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INTIMATE GEOPOLITICS: Love, Territory, and the Future on India's Northern Threshold: By SARA SMITH. In a vivid ethnographic study of the Ladakh region in northern India, Smith provides an intricate examination of how community tensions are shaped by ethnic identities, family planning, and majoritarian politics - and one incendiary moment on a public street. Though I Intimate Geopolitics i is overtly a study of Ladakhi territorial politics as related to family dynamics, the commentary on sectarianism is relevant beyond the confines of the distant province. [Extracted from the article]

The book "British India, White Australia: Overseas Indians, Intercolonial Relations and the Empire" by Kama Maclean explores the historical relationship between Australia, India, and Britain in the post-Federation era. The author examines how the White Australia Policy influenced and was influenced by racial constructs, Australian self-interest, and British pragmatism. Drawing on archival resources from India, Australia, and the UK, the book provides a pre-history of the current bilateral relationship between Australia and India. It also highlights alternative viewpoints and counter-narratives of agency and equality, shedding light on the experiences of the Indian diaspora in Australia. [Extracted from the article]

After a 14-year gap, Australia's 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper advanced a 'comprehensive framework to advance Australia's security and prosperity in a contested and competitive world' (Australian Government 2017a, "2017 Foreign Policy White Paper." ., v). Focused on regional stability, partnerships and global cooperation, it identifies 'risks and opportunities' in an altered external environment. In this article, we argue that the neglect of gender and conflict prevention in the White Paper has implications for its stated aspirations with regard to peace and security. This is striking considering the attention that gender—particularly in the context of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda—has received in other policy areas and documents. Building on feminist security scholarship, conflict prevention approaches, and bringing in civil society voices, we argue that the White Paper contains a gendered, masculinist logic, separating domestic and international issues and paying insufficient attention to the structural and systemic causes of conflict. This article pursues a gender analysis in order to illuminate the gaps present in the White Paper and its limited vision of security and makes the case that conflict prevention from a gender perspective is key to sustainable peace, security and national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the evolution of the European Union's development policy in relation to civil society. Based on a review of overall policy trends, strategies and practices in Central Asia, it demonstrates how the EU's development policy has gradually moved from a focus on European NGOs towards civil society organisations, broadly defined and increasingly associated with the private sector and local authorities. While the EU's policy recognises the intrinsic value of civil society in all its diversity and promotes partnership, its operational practices show a pragmatic preference for working with professionalised organisations in service delivery roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the case for progressive unionism in Northern Ireland today. The paper locates the progressive currents within unionism and explains the forces that have frustrated their development. It contends that analysis of the leadership provided by unionists in civil society and the attitudinal profile of the pro-union electorate nonetheless signals the existence of space to cultivate more progressive forms of unionism. This challenges the largely negative appraisals of unionism in popular discourse. Unionism is shown to possess a diversity and potential that is often unrecognised. The paper therefore promotes a more sophisticated understanding of unionism and its possible political futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines debates relating to international aid, civil society, and natural resource conflicts, through a case study of conflict sensitivity programming in Cambodia. The paper highlights the value of confrontational activism, yet the practice of conflict sensitivity can dissuade such activism. Embedded in the country's history and politics, the paper analyses the conflict sensitivity work of an international non-government organisation, revealing significant community-level success, including women's empowerment, but limitations in addressing systemic drivers of conflict. The case study also reveals how the application of conflict sensitivity contributed towards conflict and risk avoidance. In a global context of prevalent natural resource conflicts and related violence, this paper calls for critical reflection on the practice of conflict sensitivity, which continues to gain popularity globally. For development institutions and practitioners, conflict sensitivity has extensive value, but it must be implemented in ways that do not inadvertently dissuade more emancipatory civil society activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Bank and IMF have proposed the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) framework for all poor countries as a condition of receiving unconditional debt relief under the HIPC Initiative. The PRSPs will also be the key vehicle for the World Bank and IMF and other donors for various assistance packages, including loans. Like its predecessors, the PRSP framework promotes the ideas of 'participation' and 'ownership'. This article argues that ownership of such a grand framework cannot possibly rest with the poor countries or their people if the whole idea is the product of World Bank and IMF think-tanks. It discusses participation in the development of Bangladesh's PRSP and argues that neither participation nor ownership was the target in preparing a national poverty-reduction strategy: they were merely necessary components of a document required for the continuation of debt and lending relationships with the World Bank and IMF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the various accounts put forward to explain the disappointing outcomes thus far of 'civil society participation' in the design and implementation of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (prsps) in aid-receiving countries throughout the world. While donors' technical and depoliticised explanations prove particularly unhelpful, other more radical perspectives, though insightful, often lack sufficient subtlety in their analyses. The article goes on to consider and critique commentators' various visions and prescriptions for prsp participation. Finding