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The article explores the political history of Canada during the administration of prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Emphasis is given to aspects of foreign policy such as procurement for the armed forces, Canada's commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and collective defense against the Soviet Union.

This paper analyses how democratic legislatures oversee the military, using Canada as a case. The paper argues that the tendency to engage in intrusive oversight versus reactive oversight is shaped by institutional structures and party preferences. Canadian institutional structures discourage parliamentary defence committees from engaging in intrusive oversight of the armed forces to achieve policy influence, and encourage opposition parties to focus on reactive oversight efforts that complement their vote-seeking preferences. Vote-seeking, the paper argues, incentivises opposition parties to be public critics of the government’s handling of military affairs, rather than informed but secretive monitors of the armed forces. The paper then addresses a key case where the opposition was able to use an exceptional constitutional power of the House of Commons to force the executive to disclose classified information regarding the military: detainee transfers by the Canadian Armed Forces in Afghanistan. This case highlights the trade-offs that parliamentarians face when they demand information to perform more intrusive oversight of the armed forces. This suggests that party preferences are a significant, yet understudied, aspect of how legislatures vary in their oversight of the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Canadian federal and cross-provincial higher education policy from 1960 to 1990, a critical time when provisions for vocational and adult training came under the auspices of governmental concern, justified under both an economic rationale and as a way to address persistent forms of inequality. The problematisation of skill during this period had particular gendered implications, as addressing inequality through education subsidies intersected with the perceived training needs of employers and the market. Employing Nancy Fraser's theory of a ‘triple movement’, the following paper ‘takes stock’ of how the three political forces of social movements, marketisation, and social protection have shaped gendered discourses of education and training, the implications for which are of continued relevance to those trying to understand the education and training within the contemporary neo-liberal state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It has been well documented that forms of media help create new communities, such as the public sphere and the nation. However, the origin of one major political institution has rarely been considered in this light: the political party. This paper brings together the theory on early party formation in North America and the theory on mediated communities to argue that the first public political organizations in Canada, which resembled modern parties in many ways, should be seen as constituted by the media. The paper presents the case of Upper Canada (1820–1841) where newspaper distribution linked partisans into new communities, and editors and politicians ‘imagined’ new political communities in the pages of their newspapers. Modern political parties should thus be seen as essentially mediated communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reviews Canada's market-based childcare 'system' and considers its capacity to deliver universal services. Canada mainly relies on parent-controlled centres for delivery, in the near absence of publicly-provided services. Canadian childcare is characterized by frustrated national and provincial policy capacity, a high degree of commercial childcare, inequities in service distribution, and the burdening of parent-users (particularly mothers). This form of co-production poses considerable problems for the federal government, which has recently declared its intention to build a national system of early learning and care. The policy architecture makes a national system of early learning and childcare structurally unobtainable. This gap between political vision and local feasibility is explained through an analysis of service delivery, management and policy development. The paper concludes that co-production must shift if Canada is to implement a universal early learning and childcare program, but warns such change does not appear to be forthcoming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that the issue of whether Canada should develop a greater foreign intelligence capability has been broached numerous times, in various guises, over more than a century, those who have followed the development of the country's intelligence architecture will know it has never had a foreign intelligence service like its close allies. They will also be aware that on each occasion on which the issue has been raised, the Canadian government has declined to proceed. If history is any guide, there is a strong likelihood that the idea of Canada developing a more robust capability will again engage politicians, former intelligence officials, academics, the media, and think tanks in the not too distant future. The view adopted in this paper is that the public discourse has become sterile, and that if it is to advance, aspects of the counterfactual case – why has a foreign Humint capability not been developed? – may prove more fruitful. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A recent influx of Asian investment is changing the character of the Canadian oil and gas industry and reviving old debates on the regulation of foreign investment. Particular attention has been placed on investment by state-owned enterprises (SOEs), driven in part by public suspicion about investment from China, which has been the largest source of SOE capital flows to Canada. Recent amendments to theInvestment Canada Acthave made SOE investment more difficult and have raised questions about the country’s attractiveness as an investment destination. This paper makes the case for non-discrimination of SOEs in the investment review process. In the context of a policy framework that is fundamentally supportive of inward foreign direct investment (FDI), the Canadian government does not require a set of redundant measures to protect against the relatively low risk of undesirable investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the opportunities and threats of accessibility of civil justice in the Canadian jurisprudence. It discusses the efforts of the Canadian government in fulfilling the needs of expert legal services for citizens in Canada. Topics discussed include empirical research on self-represented litigants (SRLs) in Canada and long-run impacts of cutbacks in the civil legal aid. It informs that the access to justice provides market opportunity for law firms.

