identified as significant determinants of site suitability for solar photovoltaic systems. The study revealed that Afghanistan's northwest and western regions have the most promising areas for solar PV systems due to their lower topographic complexity. The genetic algorithm accurately outperformed AHP, identifying over 29,000 square kilometers of suitable land for solar power plants in northern Afghanistan. The outputs of genetic algorithm are classified into strongly suitable (4504 km²), moderately suitable (5899 km²), and suitable (7088 km²) categories for solar energy development. Balkh province demonstrated the highest potential with an area of 7960 km², while Badakhshan showed the lowest capacity. These findings offer valuable insights for stakeholders interested in solar energy development in northern Afghanistan, aiding them in making well-informed decisions and investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I argue that feminist (inspired) writings have largely obfuscated the history of gender, violence, and subjectivity in Afghanistan. I contend that western and non-western feminisms - while having served important roles in keeping discussions on Afghanistan alive - fail to adequately relate to war and western imperialism, and therefore fall short of tracing the formations of subjectivity of women in contemporary Afghanistan. In building on a preliminary discussion of my ongoing ethnographic work with widows, I argue that the feminist project needs to more critically engage with notions such as agency and freedom in order to broaden a perspective that is often focusing too narrowly on (and thus perpetuating) under-studied notions of 'gender' and 'culture' in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral systems can be powerful instruments for shaping the content and practice of politics in divided societies, such as Afghanistan; and their design needs to be closely linked to context. This paper explores the suitability of Afghanistan's electoral mechanisms in light of the nation's political system, social divisions, and the process, which led to their adoption. There is no perfect electoral system; and the winners of the country's first-ever presidential election and the subsequent assembly elections face the formidable challenge of transforming Afghanistan from a war torn fiefdom into a nation. Hamid Karzai's victory and Afghanistan's improved, although fragile, security environment appear to represent an important step toward democracy. Yet, elections and electoral mechanisms are a necessary but insufficient means to the introduction and endurance of constitutional democratic government. The legitimacy of Afghanistan's new democratic institutions will rest on the government's progress in producing results, such as disarming the private militias of powerful commanders, some of whom represent sizeable ethnic minorities, and curbing the burgeoning poppy cultivation. An electoral system is but one piece, significant but not the linchpin, of the schema of Afghan political dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late summer and autumn of 2003, facing increasingly violent opposition in both Afghanistan and Iraq, the USA implemented contrasting policies. In Afghanistan, it began to expand its footprint, creating Provincial Reconstruction Teams (prts) around the country. In Iraq, on the other hand, the US military withdrew from cities, garrisoning itself in armed camps. Despite the worsening situations in 2005 – 06, this paper argues that establishing prts in Afghanistan is a policy that should be repeated elsewhere, albeit with significantly more personnel deployed to a country. It is far more in line with counterinsurgency theory and US military doctrine, acting to win the support of the population. In Iraq, however, the more consolidated US bases helped to set the stage for the worsening situation and should not be allowed in future conflicts. Although they lessened the danger to US forces, they contradicted counterinsurgency policy and theory in other ways, creating vacuums of power into which guerrillas could enter. More broadly this trend is characteristic of a wider policy failure on the part of the USA and reflects the profound contradictions of Washington's approach to counterinsurgency both before and after 2003. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, based on field research in Kabul in February 2002, begins by discussing how women experience war and violent conflict differently from men, in particular by defining different types of violence against women in Afghanistan. Second, by identifying individual Afghan women, as well as women's networks and organisations, I analyse their different coping strategies and the ways in which networking and different forms of group solidarity became mechanisms for women's empowerment. Third, I demonstrate how, throughout Taliban rule, many women risked their lives by turning their homes into underground networks of schools for girls and young women. I argue that, as social actors, they created cohesion and solidarity in their communities. Their secret organisations have already laid the foundation for the building of social capital, which is crucial for the process of reconstruction in Afghanistan. In the final section, I propose that women in Afghanistan, as social actors, are optimistic and willing to participate in the process of reconstruction. As a researcher, I intend to articulate their voice, views, and demands, which I hope will be taken into consideration by policy makers and aid workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores possible legal responses to the Taliban's 'other' crimes--those inflicted against Afghans