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Privatisation is a strategic policy restructuring the relationship between the state and the market, the public and the private, and hence, the political and the economic. It opens non-capitalist spaces to capital accumulation and creates new markets for international competition. Privatisation alters a society's relationship to public goods, services and rights by commodification practices, and turns into a highly controversial reform in economic restructuring. This paper discusses how privatisation gained priority in Greece with the economic crisis. It incorporates the concept of depoliticisation to offer a new perspective on the analysis of the economic plans, programmes and documents that Greece signed with international creditors for the sake of its economic recovery. It claims that depoliticisation functioned as a strategy for putting privatisation policies onto the agenda by simply reproducing the elusive separation between the political and the economic. The paper argues that introducing extensive privatisation policies through internationally agreed-upon documents confirms the attempt to erode the political character of the process in order to (i) present such policies as a technical, economic imperative, (ii) externalise political decisions, and (iii) limit public discontent. The depoliticisation and privatisation processes reinforce each other in widening the state-market divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the perceptions of domestic and foreign entrepreneurs (businesspeople and/or managers) operating in Greece towards the spatial diffusion of FDI effects caused by the privatization programme implemented by the Greek government after an economic crisis. In particular, it investigates whether attracting foreign direct investors through the ongoing privatization programme could be a policy tool for the country's recovery from the prolonged 2008 global economic crisis. To that end, it presents the results of a multinomial logistic regression model based on survey data from a significant sample of domestic and foreign investors in Greece. The key finding of this study suggests that the positive effects of FDI on the recovery of Greece from the economic crisis are more likely to benefit the country's economy as a whole than only the local economy in which the FDI is located. This finding is stronger for entrepreneurs who are (moderately) optimistic about the role of the privatization programme in attracting the interest of foreign investors than others. Overall, there is evidence that FDI attraction policies can help all Greek regions to recover from an economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, in western countries, the social work profession primarily has come into contact with issues of precarity through the lives of service users. This paper introduces precarity in the social work scholarly literature as a feature of social workers' professional and personal lives. It draws from the findings of a qualitative small study of mental health social workers working in the non-profit sector in Greece. The findings reflect a picture of social workers experiencing precarious conditions as they have become part of the growing phenomenon of the working poor, surviving by loans, experiencing housing insecurity, reproductive insecurity, fuel poverty and unable to pay for their commuting expenses to and from work. Furthermore, the paper maintains that the expansion of the conditions of precarity to university-educated professionals, such as social workers, needs to be understood within an International Political Economy (IPE) perspective in order neoliberal capitalism which brings rising levels of inequalities to become a focus of intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists and social scientists' low professional status looms large when looking at the rapidly changing professional hierarchy based on the prominent role of technology and of scientific applications for peoples' lives. The paper seeks to unveil the inadequate professionalization of sociology in Greece and to relate this situation to the increase in the employment precariousness of sociologists over the years of the economic crisis. Moreover, the dominant economy-centric ideological/ governance model which promotes the 'utilitarianism' of the social sciences has played a significant role in sociology's residual position. The paper is structured along three axes: First of all, the low professional status of sociologists is related to the delayed academic institutionalization of sociology. Secondly, there is brief discussion of the relevant literature on graduate supply and demand in the labour market and the expansion of higher education. Thirdly, a more focused discussion is developed which portrays the opportunities and challenges faced by sociologists and other social scientists in the labour market, giving particular emphasis to the current situation in the wake of the financial crisis. Finally, it is concluded that the vicious circle of low professionalization and high precariousness facing sociologists demands institutional action aimed at reformulating the public agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores various dimensions of ‘gender’ and ‘mobility’ among immigrant youth from a transnational perspective in an era of economic crisis. The extent and parameters of continuity, contestation and change in migrant youth identities are analysed and we suggest that neither gender nor identity are stable categories but are embedded in sociocultural particularities both in the country of residence (Greece) but also in the country of origin (Albania). Through in-depth interviews with 52 participants, all second-generation Albanian immigrants in Greece born to two Albanian parents, the paper addresses youth identification in relation to gendered representations of belonging. The narrative accounts that we have selected and analysed reflect the emotional challenges, constraints and creativity of Albanian youth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Maritime transportation