within participation aid's classic paradox—where it can work it is not needed and where it might be needed it cannot work—the article predicts a bleak future for prsp participation and argues that the project's failure may exacerbate the crisis of legitimacy faced by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, a crisis that led these organisations to launch the prsp initiative in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous empirical studies have measured to what degree national mass media arenas in Europe converge in terms of news agendas, ways of framing, and reporting political claims from other countries or EU actors. This article suggests explaining such output-oriented findings with a theoretical model of mechanisms that link different mass media arenas. It is derived from national settings, where mass media arenas are also highly fragmented and yet sufficiently interlinked to be considered a public sphere. The most prominent mechanism is news agencies providing similar input to many arenas. The article draws attention to an under-investigated mechanisms of cooperation, mutual observation, and inter-referencing between different media outlets. Empirical evidence about press reviews in several European countries is presented here for the first time. The daily practice of radio stations, newspapers, or websites, to explicitly quote commentaries or news from other media is found to be a routine in many countries, and it often crosses national borders. The results suggest that the "opinion geography" of press reviews differs from the usual "news geography" in European media, frequently entailing a Europeanised perspective on whose views are seen as relevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is no secret that we are a divided society, a polarized nation that appears to take a binary approach to everything. This paper celebrates Dr. Delphine Hanna's pioneering spirit and challenges readers to reflect on the need for greater understanding and tolerance as we seek to return to a more civil and open-minded society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on post-socialist civil society has focused on analysing the characteristics that explain (the lack of) civic strength. Although recent research has highlighted the rise of urban activism, it has failed to look more closely at the agency of actors. By focusing on informal groups and their engagement in public affairs in the aftermath of the 2019 local elections in Hungary, this paper seeks to unravel the civic strategies and narratives that underpin informal civic resistance to political and institutional pressures at a time when both local municipalities and civil society are experiencing a gradual loss of autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The article takes a radical democratic starting point arguing the importance of the rural focus of research as a corrective to excessive emphasis on urbanism. Civil society is weak and autonomous public spheres hardly exist outside urban areas. But the author argues that the social and cultural resources that are present in the Southern African villages are both interesting and promising elements for future change. More research and more work will help develop a genuin 'rural public sphere'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, the concept of a just transition is shaping labour's view of environmental justice but the experience of trade unions working towards just transitions has been mixed, although much action has built on the existing relationships that trade unions have had with their members, other trade unions and civil society organisations. Recent analysis of trade union environmental action has found that a more radical approach is needed that will promote the long-term interests of labour in what has been described as the just transition. This paper argues that if trade unions want future, more transformative strategies, they will have to build their own expertise, building on their own research which has informed their own democratic expertise. This paper makes a contribution to this process by identifying 'Three Pillars' which could be used to inform trade union thinking and action. The Three Pillars are: (a) critical analysis of current net-zero policies, (b) new green, industrial strategies supported by social infrastructure, (c) changing labour-environmental relationships. The paper includes a case study of a trade union which is campaigning for a new National Climate Service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks how lawmakers and other stakeholders envision the potential benefits and challenges arising from Artificial Intelligence (AI). A close reading of the European Union's draft AI Act, a bill proposed by the European Commission in April 2021, and of 302 response papers submitted by NGOs, businesses and business associations, trade unions, academics, public authorities, and citizens, shows that pluralistic sociotechnical imaginaries contest: (1) the essential characteristics of technology as they relate to society, politics, and law; (2) whether, how and how much law can enable, direct or constrain scientific & technological developments; and (3) the degree to which law does and should intervene into scientific & technological controversies. The feedback from stakeholders reveals major disagreements with the lawmakers in terms of how the relevant characteristics of AI should influence legal regulation, what the desired law should look like, and whether and how the law should intervene into expert debates in AI. What is more, different types of stakeholders diverge considerably in what they problematise and how they do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can NGOs implement rights-based gender equality programs when donor focus on the area is shrinking? This paper explores how one development program has made strategic choices incorporating the interests of multiple stakeholders, addressing donor interests while simultaneously addressing the needs of local communities. It examines the evolution of BRAC's Polli Shomaj, a rural women's civil society organisation designed to challenge power structures through collective action in rural Bangladesh. It draws on interviews with program staff and existing program literature to find that over time, BRAC leadership has narrowed its program focus to shed its broad transformative agenda to focus solely on gender equality through a combination of service delivery and rights-based approaches. The paper suggests that while it is possible for NGOs to promote gender equality through a combination of rights-based and service-delivery approaches, greater focus is needed on challenging power structures to bring about lasting structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Sweden, local authorities are encouraged to cooperate with civil society to promote