during Taliban rule. This criminality largely has been rendered invisible by virtue of the international community's focus on punishing the Taliban's support of transnational terrorists, in particular al-Qaeda. This invisibility is problematic given that carefully constructed prosecutions of these 'other' crimes could play an important role in post-conflict reconciliation and national reconstruction in Afghanistan. Such reconciliation and reconstruction can legitimise a representative post-conflict state and curb terrorist recidivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past six years, Afghan women have been the subject of unprecedented levels of interest and international attention; most of it well intentioned, much of it ill-informed. This paper considers the recent debate surrounding their plight and asks whether Western-originated approaches that seek to target or 'single-out' women, in isolation from their wider social, cultural and family context, have more to do with international politics and the agendas of external agencies than they do with meeting the felt and expressed needs of the majority of Afghan women. It identifies five important points to emerge from research conducted into the ways in which Afghan women describe themselves. Following a brief historical overview tracing the impact on women of tensions between traditionalists and modernisers within Afghan society, it considers each of these points in turn, including: distinctions between urban/rural and educated/ uneducated women; the different spheres of influence inhabited by women and men within Afghan culture; the impact on women of war, displacement, and refugee life; vulnerability and coping strategies; and the divergent perspectives of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' on Afghan life and culture. Finally, it offers a number of suggestions for ways in which agency interventions may work with Afghan women, by harnessing their capacities in ways that are consonant with their social, cultural and family context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aimed to assess landslide susceptibility in the Badakhshan province of Afghanistan, an area highly susceptible to landslides due to its complex topography and geological conditions. Three distinct machine learning (ML) models, namely the Generalized Linear Model (GLM), Maximum Entropy (ME), and Random Forest (RF), were employed to identify the key contributing factors to landslide occurrences in the study region. The dataset used in this study consisted of landslide conditioning factors and a landslide inventory map. The conditioning factors encompassed lithology, soil type, plane curvature, profile curvature, elevation, slope, aspect, precipitation, land use/land cover (LULC), distance to fault, river, road, Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI), Topographic Wetness Index (TWI), Terrain Ruggedness Index (TRI), and Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI). The landslide inventory map contained 177 landslide locations and 65 non-landslide points obtained from Google Earth. Each machine learning (ML) model was trained and implemented independently using 70% of the training data, with the results validated against the remaining 30% of the landslide inventory dataset. Ensemble results from GLM, ME, and RF were obtained using the median approach. All three models exhibited consistent performance and identified similar landslide-prone areas. Among the various factors studied, proximity to rivers emerged as the most influential factor contributing to landslides, followed by the distance to roads and slope gradient. The study revealed that the districts of Argo and Yaftali Sufla, near Faizabad, were identified as particularly susceptible to landslides, especially in the vicinity of large valleys. Out of the total study area of 3086.4 km2, ∼2162 km2 were deemed relatively safe from landslides, while 149 km2 (representing 4.8% of the study region) were identified as highly susceptible to landslides. Area Under the Receiver Operating Characteristic Curve (AUC) and Root Mean Square Error (RMSE) statistics were used to evaluate the performance of the machine learning (ML) algorithms. The RF and ME models demonstrated the highest performance levels. This research contributes to our understanding of landslide susceptibility in Badakhshan province and can aid in implementing effective landslide risk management strategies in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has one of the highest rates of domestic violence in the world, with an estimated 46% women reporting lifetime violence. Survivors of domestic violence experience significant stigma from their families and communities, often in the form of blame, shame, gossip, and dismissal. While the manifestations of stigma are often the same across cultural settings, the drivers may be different. We conducted sixty semi-structured interviews with survivors of domestic violence in three provinces of Afghanistan. Data were analysed using thematic network analysis. Our analysis highlights stigma as a structural phenomenon in Afghanistan underpinned by mutually reinforcing structural elements (including community, government authorities, marital and natal families, other survivors and the self). In a country with a deeply patriarchal social structure, the main manifestation of stigma was the silencing of survivors of violence, as domestic violence was considered a private affair. Notions of honour were paramount in fuelling stigma against survivors of violence, as any action to report or leave violent relationships was considered dishonourable. Our findings have implications for the design of services to help