constitutes a dynamic Greek economic sector. Greece accounted for 25% of the Maritime Passenger Traffic (MPT) in the European Union in 2007. However, due to the economic recession since 2009, maritime passenger transportation has been facing increasing fuel prices along with declining demand. In this paper, we develop transfer function models, including macroeconomic indicators, for forecasting the coastal and the Adriatic MPT in Greek ports. The majority of the MPT models include the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as an explanatory variable, reflecting the financial impact on maritime flows. Although the employment and the economic crisis dummy are also used as explanatory variables, the unemployment and the oil price do not affect MPT. The coastal traffic models are generally more consistent when the seasonality trend is eliminated, while the international traffic models perform better when the inherent seasonality is considered. This first effort contributes toward filling the gap of MPT forecasting models for supporting policy-making on maritime transportation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that Syriza has remained faithful to its distinct form of left Europeanism in the post-crisis era. It aims at testing the relative importance of four factors: the party’s Eurocommunist heritage, its ideological pillars, its internal balance and party factionalism, and its transnational affiliations. In order to assess their importance, the present paper draws from on-going research applying a theoretical framework that combines the work of Johansson and Raunio (2001) with Charalambous’ (2013) communist dilemma. While the former framework provides us with the required areas of investigation, the latter focuses on the party’s mechanisms of altering salience levels in respect to its transnational affiliations. It thus pinpoints an additional level of analysis that highlights the importance of the Party of the European Left for Syriza’s unaltered stance towards the European edifice, at least for the party’s Unitary Platform that witnessed the Left Platform’s withdrawal from Syriza following Syriza’s ‘capitulation’ in July 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The economic crisis signifies a turning point for Greek national self-image. The present paper explores the ideological function of interpretative repertoires in relation to the reproduction and contestation of national identity. We focus on two basic repertoires: a victimizing and a self-blaming one. Even though connotations of victimhood are not homogenous, its association with an external enemy is very popular. This paper demonstrates that discourses of victimization are not unambiguous and solidified; they interact with self-blaming discursive patterns, thus leading to hybrid perceptions of the national self-image that are adjusted to particular political actors’ strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the eruption of the Greek economic crisis in 2010 and the introduction of austerity policies, Greece’s public space has become a theatre of intense political conflict in the form of social unrest, mass mobilisations, symbolic and physical clashes and political instability. This paper suggests that these developments can be understood in a productive way by drawing on a psychoanalytic understanding of loss and trauma. This framework can help us understand the transformation of a popular subject previously loyal to the political establishment into a disenchanted one, and also address the question of emotional intensities at play in this detachment. But in addition, psychoanalysis highlights the possibility of different responses to loss and the different ethical implications that these can have, which stands in contrast to accounts that see radicalisation as inherently dangerous. Far-right and left-wing responses are examined and characterised through this lens. The paper concludes that there are nuances in the left-wing responses that can meet the ethical criteria set by a psychoanalytic understanding of loss. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article develops a perspective on African migrant integration, reflecting on the ‘visualization’ of migrant experience. It formulates some considerations on how integration of migrants can be captured, drawing on empirical material from street photography in modern-day Greece. The main research question concerns the role of visual images as sites for the construction and depiction of social difference. In that sense, their meaning goes beyond their content and they act as visual representations of discourses. The paper addresses this issue through a focus on local aspects of integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in the city centre of Athens. Specifically it looks at three themes related to discourses on migrant integration in today's economic crisis: (1) the physical and social environment of marginalization, (2) the migrant body and (3) the fear of the migrant. On the basis of the findings a synthesis is attempted of several parallel existing representations in discourses about African migration. The synthesis betrays the ongoing struggle between, on the one hand, the dominant structures that the state creates to deal with their presence and, on the other, the migrant strategies for adaptation and inclusion, which in turn sustain the mechanisms and form integration takes in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Greece has suffered the worst from the late 2000s global financial crisis. Despite the completion of the economic adjustment program the rate of recovery in Greece is still weak. The liquidity constraints in the Greek economy imply that the investment shock, which will accelerate its recovery rate, will be an outcome of investment inflows by privatizations and/or other opportunities arising to foreign investors (inward FDI) due to the devaluation of the assets in Greece caused by the crisis. However, the level of attracted by the Greek economy has always been well below the European Union average. This paper investigates the factors favoring