resilience to violent extremism. However, some (mostly Muslim) organisations are approached with suspicion and sometimes accused of not subscribing to basic democratic principles. Along with cooperation and resilience, suspicion seems to be a recurrent and global theme in the relationship between the prevention of violent and hateful extremism (VHE) and civil society. This paper builds on empirical research by the author and others, which examined how NGOs and FBOs operating within Sweden conducted and were challenged by preventive work. The paper compares results from the Swedish study against findings from international humanitarian-development NGOs via a scoping study to examine the similar and different dynamics around cooperation, resilience, and suspicion in prevention of VHE. Results will help progress the discussion on the challenges that civil society faces in its attempts to promote resilience to VHE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland is beginning to emerge from an extended period of austerity following the global economic collapse of 2008. In this time, private sector investment in historic urban cores all but halted, and state funding for heritage was dramatically cut. However, both the state and civil society have placed a new emphasis on the potential of built heritage to act as a driver of economic recovery, reflected in both local and national policies and strategies relating to the conservation and regeneration of historic urban cores. Through a discourse analysis of local documentary material, and of semi-structured interviews with a range of key factors involved in the management of two historic urban cores in Ireland (Limerick and Waterford), the paper explores how conservation policy has been fashioned to suit its deployment as an instrument of local and national economic recovery within the context of entrenched entrepreneurial urbanism, and how local stakeholders have responded. The paper concludes on the implications for both conservation policy—specifically tensions between traditional conservation approaches and more flexible instruments utilised in heritage-led regeneration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) has become a popular, positivist approach to studying how narratives affect the policy process over the past 10 years. In this paper, we critically evaluate its applicability in an authoritarian context. We employ a mixed-method approach to, first, present some of the narrative elements employed by principal actors in the policy debate according to the NPF, derived through quantitative content analysis, and second, to critically contrast these findings by drawing on qualitative data. The policy we examine is Moscow's contentious Renovation program, which aims to demolish many of the city's Soviet-era five story 'Kruschovsky' apartment blocks and resettle residents in new apartments. The quantitative content analysis is derived from several online government sources and that of the principal opponent of the Renovation program, an online group called 'Moscovites Against Demolition'. The qualitative data are derived from a district in Southwest Moscow, where the first Kruschovsky apartments were developed and has locally seen vocal opposition to the Renovation program and other redevelopment projects. This study highlights the limitations of the NPF and argues that by examining the performative nature of policy narratives, we can gain greater insight into the political strategies and context that underwrite these narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an increasingly global society, public administration and public policy students must be equipped to respond to policy issues in culturally and contextually appropriate ways. It is also essential that MPA and PhD programs produce engaged global citizens with an understanding of public administration systems across boundaries. This paper presents an experiential learning method for achieving these goals. The special topics course Public Administration, Civil Society, & Democracy has been adopted by the Master of Public Administration (MPA) and the PhD in Public Administration and Public Policy (PAPP) programs at Auburn University. The course embraces a comparative perspective by physically positioning the students in global contexts, enhancing their awareness of cultural and administrative similarities and differences. Student learning objectives include research (international fieldwork), teaching (short courses and workshops for local partner organizations), and service/outreach (international service-learning projects). Although the course has been facilitated in several African countries, this paper focuses on Liberia during summer 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of civil society to the military is well documented in UK Defence and Army policy, doctrine, and concepts. Civilian and military analyses commonly focus on the policy dimensions of the relationship whereby British civil society is deemed important for the legitimacy of campaigns. This research paper draws together less-common references from across the literature about a more direct impact that societal perspectives can have on deployed land operations and extends them through new archival research. It uses the military's experience in Helmand to propose a model of "societal operational influence." In this model tactical behaviours across the conceptual, physical, and moral components of Task Force Helmand's fighting power altered in response to the military's interpretation of public opinion about soldiers, which arguably resulted in changes to its culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been increasing attention to legal and political contention concerning refugees and asylum seekers in cities. However, there are further opportunities to analyze the relationship between civil society litigation and state institutions in Global South cities. In this paper, I analyze civil society litigation to re-open Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) in South Africa. Primarily based on legal research, I argue that civil society litigation to re-open RROs in specific cities represents an advocacy strategy to contextualize national rights and policies within urban spaces. The paper contributes to broader discussions on civil society advocacy and rights and governance in cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the long-term trajectory and the recent acceleration of the conflict over the rule of law in the EU. It focusses on the motivation of the two governments in Hungary and Poland to challenge European core values increasingly aggressively even directly at EU level despite the threat of significant material costs to both countries. Putting forward a Gramscian understanding, we argue that this radicalization is the result of a counter-hegemonic strategy that aims