survivors of violence seek help for the violence they experience, especially at a time when such services are increasingly constricted for women in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health systems in countries emerging from conflict are often characterised by damaged infrastructure, limited human resources, weak stewardship and a proliferation of non-governmental organisations. This can result in the disrupted and fragmented delivery of health services. One increasingly popular response to improve health service delivery in post-conflict countries is for the country government and international donors to jointly contract non-governmental organisations to provide a Basic Package of Health Services for all the country's population. This approach is being applied in Afghanistan and Southern Sudan and is planned for the Democratic Republic of Congo. The approach is novel because it is intended as the only primary care service delivery mechanism throughout the country, with the available financial health resources primarily allocated to it. Although the aim is to scale up health services rapidly, including sexual and reproductive health services, there are a number of implications for such sub-sectors. This paper describes the Basic Package of Health Services contracting approach and discusses some of the potential challenges this approach may have for sexual and reproductive health services, particularly the challenges of availability and quality of services, and advocacy for these services. Dans les pays émergeant d'un conflit, les systèmes de santé sont souvent caractérisés par des infrastructures endommagées, des ressources humaines limitées, la faiblesse de la direction et une prolifération d'organisations non gouvernementales, ce qui peut aboutir à une désorganisation et une fragmentation des services de santé. Pour améliorer la prestation des services de santé dans ces pays, il est de plus en plus fréquent que le gouvernement national et les donateurs internationaux passent conjointement un contrat avec des organisations non gouvernementales chargées d'assurer un ensemble de services sanitaires de base pour toute la population du pays. Cette approche est appliquée en Afghanistan et au Sud Soudan, et elle est prévue pour la République démocratique du Congo. Elle est novatrice en cela qu'elle est le seul mécanisme de prestation des soins de santé primaires dans l'ensemble du pays et que les ressources financières de santé sont principalement allouées par son truchement. Même si le but est d'élargir rapidement les services de santé, y compris de santé génésique, il existe un certain nombre de conséquences pour ces sous-secteurs. Cet article décrit l'approche contractuelle de l'ensemble de services sanitaires de base et aborde certains de ses enjeux potentiels pour les services de santé génésique, en particulier du point de vue de la disponibilité et la qualité des services, et du plaidoyer pour ces services. Los sistemas de salud en países emergentes de conflicto suelen caracterizarse por una infraestructura deficiente, recursos humanos limitados, liderazgo débil y una proliferación de organizaciones no gubernamentales. Esto puede propiciar la interrupción y fragmentación de la prestación de servicios de salud. Una respuesta cada vez más popular para mejorar dicha prestación en países post-conflicto es que el gobierno del país y los donantes internacionales contraten conjuntamente organizaciones no gubernamentales para proporcionar un Paquete Básico de Servicios de Salud para toda la población. Esta estrategia se está aplicando en Afganistán y Sudán Meridional, y está planeada para la República Democrática del Congo. Es una estrategia novedosa porque fue ideada como el único mecanismo de prestación de servicios en el primer nivel de atención, en todo el país, con los recursos financieros de salud disponibles principalmente asignados a ella. Aunque el objetivo es la rápida ampliación de los servicios de salud, incluidos los de salud sexual y reproductiva, existen numerosas implicaciones para estos subsectores. En este artículo se describe la estrategia de contratación del Paquete Básico de Servicios de Salud, y se analizan algunos de los retos posibles en cuanto a los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, particularmente los retos de disponibilidad y calidad de los servicios, así como su promoción y defensa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a variety of types of satellite imagery (SPOT, Corona, Landsat, and Quickbird) and concentrating on archaeological sites in the Egyptian floodplain, this paper proposes methods for monitoring the rate of archaeological site destruction in the Middle East. This image analysis shows how tells can be documented and monitored from computers anywhere in the world, emphasizing the multispectral capabilities and applications of satellites. The effects of population growth, looting, urban expansion, and war on archaeological sites in Egypt are reviewed, and a system is proposed to record sites by focusing on their individual spectral profiles. The analysis demonstrates how satellite imagery analysis can be applied to similar floodplain environments in Israel, Jordan, Syria, Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, and Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses in depth various concepts related to the American Statistical Association's mission statement, "Use our discipline to enhance human welfare." The organization's president discusses how human welfare and human rights can be promoted through volunteer work. The author discusses various countries in which statistical research is needed, including Cambodia, Switzerland, and Afghanistan.