inward FDI in Greece after the crisis. A survey is made by the use of a questionnaire for the collection of primary data on the activity of multinationals in Greece and non-parametric methods are used for investigating the attractiveness of the Greek market and the decision to invest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of a Marxist analysis of capitalist relations of class power and the class configuration in contemporary advanced capitalist societies, the paper investigates the consequences of the recent economic crisis and of the neoliberal capitalist strategies in Greece (austerity, market liberalization and privatizations), on the one hand for the class structure of the Greek society and on the other for the potential class alliances against neoliberal agenda, focusing especially on the coalescence of practices between the working class and certain subsets of the middle classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper offers a first-time investigation of populism at the mass level in Greece. Its objectives are to examine the socio-economic factors which facilitate the adoption of populist world views and to identify the ideological correlates of populism. Findings reveal that the strongest socio-economic predictors are (low levels of) household income and education. Populist attitudes are more pronounced among left-wing citizens and strongly associated with euroscepticism and opposition to economic liberalism. However, the relationship of populism with anti-immigrant and anti-democratic attitudes appears to be mediated by left-right ideology, thus providing evidence that mass-level populism in Greece comes in both left-inclusionary and right-exclusionary varieties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains and evaluates the effects of the developing crisis on the mobility of third-country nationals in Greece and other South European political economies. In doing so it explores the mobility of these migrants within the context of the informal economic activity in which many such migrants have been involved. The paper exposes the distance separating the law and the actual enforcement of fundamental employment- and mobility-related rights of irregular migrants in Greece and other southern European countries. It identifies the significance of the familistic welfare regime of the European South in framing migrants' characteristics and their consequent mobility in the region. The article argues that the familistic welfare regime of the host country is inextricably linked to migrants' employment trajectories and fundamentally affects the strategies that migrants have developed in order to protect themselves in lieu of effective rights regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In recent years, economic resilience has become a popular term in both theory and policy practice. This interest was triggered by the fact that some regional economies were extremely vulnerable, while others have managed to overcome, more or less effectively, the worse consequences of the current economic crisis. Within this context, questions arise regarding the role that policies at both the national and subnational levels can play in shaping regional economic resilience. Although high in the academic and political agenda, understanding the policy and governance aspects of resilience still remains a relatively underdeveloped area. The paper contributes to this debate focusing on an area which has been most severely hit by crises, the Region of West Macedonia, in Greece. The case study builds on the historical trajectory of the region in order to explain how different types of policies have influenced the ability of West Macedonia to respond to economic slumps and crises of the last 30 years. Evidence suggests that national protectionist policies largely explain not only resilience of the region against previous crises, but also its vulnerability towards the still ongoing economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a case study realized in a Greek model high school as an extracurricular animation-making project during an after-school club. The student-participants were 20 volunteers between 16 and 18 years old. The researcher studied the affective function of moving image literacy, i.e. the feelings and emotions experienced by the student-participants during animation-viewing, animation-making as well as the affective engagement they wished to cause to their audience. Their creation was a short animation film entitled ‘The Society’, symbolically dealing with the issue of the Greek economic crisis from a social viewpoint. The affective function studied is considered as one of the benefits of moving image literacy, whether this literacy is applied within a subject of the curriculum, is taught as a subject per se or is applied in an extracurricular project addressing all age groups. So, this case study shows the range of feelings students can experience during an animation-making project and how their emotional involvement contributes to the success of the pedagogic process. Its aim is to encourage teachers to use moving image literacy as a means of affective involvement of their students with the subject taught, an aspect that has not been widely explored so far. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The debt crisis that broke out in Greece in 2009 and the conditions accompanying the bail out loans received, led to a dramatic decrease in social spending and social benefits. At the same time the need to curb spending led to major reform initiatives that transformed key aspects of the welfare state, such as the pension and health systems. The paper tries to understand to what extent the changes introduced since the outbreak of the crisis constitute a radical departure from past institutional arrangements. To this end, it examines how the reforms introduced in key welfare institutions, the austerity measures adopted, alongside changes in the labour market and family arrangements have transformed the welfare state. It concludes that while the crisis has indeed triggered the introduction of radical reforms, it is premature to speak of a complete model change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The overriding aim of this paper is to analyse Greek adolescents' digital video making and sharing, the voices they represent in their videos, the dialogical interactions they evoke, and how this activity relates to their everyday lives as they traverse the crises that have taken hold in their country. A focused search of YouTube content was conducted which yielded five videos for analysis. These texts were ‘re-read’ using multimodal analysis and the resulting ‘texts-on-texts’ were analysed using thematic analysis. Via the creation of YouTube videos young people visually convey and communicate their representations of the crises and provide a rich analysis of how the following themes define their lived-experiences: (a) ‘unoccupied youth and occupied dreams yield a sacrificed generation’; (2) ‘blanket condemnation of powerbrokers, their messengers, and mesmerizing mediums’; and, (3) ‘hypnagogia and the insidious enslavement of the psyche’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of a cross-national economic crisis, questions about democratic legitimacy are again topical. We explore the question of democratic legitimacy in Portugal and Greece by employing the conceptual differentiation between diffuse and specific regime support. Our findings indicate that while specific support has fallen in both countries, only Greece has experienced a precipitous fall in diffuse support, suggesting a link between regime performance and support for democracy. Individual-level analyses do not reveal any clear patterns concerning the impact of long-term societal factors or short-term economic considerations. Due to data quality limitations the paper has a predominately exploratory nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the acute economic crisis that began in late 2009 on the law-making way in Greece. Through an analysis of the legislation enacted between 2010 and 2015, a consistent pattern emerged: Each time the crisis intensified, the Greek governments resorted to 'legislative acts of necessity' bypassing the established rules of proper law-making to the detriment of the smooth function of parliamentary democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although several studies aim at analysing the causes and impacts of the current economic crisis, especially involving the case of Greece, the role that highly educated population holds has not received wider attention. Based on an examination of both secondary data on the Greek economy/labour market and primary data collected by a survey that included 1821 graduates, this paper shows that underutilization of highly educated population harmed the competitiveness of the Greek economy, a factor which has significantly contributed to the creation of the current debt crisis and fostered the migration of graduates. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of European Journal of Psychotherapy & Counselling is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Trikala, central Greece, specific historical events significantly inform understandings of the present economic crisis through what is termed “cultural proximity”. This is the notion that previous times of social and economic turmoil, apparently distant points in time, are embodied within the context of the present. Some past epochs of prosperity and crisis have proved more significant than others in shaping contemporary crisis experience. As accounts of the Great Famine of 1941–1943 are brought to the fore by the current economic crisis, concepts of lineal time and the nationalization of critical events must be interrogated. Through considering theories of time as proposed by Michel Serres, this paper addresses how specific historical events can become embodied during the current economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines whether an association exists between parental unemployment and health-related quality of life and mental health for adolescents aged 15–18 in Athens, Greece. The gathered dataset covers the same upper high schools in two periods, 2011–2013 and 2017–2019. The study finds that parental unemployment bears an association with decreased health-related quality of life and increased adverse mental health symptoms for adolescents. Moreover, the 2011–2013 period, a period of increased parental unemployment, saw a decrease in health-related quality of life and increased adverse mental health symptoms for adolescents. In addition, parental unemployment proved more detrimental to adolescents' health-related quality of life and mental health in 2011–2013 than in 2017–2019. The present research ranks among the first studies to examine whether parental unemployment could be associated with worse health-related quality of life and mental health for adolescents during periods of increased parental unemployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do macro-economic conditions affect legislators' representative focus? This article examines this novel predictor by analysing an original dataset of parliamentary questions from the Greek parliament. Greece is a very informative case since not only is it one of the countries most severely hit by the Eurozone Crisis but it also offers an institutional setting that provides plenty of incentives to re-election-seeking actors for constituency-focused representative work. The data utilised covers an extended period of six Greek legislatures and over 12,000 parliamentary current questions asked pre, during and post-crisis between 2006 and 2019. The stand-alone effect of macro-economic conditions as well as its interaction with known predictors like the legislators' vulnerability is tested. Findings provide evidence that better national economic performance conditions increase the likelihood that MPs with table current questions about their constituency, although other traditional factors like electoral vulnerability remain important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The manifestation of the world economic crisis at 2007 and its consequences