at replacing the liberal order with a new, nationalist, ultraconservative, Christian order on domestic and European levels. The paper traces core elements of this strategy which are either disputed or underestimated in existing literature, most importantly the pursuit of a core ideology and the massive and long-term investment into winning moral and cultural leadership through the penetration of civil society which precedes and complements electoral strategies and autocratic institution building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic theory asserts that the legitimacy of contemporary international and regional organisations rests on a degree of consensus expressed by various actors. The quest for diffuse support now extends beyond member states and explains the opening up of IOs/ROs to transnational civil society's participation. Despite both notions being familiar to IR scholars, a more precise understanding is needed concerning the relationship between each concept, particularly with regard to the inclusion/exclusion nexus and in the still neglected study of organisations in the global South. Using a practice perspective, the paper offers a contribution to that understanding by proposing a micro-level analysis of the behavioural practices of both ROs and TCS using MERCOSUR and the OAS as case studies. A nalysis of the opening up of these organisations, and the concurrent engagement of civil society reveals how inclusion is still both incomplete and unequal. Political liberalisation of ROs thus remains an unfulfilled mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are international organisations' inclusive practices better than top-down ones? This article analyses an attempt to dismantle formal hierarchies to integrate civil society actors in development policymaking at the World Bank. It argues that inclusive practices have not fully challenged the coloniality of epistemic power in North/South relationships because they did not democratise the capacity to influence meaning negotiation. Not only did the Bank not fully democratize its formal policymaking processes, but when it includes NGOs, the coloniality of power mediates their capacity to influence meaning-making. Therefore, despite "better" (liberal) practices of inclusion, interactions between the organisation's employees and NGOS workers are still mediated through remnants of colonial and racial devaluation. By adopting an international practice-based approach, this article analyses colonial epistemic violence through informal rules and practices. The case studied is the inclusion of NGOs at the World Bank under the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (1999–2014), with data from 31 publicly available interviews from the Bank's Oral History Project, 41 first-hand interviews (realised between 2017 and 2019), and archival material (speeches, memoirs, memos, and internal reports). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years following the 2011 overthrow of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the international democracy promotion community enthusiastically embraced Tunisia’s burgeoning civil society. Ten years later, however, when the democratically-elected president Kais Saied began to dismantle the country’s democratic institutions, civil society largely stood on the side-lines. This paper examines what happened during the intervening decade that left civil society’s international funders so disappointed. The paper finds that three key changes over time help explain the gap between donor expectations and what civil society ultimately delivered: the development of an antagonistic and uncooperative relationship between civil society and the state; differences between Tunisian civil society activists and international donors on the types of issues they prioritized and other matters; and an overall lack of trust and lack of cohesion among civil society activists in working towards common goals – despite some successful coalition work around particular legislation – which came on full display after July 2021. This paper contributes to studies of Tunisian civil society’s development process in the context of its transition experience between 2011 and 2021, and of how and why donors continue to ‘miss the mark’ in their efforts to support civil society as a means of promoting democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of indicators measuring attacks on education through a case study of the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA). As GCPEA and its partners have brought the problem of attacks on education to the attention of global civil society, they have engaged in contestation to define attacks on education and construct indicators to track the relevant violations. These debates are significant in that indicators are a tool of global governance that shape policymaking and resource allocation. The discussion draws on the author's decade of experience working among groups focused on the protection of education, including direct involvement developing indicators on attacks on education, and on three sets of qualitative interviews. It analyses how resource limitations, organisational agendas, challenges of measurement and verification, and global power dynamics exert pressure towards a more narrow understanding of attacks on education. This limits the transformative potential of the protecting education agenda. The discussion illustrates that EiE actors must consider the ways that they measure their work in ongoing conversations about creating a decolonial and more equitable field of practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will first review the debate over the definition and recognition of Indigenous peoples with regard to the people of Ryukyu/ Okinawa, focusing on the colonial history, specifically regarding the case of the lawsuit calling for the return of the Ryukyuan ancestral remains. Then, after an overview of the history of the lawsuit calling for the return of the Ryukyuan ancestors, which was instigated in 2018, I will present what has been achieved so far, the challenges that remain, and the prospects for the future. There, the 'colonialism by academic knowledge' nurtured since the colonial period will be exposed, and the recognition by the state of the people of Ryukyu and Okinawa as Indigenous peoples, and the possibility of solidarity among civil society and domestic and international Indigenous and minority peoples will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the engagement of non-state actors (NSAs) in regional migration policy processes in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It identifies four categories of NSAs – non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society organisations (CSOs), academia and the media – as the key actors engaged in regional migration governance processes in West Africa. The