Copyright of European Journal of Psychotraumatology is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ramparted city Ahmad-Shahi Kandahar was established by Ahmad Shah Durrani in about 2 sq km area. It comprised four districts with a high-order planned layout and surrounded by a protective wall within six gates and a moat around it. Authentic literature is investigated to monitor the prior land use and detect the variations. Secondary data and GIS techniques are used for conducting this research. It was found that the circumambient wall, gates, towers, central covered market, freshwater streams network and greenery of the city have vanished, even though the functional status of the gates and the bazaars is still remarkably retained. The total road length is altered from 2.35 km to 16.63 km and streets from 28.12 km to 49.55 km, on the contrary, the reduction of streets width from 9 m to 2.87 m denotes an unfavorable transformation. The 1.01 sq km open space of the city is occupied by congested irregular settlements now. Therefore, applying land reform policy for improving the streets and congestion of dwellings with a special approach is highly recommended along with preserving the valuable monuments standing yet as an important part of the Afghans' glorious history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the relationship between Australia and the U.S. Key policies of the U.S. accepted by Australia; Contribution of Australia to the U.S.-led campaign in Afghanistan; Difference in the view of Australia and the U.S. on the importance of multilateralism; Prospects for the Australia-U.S. relationship.

Military personnel experience stressors during deployment that could take a toll on their psychological well-being and on the organization's function. One common approach to better understanding the impact of such stressors is measuring events using psychological scales. The current research examined items measuring potentially morally injurious experiences in post-deployment assessments of personnel involved in the Afghanistan mission using the United States Mental Health Advisory Team -- Combat Experiences Scale (MHAT-CES). Study 1 found that the scale produced five components. Three components showed consistency with past studies that examined the structure of other versions of the CES (i.e., dangerous environments, exposure to dead and injured and active combat). A fourth component that we labeled life threats included items that were typically divided between the aforementioned components. Finally, a stable and reliable fifth component included items related to potentially morally injurious experiences. Study 2 replicated this structure and showed that increased perceptions of potentially morally injurious experiences during deployment were associated with higher levels of psychological distress, which in turn promoted stronger turnover intentions, even after controlling for the effects of the other combat stressor components on these variables. We discuss the implications of potentially morally injurious experiences in relation to individual psychological distress and organizational retention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The return of several million Afghans, in the years following the complete Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in February 1989, will be one of the largest refugee repatriations in history. Refugees are a unique category of international migrants, protected and assisted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Afghan refugees, like those in other Third World regions, are caught in a complex and rapidly changing political and military environment. Over five million Afghans live in exile; three million reside in refugee camps in Pakistan near the Afghanistan border where they have formed a "refugee warrior community" fighting to retake control of their country. This paper focuses on four repatriation variables: the number of returning refugees and displaced persons, military and public stability, infrastructural conditions, and