have brought the European economy and, more specifically, the Greek economy in front of new challenges for adjustment to the new era. In 2010, Greece adopted a fiscal adjustment programme in order to fix the fiscal weaknesses of its economy. This fiscal adjustment programme was completed on 20 August 2018, eight years after its adoption. Adopting the fiscal consolidation process had certain implications for specific sectors of the Greek economy. For this reason, the aim of this article is to examine the political economy of the health sector in Greece, and the implications of the economic crisis. The health sector is crucial for the productive capabilities of a national economy. The study of the health sector of Greece after the adoption of the fiscal adjustment programme is going to reveal the extent to which it is capable of confronting public health challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis focuses on the economic effects of the economic crisis on the health sector and the prospects of the Greek economy's productive capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we emphasize the political causes of the crisis in order to evaluate not only whether these have been the main factors behind the economic crisis (particularly over the last decade), but also whether these can be considered the main factors for the failure of Greek and European officials to overcome the economic crisis. Over the last ten years, there has been something of a deterioration of the political variables and we are now faced with a question of whether we can begin to talk about a way out of the crisis. As per our argument, despite the acceptance of new institutional rules for the efficient operation of the economy through the memoranda of understanding, Greece's performance has worsened in terms of its political and institutional governance indicators over the last decades. This fact is particularly worrying because it highlights an overall failure to change the political conditions that affect the overall quality of life and prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the determinants of the Greek shadow economy, its interaction with the official economy, and its relationship with corruption. In doing so, we undertake — for the first time — an interdisciplinary review of economic and political studies on the size and determinants of the shadow economy, tax evasion, undeclared work and, moreover, of their relation with corruption in Greece in order to reveal the extent and complexity of these phenomena. We estimate the size and determinants of the shadow economy via a multiple-indicators-multiple-causes (MIMIC) approach. Our findings indicate that the important determinants are factors related to macroeconomic conditions, such as unemployment and GDP growth, and institutional factors, such as tax morale and the rule of law. We also indicate that the shadow economy and corruption are complementary and that the official and the shadow economy substitute each other over the business cycle. An adoption of policy based on these findings would lead to a successful transfer of part of the shadow economy to the official economy, would boost government revenue, and would eventually lead the Greek economy out of the depression that emerged as a result of the sovereign debt crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional gender roles are redefined during the migration process as some women gain more economic independence and can challenge the power hierarchies within the domestic sphere. Drawing on 36 biographical interviews with Albanian migrants in Greece, the analysis highlights the importance of gender, work, and agency in the migration process. By taking on the main breadwinner role, in response to high levels of male unemployment, Albanian women in Greece have challenged the traditional gender roles and division of labour within the domestic domain. Thus, women's empowerment has come at the cost of having to bear the double burden of working both within and outside of the household. The notion of 'reflexive agency' provides us with an in-depth understanding of the complex ways Albanian women are negotiating change, and of the power dynamics that have emerged as a result of shifts in gender role configurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores changes in the relationship between attitudinal and participatory dimensions of politics, and age in Southern European countries. We look at how attitudes towards the political system and institutions combine with engagement in politics to define the ways in which citizens relate to the political sphere and the impact of the economic crisis on this relationship, in particular among the young. Using all available rounds of the European Social Survey for Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain between 2002 and 2019, this article develops a typology of citizens and analyses heterogeneities based on age, time and countries to find whether the relationship between citizens and politics has changed over time among the four states, in particular among young citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greece's traditional system of state corporatism and polarized party system were the bases of very tight linkages between interest groups and political parties in the post-authoritarian period. Owing to governing policy shifts which negatively affected the strongest interest groups, a weakening of such tight linkages occurred, culminating during the economic crisis, when interest groups challenged austerity policies. This confrontation helped bring the collapse of the old party system and the rise of Syriza to power. The disentanglement of interest groups from parties was more visible with regard to their policy-related ties than organizational or leadership ties. Thus, despite their weakening, ties between interest groups and parties have not been completely severed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greece, Portugal and Spain are among the countries worst hit by the 2008 Great Recession, followed by significant electoral and political