paper adopts a social constructivist approach and a multilevel perspective, drawing on interviews, surveys and an extensive analysis of ECOWAS policy documents. The paper argues that invented, invited and instrumentalised spaces for engagement between state and non-state actors in ECOWAS manifest in a complex web of regional and national interests contributing to regional migration governance from 'below'. Regional migration governance from below consists of transnational societal networks characterised by the interactions of NSAs across borders to influence policies and practices at the regional level. The analysis reveals that NSA engagement results in reinforcing regional policies, policy diffusion through regional processes and circumventing restrictive national agendas through adopting innovative regional approaches. These results contribute to strengthening the institutional framework for regional migration governance in West Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how practices of counter-terrorism (CT) have been perceived by legally-operating groups labelled 'extremist'. Taking the cases of Hizb ut-Tahrir Britain (HTB) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Scandinavia (HTS), the paper explores how two branches of the same Islamic activist organisation have experienced CT through interviews with party members and activists. Using existing models of repression, the paper maps how counter-terrorism is perceived by activist groups, revealing new information on Hizb ut-Tahrir and providing a framework for understanding the interaction of security with groups problematised as 'extremist' within a widening 'securitised lens'. The paper finds that, whilst there are similarities in how CT has been articulated in Britain and Denmark, it has impacted on HTB and HTS differently, creating different strategies of response. In tracking these, we highlight the prominent role played by civil society actors in the UK in creating a hostile environment for Islamic activist groups. By using mechanistic models of repression, we conceptualise the impact of counter-terrorism and newer patterns of countering violent extremism (CVE) on contentious activist organisations at a moment when the so-called 'risk' of extremism is increasingly being conceptualised and responded to throughout Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on anthropological developments in the study of the state that highlight its margins, informal connections, and everyday dynamics, this paper examines the diverse strategies that Tanchangya villagers employ while negotiating peace and 'development' processes with local state actors in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. It shows that the state is manifested in various forms at the local level. In a myriad of forms of encounters with state actors, Tanchangya villagers employ situated strategies of avoidance, engagement, and resistance. The paper claims that these strategies ultimately contribute to challenge the dominant processes that confine Tanchangya villagers to a state of marginalisation, and aim to aid in the struggle to create greater spaces for the social, economic, and political dimensions of their lives. Thus, this paper offers an analysis of micro-power struggles that take place in the CHT's rural spaces vis-à-vis the complex matrix of peace, citizenship, and 'development' in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries have created research and innovation (R&I) policy instruments with the mission of addressing grand challenges. The new policy rationale suggests that these instruments must target civil society actors in new and more diverse constellations, combining them with 'traditional' R&I actors (universities and firms). Investigating the extent to which policy instruments are designed according to this requirement, this paper analyses co-occurrences of targeted R&I actors in science, technology and innovation policy instruments and identifies five typical constellations of targeted R&I actors. We focus on two constellations that are likely to include civil society actors. Wide constellations (dominated by universities and firms) are positively associated with grand challenge policy instruments. Civil-society-led constellations are less heterogeneous and possibly associated with grand challenge instruments. This original contribution shows partial consistency between the grand challenge policy rationale and its instruments, and evidence of civil-society-led actor constellations not yet considered in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the growing threat of violent and hateful extremism in North Africa, the international donor community has recently shifted its focus of attention towards civil society organisations (CSOs) as an important ally in contemporary P/CVE efforts. This has resulted in a growing number of local and international NGOs implementing P/CVE-related projects in Tunisia and Morocco. However, the lack of comprehensive empirical research on local CSOs engagement in P/CVE-efforts complicates the assessment of scope and impact of these initiatives. Little attention has been devoted to the perspective of front-line workers and the ways global P/CVE-policies are being reproduced and challenged on the ground. This paper aims to contribute to a broader understanding of challenges employees of local and international NGOs face in implementing P/CVE in non-Western contexts. Drawing on peacebuilding and development literature, it focuses on the experiences and practices of these actors and their interplay with the international donor community. 30 in-depth narrative interviews with local practitioners and international experts root this paper in rich empirical data that was analysed using Grounded Theory methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the 2020 regularisation of irregular migrant workers in Italy as a case study, the paper inquires about the role of Civil Society Actors (hereafter CSAs) in (de/re)bordering processes. Conceptualising borders as filters that draw distinctions through the sociocultural, legal and administrative constructs of deservingness entailed by immigration policymaking, the paper shows that, when implementing the regularisation programme, CSAs reproduce governmental distinctions between deserving and undeserving migrant workers and employers. However, CSAs can also find ways to challenge or circumvent internal borders, broadening the range of legitimate potential applicants through more or less visible and confrontational struggles, bending or even breaking the rules. In doing so, they redefine internal borders through alternative definitions of migrants' deservingness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can a country meaningfully commit to transitional justice interventions when ethnocracy and majoritarianism remain deeply entrenched in its