agricultural productivity. The discussion is based on incomplete and sometimes confusing data, a common problem in extremely poor and unstable regions. Nonetheless, the use of these variables within a spatial framework underscores the influence of provincial and local conditions on repatriation, whether it takes place in Afghanistan, Mozambique or El Salvador. Most refugees will return to Afghanistan's southern and eastern provinces; this region along the Pakistan/Afghanistan border, in comparison to northern, western and central provinces, has suffered the greatest infrastructural damage, the highest percentage of land abandonment and the most intense fighting. Numerous minefields in this region will pose a grave danger to those attempting to return in the next few years. Before large numbers of refugees begin to return, repatriation planners will need to prioritize provinces and direct resources toward areas where outside relief assistance can be of greatest benefit to refugees and residents. Subsequently, reconstruction efforts will need to focus on rebuilding villages and irrigation systems, replanting crops, and reestablishing marketing networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Children with disabilities are more likely to experience violence or injury at school and at home, but there is little evidence from Central Asia. Objective: To describe the prevalence of disability and associations with peer violence perpetration and victimization, depression, corporal punishment, school performance and school attendance, among middle school children in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Method: This is a secondary analysis of data gathered in the course of evaluations of interventions to prevent peer violence conducted in Pakistan and Afghanistan as part of the 'What Works to Prevent Violence against Women and Girls Global Programme'. In Pakistan, the research was conducted in 40 schools, and disability was assessed at midline in 1516 interviews with Grade 7s. In Afghanistan, the data were from the baseline study conducted in 11 schools with 770 children. Generalized Linear Mixed Modeling was used to assess associations with disability. Results: In Afghanistan, the prevalence of disability was much higher for girls (22.1%) than boys (12.9%), while in Pakistan 6.0% of boys and girls reported a disability. Peer violence victimization was strongly associated with disability in Afghanistan and marginally associated in Pakistan. In Pakistan, perpetration of peer violence was associated with disability. In both countries, disability was significantly associated with higher depression scores. Food insecurity was strongly associated with disability in Afghanistan. Conclusion: Disability is highly prevalent in Afghanistan and Pakistan schools and this is associated with a greater risk of experiencing and perpetrating peer violence. It is important to ensure that all children can benefit from school-based prevention interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

However, most of thalassemia patients have limited access to regular and safe blood transfusions in Afghanistan. Transfusion-dependent beta thalassemia (TDT) is a severe form of beta thalassemia in which there is a minimal to no beta globin chain production in the body [[1]]. Without blood transfusions, thalassemia patients usually die before reaching adolescence. Illiteracy is another major problem that has hindered the treatment of thalassemia patients in the country. [Extracted from the article]

The article presents information related to the Fiscal Year 1981 budget of the U.S. Department of Defense. The 1981 budget has shown a tremendous increase from 1980 and indications are that the total figures will go up further during congressional debate. The crises in Iran and Afghanistan and election year politics are key factors which fuel the upward rise. There are many controversial programs and serious policy and budgetary questions within the $158.7 billion in new Total Obligational Authority requested for the Pentagon.