turmoil. However, one of the dimensions in which they differ is the presence and varieties of populism in parties' political proposals. Drawing on holistic coding of party manifestos, we assess the varying presence of populist rhetoric in mainstream and challenger parties before and after the 2008 economic downturn. Our empirical findings show that populism is much higher in Greece compared to Spain and Portugal. We do not find a significant impact of the crisis as the degree of populism remains rather stable in Greece and Portugal, while it increases in Spain, mainly due to the rise of new populist forces. The study confirms that populist rhetoric is a strategy adopted mainly by challenger and ideologically radical parties. In addition, inclusionary populism is the predominant flavour of populist parties in new Southern Europe, although exclusionary populism is present to a lesser extent in the Greek case. We contend that the interaction between the national context – namely the ideological legacy of parties and the main dimensions of competition – and the strategic options of party leadership is crucial for explaining cross-country variation in the intensity of populism and the specific issues that characterise populist discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the impact of the current economic crisis on the reality of heritage protection, using the largest and most popular archaeological museums in Greece as case studies. The system of heritage protection and museum operation in Greece is outlined, and a description of the operation of these museums prior to the 2008 global economic crisis follows. The impact of the crisis on museums is examined, as well as the museums' respective responses. Finally, a strategic model from the business field is presented that could help museums achieve tactical agility in the current unstable environment. This is a systematic attempt to examine the impact of the crisis upon the cultural sector in Greece using archaeological museums as a case study, and to suggest solutions to mitigate its impact. As the crisis is not exclusively a Greek issue but has a broader, international, relevance, the conclusions of this study could help various cultural organizations deal with the ongoing crisis — or even prepare for crises to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social & Cultural Geography is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the ways in which the archaeological excavations at Amphipolis, Northern Greece, were transformed into a ‘heritage spectacle’ during the summer of 2014. The article argues that the spectacularisation of Amphipolis excavations constituted a powerful, political medium for dis-orientating the wider Greek public from issues related to the severe economic crisis of the country. Although the practice of heritage spectacularisation is not new, the media spectacle of Amphipolis introduced an advanced mechanism for spectacularizing archaeological research and the past. The article deconstructs this mechanism through a thematic content analysis of about 100 newspaper articles published in the Greek press, filtered through the lenses of spectacle theory. As it is demonstrated, the spectacularisation process of Amphipolis excavations is embodied by emotive dramatisation, banal cultural symbols, escapism and power imbalances. The article concludes with an interpretive framework for heritage spectacles while highlighting ethical and practical implications regarding the role of archaeologists and heritage practitioners towards political ‘abuse’ of heritage in times of socio-economic and political crises. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity policies or to capitalise on its major victory in the July referendum. The article examines both the election and the referendum that preceded it, offering an explanation for SYRIZA’s victory. It also attempts to trace the trajectory of the current party system in Greece and its ongoing realignment process in light of the 2015 electoral contests and the busy political timeline since the formation of the first SYRIZA–ANEL government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2015 an early parliamentary election was held in Greece, amidst harsh economic conditions and the saliency of the issue of Greece’s relations with the European Union. The election, won by the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), marked a popular will for a total change of the governing paradigm and economic policies and, at the same time, confirmed that in countries that face economic crisis and have signed bail-out agreements entailing harsh austerity measures, government parties are sooner or later punished by the electorate, albeit in different degrees. In terms of systemic trends, the January 2015 election confirmed for the Greek party system an unstable process of acquiring a new shape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of the economic crisis on the Orthodox Church of Greece (OCG). The first three parts of the article set the current stage by offering a short overview of the crisis and the response of the OCG through its charitable social welfare activities. The fourth part looks at church–state relations in Greece, covering more particularly its financial aspects. The fifth and final part discusses how the economic crisis has affected the OCG itself, including its own finances and governance, and sustainability and mission in the long term. Although the OCG provides social assistance to the Greek population during the economic crisis, it also finds itself very much affected by the same crisis. The economic crisis has forced the OCG to reduce its operating costs while at the same time continue its extensive social work. The crisis has also prompted public debates and questions about the finances of the OCG. This situation may gradually force either the Greek state or the OCG, or perhaps both, to rethink their relationship in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Big Events are processes like macroeconomic transitions that have lowered social well-being in various settings in the past. Greece