political, legal and constitutional structures? Despite the creation of several commissions of inquiry and other mechanisms over the years to deal with the past, including those set up during the civil war, transitional justice and reconciliation have not been an integral part of Sri Lanka's nation-building campaign and socio-cultural consciousness. Sri Lanka's transitional justice interventions have historically been top-down, state-driven and elitist that lacked wider consultations with various groups and take their interests and demands into account. The oscillation between different political parties and their domestic and foreign policy orientations have had little impact. This article argues that the top-down and 'one-size-fits-all' transitional justice model does not work in certain societies, including Sri Lanka, and a shift to a unique and contexualised approach is imperative not only for longer-term sustainability but also to allow voices from the ground to be heard and included. This paper critiques the dominant transitional justice process and examines the challenges of achieving transitional justice in deeply divided societies where majoritarianism strengthens after the end of a violent conflict. Nonetheless, it acknowledges the risks of over-eulogising the bottom-up and local approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of standards to complement legislation is a prevalent regulatory technique in the EU, including in the telecommunications, information technology and broadcasting sectors, where the ETSI (European Telecommunications Standard Institute) plays a key role. In light of the recent reform of ETSI’s governance model in terms of its inclusiveness, this paper examines the role of societal stakeholders in ETSI’s standard-setting process through the lens of throughput legitimacy. In particular, by relying on desk research and semi-structured interviews conducted in 2020 and 2023, we analyse specific membership and voting rules of ETSI in order to discuss in detail the possibilities of effective participation for the so-called ‘Annex III organisations’. The paper shows that ‘Annex III organisations' have had limited participative possibilities in ETSI’s standard-setting process, entailing both institutional throughput and constructive throughput legitimacy issues. Although not fully, the recent reform of ETSI’s decision-making appears to tackle them to a certain extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries worldwide are experiencing a sharp wave of democratic decline that is cutting away at the gains made toward democracy that had occurred in decades prior. While the majority of scholars demonstrate a robust positive association between civil society and democracy, historical case studies in political sociology have demonstrated that nations with robust civic spheres can become cauldrons of anti-democratic politics under particular circumstances, particularly when the country has weak and ineffective political parties and when the country has autocratic movements working to degrade the democracy. While these case studies illuminate important caveats to leading research on civil society, these findings have not been tested at a cross-national level. In this paper, we ask how weak political parties and autocratic mobilization moderate the extent to which countries with more civic participation have stronger democracies around the world. We examine this research question using the continuous level of electoral democracy. Findings of our statistical analysis reveal support for the conditioning effects of weak political parties and autocratic mobilization on the relationship between civil society and electoral democracy and stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the dynamics of political mobilization of two transnational organizations – Assemblea Nacional Catalana and Marea Granate – formed by Spanish/Catalan migrants in different European cities. By conducting cross-organization and cross-city research, we analyze why and how migrants' transnational networks perceive themselves to be stronger in some cities and weaker in others. This paper demonstrates that there is no one-size-fits-all mechanism that explains perceived organizational strength in all contexts. The same urban context might provide different opportunities and constraints depending on organizational characteristics of migrant movements. Our study shows the ways that organizations' political agenda and their preferred action forms affect the perception of positionality as they navigate in different urban contexts with diverging national/local political settings, political cultures, civil society networks, and migration trajectories. The empirical data in this research stem from a content analysis of the events organized by the organizations and semi-structured in-depth interviews with organizations' representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the emerging regional governance of migration from the perspective of migrant rights activists and their strategies in advancing a rights-based framework in contrast to the 'management' (i.e. control-centred) approach typically championed by states. The key objective is to use the study of civil society activism, through its nodes and networks, to develop a 'bottom-up' approach as an alternative to the dominant perspective taken on multilateral migration governance thus far. Drawing on Regulatory Theory, we conceive migration policy as a dynamic process that occurs at multiple levels involving a broad spectrum of institutional actors. In stressing the importance of the increasingly networked form that policy and political interventions are taking, our paper proposes a nodal account of migration governance which is applied specifically to civil society organisations' attempts to influence governance. Our empirical focus is the case of one key protagonist in the sphere of migrant rights advocacy, the Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA), which constitutes the largest network of migrant rights organisations spanning countries of origin and destination across most of Asia. Its central role, as we argue, is that of an interlocutor between intersecting and interacting organisational networks. In this sense, it takes on a 'nodal' function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives insurgent groups to negotiation? The paper examines the conditions that facilitate insurgents to negotiate with governments. It examines the case of National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), in Assam, India's northeast. Factors that may have contributed to the process of negotiation were change in relative costs and capabilities of insurgents. The paper argues that state's unwillingness to concede to the insurgent demands of territorial separation affect the outcomes of insurgencies that further contribute to the