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations of these two countries, and an assessment of the impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy, historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China compete on a range of economic and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objective: To report the attitudes of community pharmacists in Kabul, Afghanistan, concerning the quality and price of locally manufactured medicines. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study, involving a sample of 198 community pharmacists was conducted in Kabul city. Results: With a response rate of 100%, most of the respondents 70.7% had 11-20 years experience working as a pharmacist. About 84.3% of the pharmacists dispensed imported generic medicines from Pakistan, Iran, India, and the UAE. Only 15.7% of pharmacists were dispensing locally produced generics from Ariana (i.e. a local pharmaceutical manufacturer). Exactly half of the pharmacists 50.0% reported that locally produced generics were equally safe and efficacious as the imported generics, while 70.7% of the respondents believed that the local manufacturers of generic products had reliable logistics and supply systems. However, 80.8% of respondents expressed concerns regarding their own credibility when stocking the medicines. Consequently, 80.3% of the sample only stocked well-advertised domestic generics, which were likely to be seen by consumers as more credible alternatives. Most of the respondents 82.8% were confident that the locally manufactured generics were cheaper than imported generics. Interestingly, 80.8% of the respondents favoured the establishment of a national brand substitution policy. Furthermore, 90.4% of the respondents believed that it was the responsibility of the Afghan regulatory authorities to educate pharmacists on the quality of domestic generics. Conclusion: Although community pharmacists had a positive attitude towards the quality and affordability of locally manufactured medicines, due to lack of resources most of their medicines are imported. Despite their positivity towards the quality and price of generics, the community pharmacists only dispense them to a minimal degree, because of low local production levels among other reasons. The findings call for improvements in the local pharmaceutical industry in order to substitute imported medicines with local generics. The government must take firm steps to formulate and reinforce pharmaceutical pricing and brand substitution policies to help in controlling healthcare costs. Further research, especially a countrywide survey, is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To test the effect of misinformation outside of the laboratory and to explore correlates of the effect, including arousal, cognitive ability, and neuroticism. About 2 months before deployment to Afghanistan, 249 soldiers enrolled in this study, which was embedded in a larger project. Two months after deployment, participants were interviewed about stressors on deployment and they received subtle misinformation about a fictional event on deployment. Seven months later, they were retested, and completed a questionnaire about events on deployment. At 9 months, a total of 26% of participants reported that they had experienced the fictional event, although 7 months earlier they said they had not experienced it. Logistic regression analyses revealed that lower cognitive ability and a combination of high arousal and more stressors on deployment were related to higher susceptibility to the misinformation effect. Results suggest that information provided by another source may be incorporated into related autobiographical memory, particularly for individuals with lower cognitive ability, high arousal at the time of encoding the information and more related experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India-Russia is a unique bilateral relationship in the Indian foreign policy matrix that refuses to become a marginal one, and that was only marginally affected by the unprecedented structural changes ushered in by the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s. This article examines the main factors that drove India-Russia ties over the last six decades and, situating the discussion in the broader context of the debate on India's strategic culture, argues that the realist strand of thinking in Indian strategic discourse best explains the evolution and sustenance of strong bilateral ties between the two states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the factors involved in the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Topics include economic and national factors such as the Soviet war in Afghanistan, which ended in 1988 to 1989, the expense of dealing with the aftermath of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster, and decentralization of the Soviet Union; international relations between the Soviet Union and the rest of the world, and discussion of the factors related to the rise of national republics, the coup d'état of August 19-21, 1991, and the struggle between Russian leaders Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin.

The article presents an exploration of India's foreign policy regarding assistance to Afghanistan during the early 21st century. Discussion is offered outlining the major features of Indian-Afghan relations, particularly in regards to Pakistan. The foreign policy framework of "relational control," first proposed by political scientist Maya Chadda, is defined and applied to India's initiatives in the region. An evaluation of India's strategy of relational control regarding Pakistan is included. A survey of India's historical relationship with Afghanistan is also cited. Conclusions suggest India's major policy aim is to deny similar beneficial relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

This article analyzes the latest trends in India-Pakistan relations. It begins by justifying the assumption of one coherent Indian strategy towards Pakistan and, while focusing on the debate in India, argues that this strategy can best be described as one of "hedging." It then analyzes three sources of cooperation and six sources of competition—including one in Afghanistan. Next it argues that India should preferably follow an engagement strategy instead of its current hedging or the alternative containment strategies. At the same time, it acknowledges that an engagement strategy is unlikely, while there are recurrent terrorist attacks in India, especially those that have their roots in Pakistan. In the penultimate section, it examines the sort of political decisions that are needed in following this engagement strategy that should, ideally, lead toward a normalization of relations. However it concludes with the assessment that, despite the erratic composite dialogue, "ugly stability" continues to characterize the bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A review of the DVD release of the films directed by John Baily is presented which includes "Tablas and Drum Machines: Afghan Music in California," and "Scenes of Afghan Music. London, Kabul, Hamburg, Dublin."