has been hit by the global crisis and experienced an HIV outbreak among people who inject drugs. Since the crisis began (2008), Greece has seen population displacement, inter-communal violence, cuts in governmental expenditures, and social movements. These may have affected normative regulation, networks, and behaviors. However, most pathways to risk remain unknown or unmeasured. We use what is known and unknown about the Greek HIV outbreak to suggest modifications in Big Events models and the need for additional research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on surveys of voters and MPs in Greece, this article analyses elite–mass interaction on key policy (austerity, European integration, immigration) and ideological issues after the 2012 elections. We find that while for the government parties, New Democracy and PASOK, the level of congruence is quite high, MPs from opposition parties (SYRIZA, Golden Dawn) place themselves in more exposed positions in comparison with their voters. The observed substantial variation in the intensity and direction of congruence, across parties and issue preferences in Greece, reinforces the view that the dimensionality of political contestation is not reducible to a single ideological dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The outbreak of economic crisis in Greece in 2010 and the austerity measures adopted have dramatically altered the economic and social conditions throughout the country and consequently deeply impacted the migrant families. With Albanian regular migrants losing the legal status and lapsing back into irregularity due to the high unemployment rates, the reverse process of de-regularization and social disintegration has emerged. As a result, many migrants drew on family and social networks to pursue work opportunities either back home or elsewhere, while maintaining their formal ties/residence in Greece. This article explores the impact of the Greek crisis and de-regularization phenomenon on the transnational practices among Albanian families. Our aim is to go beyond the general theories on transnationalism and look at what exactly is the impact of the crisis on the families, as well as individuals' dilemmas of return and negotiations between transnational mobility and staying put, between different levels of belonging and their orientation to the present and future. The empirical analysis is based on in-depth interviews with 70 Albanians of first and second generation living in Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses whether and how public opinion towards the European Union (EU) in Greece has changed in the context of the current Eurozone crisis. It provides the first detailed treatment of how the crisis has affected citizens’ views in a traditionally pro-European member state. It examines whether public opinion has become more Eurosceptic and which societal groups have changed their views and in what direction. It uses data from Eurobarometer surveys conducted before and during the current crisis. Unsurprisingly, the findings show that negative sentiment towards the EU has increased across all social groups in recent years. However, we find a paradox of a decline in general support for the EU and an increase in support for the Euro. In a country seen as traditionally pro-European, Greek public opinion has fallen out of love with the EU, but it clearly does not want to leave the Eurozone or renounce membership altogether. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the rise of the one of the most extremist political parties in Europe, Golden Dawn. It sketches the historical trajectory of the Greek far right, examines the ideological, organisational and voter profile of Golden Dawn, and offers possible explanations for its breakthrough in the 2012 elections. The article shows how the economic crisis has brought a massive realignment of the Greek electorate away from mainstream parties, giving rise to anti-system and anti-immigrant sentiments. Golden Dawn's violent tactics have allowed the party to establish an anti-system and anti-immigrant profile and capitalise on these sentiments. The party's future will depend on its capacity to absorb organisationally any future tensions between party pragmatists and idealists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article constitutes a preliminary attempt to address the effects of the current economic crisis on the Greek environment. The austerity policies and other conditions imposed by the Memoranda of Understanding with the troika of international lenders are undermining the progress made in the pre-crisis years in the framework of European Union (EU) environmental policy. The latter conflicts with the EU's new priorities in the context of the Greek bailout programme. Examples include the air pollution caused by fuel substitution following a vast increase in heating fuel tax, the escalating environmental conflict related to gold-mining investment, and the crumbling environmental management apparatus. Strictly monitored by the European Commission, European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund, Greece needs to carefully delineate the trade-offs inherent in the country's ‘new’ model of growth. Proper policies are needed to avoid natural resource depletion, environmental decay and further national wealth reduction in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) made remarkable ‘turns towards civil society’ over the last decade. It is argued that this was primarily a response aimed at strengthening their social legitimacy, which had reached its lowest point in the early 1990s. Differences in the way the two parties attempted to stabilise and engage their membership and re-establish links to trade unions and new social movements can be attributed to their distinct ideological and organisational legacies. Despite those differences, their respective linkage strategies were both successful until the game-changing 2012 Greek national elections, which brought about the remarkable rise of SYRIZA and the electoral demise of the KKE. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]