fragile peace process. Drawing on qualitative interviews of former insurgents, civil society organizations and government officials, this article contributes to studies on peace negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decades, several grassroots movement organisations across the world have tackled the issue of corruption with the aim of mobilising knowledge on this widespread problem. In our paper, we look at three bottom-up civil society organisations and collective actors fighting for greater transparency and curbing of corruption in Indian society, highlighting how they employ visuals to debate on these issues and to communicate their mission to their audiences. The focus is on how the initiatives employed visuals to discuss a particular anti-corruption policy of the central government. In particular, our paper sheds light on the dynamics between the three initiatives and the government especially at a time when democratic credentials of the country are in decline. Inspired by Rodriguez and Dimitrova's four levels of visual framing, we propose a revised schema for visual framing analysis, taking into account contextual dimensions, in our study of visuals as tools enhancing public debates on corruption and anti-corruption practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory governance is institutionalised to the extent that it shapes the behaviour of decision-makers and citizens. Participation policies that do not change established behaviour have limited, if any, impact. But what are the mechanisms whereby participatory governance becomes institutionalised? Using a case study of Barcelona, the paper analyses the relationship between formal rules, informal practices and narratives. Drawing on 90 interviews, the paper argues that in the context of neoliberal austerity formal rules proved surprisingly resilient, but informal practices and narratives became increasingly dis-aligned as civil society actors developed innovative approaches and more insistent demands. These novel informal practices and narratives subsequently underpinned the renaissance in participatory governance associated with the 2015-2019 Barcelona en Comú government. The paper makes theoretical and practical contributions regarding the drivers of stability and change. While formal rules may endure over time, dynamism in participatory governance depends upon the relationship between rules, practices and narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-apartheid government in South Africa has provided increased opportunities for public participation at the local government level. Local party politics tend to bedevil these local participatory processes. This paper discusses ANC party politics and how they impact on public participation. It draws on a case study of five municipalities in the Cape Winelands District of the Western Cape that was conducted through semi-structured interviews and secondary data analysis. Local ANC politics has a huge impact on local government structures and their participatory processes. The ANC is a unitary structure in its policy but there is a lack of uniformity in understanding, commitment, and implementation of participatory policies at different levels of the organisation and government spheres. Some deployed public representatives work to advance themselves and their factions, at the expense of the ANC and the communities they are supposed to be leading. The findings of this study have as much significance for civil society as for the local state and its representatives. They show that it is not always the case that the state is bad and civil society is good as leaders of civil society get involved in clientelist relationships and blatant corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imagined futures implicitly shape how a city's infrastructure develops in the present. Because smart grids are still in the making, it is important to understand which urban futures are being associated with them. This paper asks how urban smart grid futures are being imagined through narratives and material practices in the city of Berlin and which notions of urban community these imagined futures stand for. Drawing on the concepts of socio-technical imaginaries and discourse, the paper unravels how relevant actors envision Berlin's smart grid future, focusing especially on the role of urban "prosumage" and micro-grid-neighborhoods in the everyday production, consumption, and management of electricity in the city. The paper concludes that while one dominant imaginary prevails, this dominant imaginary is built on competing and in part contradictory narratives about the role of households, neighborhoods and the city in urban energy transitions. The analysis is based on a case study of three so-called urban laboratories for the development and implementation of smart grids in Berlin. It draws on policy documents and interviews with relevant stakeholders from Berlin's energy, ICT, and urban development sectors, including representatives of incumbent utility companies, small energy entrepreneurs, public authorities, the research community, and civil society organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the limits of Indonesian civil society activism in advancing democratic politics. This activism, mainly by middle-class reformers, has not only failed to prevent democracy from being hijacked by illiberal interests but also contributed to justifying the deepening of political illiberalism. A predominantly anti-political approach among civil society activists mainly aims to establish new institutions and policy designs to generate reforms, while allowing entrenched power relations to remain unchallenged and to pervade new institutions. Meanwhile, social protests mobilized by this kind of activism, both on the streets and social media platforms, also tend to be sporadic and have no clear leadership and structure, while protest demands are often contradictory, making these too weak to challenge anti-democratic interests. This paper challenges existing studies that extoll Indonesian civil society activists for their success in advocating certain legislation, policies, and institutions. The weakening of the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK) illustrates how even trusted democratic institutions equipped with extraordinary powers and capacities are vulnerable to vested interests. Not only have Indonesian civil society activists failed to defend the KPK, but many of them have justified attempts to paralyze this agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that despite it functioning as a catalyst, the ICC "Africa problem" did not start with the arrest warrant against al-Bashir. To fully comprehend the current legitimacy crisis we must understand the nature of the negotiation process that led to the adoption of the Rome Statute and its enduring impact. In