Akram Osman is one of the most outstanding contemporary Afghanistani writers.1 His short stories represent a current of modern Afghanistan literature in which an imported Western genre is mixed with indigenous literary traditions to become a mirror reflecting important issues and human needs in Afghanistan society. His works are divided into satirical short stories, stories of manners and diaspora stories which are not only pioneering in these types of Afghanistan literature, but also among the best to be created in modern Afghanistan. Among other particulars, his use of a form of a language based on folk traditions distinguishes his work from those of his contemporaries. Osman portrays a historical and artistic picture of Afghanistan social classes and their characteristics. Osman's stories display artistic merit and are of anthropological interest; and they have also become popular short stories in their own right appealing to the mass of Afghanistan society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study investigates the launch of a women's radio station in Herat, Afghanistan, in October 2003. It follows four women journalists' struggles in balancing the demands of a highly conservative culture on the one hand, and the objectives of their Canadian journalism trainers on the other. By discussing how the radio station was forced to accede to the male-centric norms in Afghan radio production to avoid being labelled unprofessional, the study concludes that gender and media development must be conceptualised more carefully to present an effective challenge to gender inequality1. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of India's growing involvement with the Muslim countries in Pakistan's neighborhood—Iran, the Central Asian republics, and Afghanistan—on the contemporary U.S.-Pakistan strategic alliance, in particular the cooperation of these two allies in waging the war in Afghanistan. Driven largely by its need for expanded access to the region's energy resources, India has been moving rapidly to cement its ties with these countries. This article argues that U.S. and Pakistani objectives in Afghanistan are far from fully convergent, and that they are perhaps least convergent when it comes to India. India's lengthening strategic shadow in the region, it maintains, especially when coupled with its growing strategic partnership with the United States, is bound to have an important bearing on the evolution of the war in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the poorest countries in the world, the people of Afghanistan gained a chance for peace with the collapse of the Taliban. Whether the country can find its way forward from a precarious position to a democratic and peaceful future will depend on how it responds to the challenge of globalization and constructs a viable economic system. The rate of economic growth and integration into the world capitalist economy for developing countries depends primarily upon any given country's political capacities. Afghanistan ranks low on all three indicators of political capacity: extractive capability, institutional credibility, and transparency. Globalization is a multifaceted process. In its ability to compete in the global economy, Afghanistan is beginning the contest in arrears with little political capacity and experience in capitalist, market-based economics. Often buffeted historically by external forces and actors, two global wars are intersecting in the country today: those of narcotics and terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores three main themes in comparing the transitional processes in Afghanistan and Iraq: (i) the clarity of the transitional frameworks and the need to separate discussions on such frameworks from debates on new constitutional arrangements; (ii) the degree of representation in the transitional institutions and the availability of channels for political consultation in the transitional processes; and (iii) the participation of civil society and the public at large in the transition processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that ethnicity has become increasingly salient in Afghan politics and society during the years of war, and discusses how the country's new institutions can be designed in a way that will contribute towards a reversal of this trend. The article examines a series of policy issues with a bearing on inclusion vs exclusion in inter-ethnic relations: political institution building (institutions of government, electoral system, and centre-region relations), land rights, state religion, the census and the new identity document. For each of these the article discusses what outcome would best contribute to longer-term stability and integration by stimulating inclusive, integrative identities--and what the problems and prospects are for these outcomes to be realised. The article specifically discusses warlords' role as spoilers, and the potential and limitations to the leverage on Afghan politics that is held by international actors, above all the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mine-risk education programmes will fall short of their intended impact for as long as they fail to take into account local responses--knowledge, logic and everyday practices--to mine threats. Community information, systematically collected through household and institutional surveys, can help to define and understand endogenous 'mine smartness'. The same evidence provides insight into the impact of mine-risk education, including its unintended consequences. Using six criteria of mine smartness, CIET carried out evaluations of mine-risk education in Afghanistan (1997) and Angola (1999). The first clear lesson to be drawn from these evaluations is that people in mine-affected areas do generate their own broadly effective means of facing the daily threat of mines. The second lesson is that people take risks for reasons that make sense to them: 'education' that landmines are dangerous probably adds little value for them. The third lesson is that mine-risk education that does not take into account these first two lessons can cause harm. The evaluations produced evidence of unintended risk-taking by people exposed to mine-risk education programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores Islamic iconoclasm exemplified in the destruction of the rock-cut Buddhas at Bamiyan by the former Taliban government of Afghanistan. Aspects of traditional scholarship on Islamic iconoclasm; Bases of the opposition to figuration in Islam; Activities of medieval iconoclasts in the Bamiyan Valley.

As the international community re-engages in Afghanistan, there is an opportunity to make good on commitments to the Afghan people in a principled and transparent manner. But Afghanistan comes with a history, and unless this history is understood and taken into account, both the political process and reconstruction are likely to end in failure. This article looks at the legacy of the way in which the donors and aid organisations operated in the past, and the manner in which they dealt with both the Mujaheddin and Taliban administrations. It examines how, in a period characterised by progressive hardening of political positions, accompanied by increasing aid conditionality, efforts to achieve greater coherence between political and aid strategies and to establish 'principled' positions often led to conflict and contradictions and at times seemed to undermine the impartiality of the international community. It then explores the extent to which the present pace and nature of international support for political and reconstruction activities are enabling--or not--the emergence of an administration in Kabul that has domestic legitimacy and can effectively manage reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bonn Agreement of December 2001 lays the foundations for a political transition in Afghanistan after 23 years of war. The agreement excludes the defeated party, the Taliban, while seeking to commit the remaining groups to a long-term and loosely defined peace process. With Afghan regionally based political--military groups defined largely along ethnic lines, and closely linked to external powers, rebuilding national authority will be a slow and conflictual process. Rebuilding the coercive capacity of the state is essential to overcome strong centrifugal tendencies, yet must be timed so as not to get ahead of the restoration of legitimate political authority. International assistance can support the political recovery by being conscious of the need to neutralise the 'spoilers' of the peace process. Making haste slowly in aiding economic recovery can prevent armed competition for power at the centre. To promote this kind of transition, and promote Afghan influence in the peace-building process, the international aid community must fundamentally reorient the strategies and methods of past involvement in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kyoto University Archaeological Mission carried out research on the Bamiyan caves in Afghanistan between 1970 and 1978. We aimed at making a general photogrammatic map of the whole area, attributing numbers to all the caves and documenting their murals. The principal cliff extends over 1,300 m linear distance and its maximum height is 150 m. More than 750 Buddhist caves were hollowed out along this cliff. The caves consist of several types of construction: two niches of standing Grand Buddhas, five niches of Seated Buddhas, domed-ceiling caves, vaulted-ceiling caves, laternendecke-ceiling caves and flat ceiling caves. About fifty caves have murals remaining inside; various types of figures are depicted in these: buddhas, decorated buddhas, boddhisatva figures (particularly Avalokitesvara) and circular mandala motifs are popular Some designs were influenced by Sassanian art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the prospects for resolving the underlying superpower rivalry in Afghanistan. The author stresses that the key to a lasting settlement in the country is to recognize that the war has not solely a product of the intervention of Russia. He emphasizes that traditional Afghan civil strife and the intervention of the U.S. have also played a critical factor in the matter. He asserts that neither superpower can solve Afghanistan's complex internal problems, but they could alleviate them through putting their own rivalry there to rest.