particular, we must acknowledge the uneven ability of states to formulate and signify their preferences on the basis of their identity and interests during the negotiation process. Drawing from Wiener's theory of contestation, the paper contends that the absence of meaningful engagement with issues germane to some ICC stakeholders before and during the Rome Conference facilitated the adoption of the Rome Statute, but also plausibly created difficulties for the Court in the long run. Specifically, it postponed unavoidable conflict over contentious issues and undermined the likelihood that specific stakeholders would develop a sense of ownership over the Statute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to disentangle the concept of security by exploring the duality between state security and societal security in post-conflict North Waziristan, Pakistan. The conceptual explications are centered on the interrelation between state security and societal security, to assess the securitizing potentials of state and society, which impact the durability of post-conflict peace. The reconceptualization is steered through an empirical overemphasis on the state-led security practices for reconstructing post-conflict security in North Waziristan and the consequent provincial merger (FATA-KP merger) that followed. Simply put, this paper intertwines conceptual analysis with empirical observations on post-conflict state security and societal security in North Waziristan to illuminate the underlying causes of the 'contested' peace in the former tribal Agency. Although this discussion is context-driven, most of the analysis is applicable, mutatis mutandis, to analyze state security and societal security in post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the often-cited challenges in biodiversity conservation is financing. But publications on financing are mostly confined to specific financial mechanisms, regions and actors. Fewer attempts have been made to find overall trends. Through a thematic review of 64 peer-reviewed articles, covering different disciplines and published since 2010, this study found three dominant themes recurring around the topic of biodiversity financing: underfunding, inefficient funding distribution and the pursuit for innovative financial mechanisms. Estimates of the funding gap are much higher than previously calculated and continuously increasing given the acceleration of new threats. Proposals for better targeting of available finances advocate for the use of priority protocols focussed on objectivity and efficiency. However, in practice funding allocation does not seem to follow objective indicators and remains quite inconsistent with conservation needs. This analysis shows that at the core of innovative financial mechanisms are new strategic networks between governments, civil society and businesses. Understanding these new networks is crucial for better capturing the patterns of pooling, mixing and directing financial flows, and the subsequent implications for policy and prioritization criteria. This paper argues that theories focusing on networks and flows could present a useful perspective for future studies on biodiversity financing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-war Sri Lanka waves of anti-Muslim riots and violence has become a common trend. This paper critically analyses how the century old Sinhala Buddhist majoritarian ideology contributes to the post-war anti-Muslim violence in Sri Lanka. This paper argues that post-war Islamophobia and anti-Muslim violence is not just a matter of political gambling or electoral strategy of political parties. Instead, it resulted from the deep-rooted extreme Buddhist majoritarian ideology that tries to drive the state and the society towards an exclusive Buddhist state. The ideology creates a cultural legitimacy to criminalize the Muslims as "invaders" and "the other" within Sri Lanka. This cultural cover up has led to epidemic direct and structural violence across the island. Hence, this paper suggests that the conflict management process should diverted towards structural changes, which includes both the constitutional and educational aspects, into account, rather than depending solely on the civil society driven inter-community co-existence projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban societies are experiencing intensified social frictions which have manifested in a growing occurrence of riots. Urban riots are often treated as ephemeral outbursts which create only short-term or immediate responses by the state or residents. However, this paper aims to move beyond such present-centrism by proposing a research agenda for studying their contextually longer-term legacies. Particular consideration is given to three thematic areas: (a) policy responses, (b) temporalities and urban memory, and (c) feelings and subjectivities. Drawing upon empirical illustrations concerning riots in London (2011) and Stockholm (2013), the paper uncovers variations within and across the two cities, such as differing state and private sector interventions; reshaping of civil society; and how residents variously resist, adapt to, and promote change. The paper thus reflects upon how riots' afterlives in different urban contexts are constructed, mobilized and contested. Such variations point to the importance of the situated study of urban riots' diverse legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gay or queer relationships in Zimbabwe remain a site of discursive contestation. The rise in human rights advocacy has re/located the subject within the human rights premise, shifting the discussions away but not disconnected from the religious, political and cultural representations. This paper examined the societal constructions and attitudes toward homosexuality by analyzing Twitter exchanges that followed the disclosure on the 21st of September 2018, by a teacher (Neal Hovelmeier) of St John's College in Zimbabwe, that he was gay. The disclosure prompted substantial online and offline debates on gay and queer relationships (what is popularly known as homosexuality in Zimbabwe) and produced two discursive divisions. The first division was against homosexuality and galvanized support across cultural, political, traditional, religious and social constructions. Though less popular, the other division found support from within the gay or queer community itself, the global North diplomatic missions resident in Zimbabwe, liberal left-leaning and some civil society organizations. The former's key feature is societal resistance to homosexuality which is constructed by way of inferences to Christianity and traditional belief systems about binary gender and sex categories and sexual relations. The latter has constructed homosexuality from the premise of human rights, acceptance and tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]