The 2010 arrival of the MVSun Seaon the BC coast sparked a wave of heated anti-migrant sentiment in Canadian popular media which cast the 492 Sri Lankan Tamils on board as ‘illegitimate’ refugee claimants. While Canada has historically seen itself as the safe haven and protector of human rights for those with ‘legitimate’ claims, theSun Searesponse reflects a shift in attitudes about refugees and immigration in popular discourse and Canadian public policy. This paper examines the construction of Tamil migrants in online news comments, blog posts and message boards and considers how such media images reinforce and legitimise public and political opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on the insights of Sawer and Laycock (2009) to explore similarities in the use of populist discourse by former Australian Prime John Howard and current Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper. While Sawer and Laycock label this discourse ‘market populism’ and focus on economic issues, here it is argued that Howard and Harper's populism is better understood as ‘mainstream populism’ due to the equal importance of sociocultural issues in their discourses. To demonstrate this, the treatment of issues such as immigration, multiculturalism, the culture wars, criminal justice, and childcare is considered. It is further suggested that such populist policies were used to satisfy rival wings of their respective parties – neoliberals and social conservatives – that do not always share the same priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most studies of the relationship between deputy ministers (DMs) and ministers have focused on majority governments. This paper analyses the impact of minority government on that relationship in four areas (personnel in key positions, the role of central agencies, agendas and daily relationships) on the basis of an analysis of the history of DM appointments and departures under minority governments in Canada and interviews with current DMs. It is found that, under minority governments, relationships of trust are more difficult to develop, there is a stronger tendency to develop public policy on an urgent basis and with a view to short-term issues, greater importance is attached to public opinion, and control is more centralised. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public--private partnerships (P3s) with the for-profit private sector are increasingly used in Canada to deliver public infrastructure and support services within the health care sector (e.g., hospitals, clinics, community health centres). This paper examines the emergence and legacy of P3s in the Canadian health care sector, classifying them as a form of neoliberal accumulation by dispossession and discussing their inability to live up to proponents' promises. Economic and social costs are examined, and examples are drawn from operational P3 hospitals in Canada. The article also briefly examines how P3s have been affected by the recent global financial crisis, arguing that despite serious problems with the private finance component of these projects, ultimately the policy is poised to weather the storm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cabinet appointments to arm's-length agencies, boards and commissions are the last bastion of traditional party patronage in Canada. This paper discusses the strengths and limitations of legislative scrutiny of such appointments in the Canadian House of Commons and the provincial legislatures of Ontario and Nova Scotia. In no jurisdiction has the legislature been permitted to usurp the executive prerogative, nor is this a likely reform, given both the constitutional and political role of ministers. However, legislative review by committee does enhance the accountability of the cabinet to the legislature when members have the right to interview appointees and query them about their political affiliations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to assess the potential of the concept of social citizenship for articulating progressive policy development in Canada. I argue that the revisioning of social citizenship is hampered by a recent notion that it is part of the superseded welfare policy paradigm of the past. Many analysts characterize a shift in the objectives of Canadian social policy as a move away from a 'golden age' policy paradigm, which emphasized the social rights of citizenship, to a neo-liberal paradigm promoting market citizenship. I suggest that there is an overstatement in the current literature of the extent to which social citizenship rights were ever realized, or even pursued, in Canada. There are two tendencies toward over-generalization in the literature that obscure a more complex picture of social policy development in Canada. The first concerns the relationship between social policy and the social rights of citizenship. The blurring of these two concepts underlies some of the overstatement in the literature about the past implementation of social citizenship rights. The second tendency to over-generalization relates to the observation of a paradigm change in social policy orientation. While things may be shifting, there are grounds to believe that this is largely a within-paradigm intensification—from mean and lean, to meaner and leaner. Finally, I suggest that the conceptual foundations of the social rights of citizenship must be re-worked in a way that acknowledges contestation over the terrain and quality of the 'social' and that challenges the distinctness and priority of the 'market'. There is a continuing need to strengthen and promote the social rights of citizenship as a discursive and practical challenge to neo-liberal interpretations of the 'good' society as a 'market' society. This would involve contesting the claim that the market is the arbiter of the quality of life, and claiming the market itself as a social arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following review of definitions of New Public Management (NPM), the paper assesses whether Canada has adopted the NPM, organized by Kernaghan and Charih's (1997) categories and using Loeffler's (1997) definition. Canada has reorganized the machinery of government, changed management methods and reduced the federal public sector substantially. Despite high debt, Canada's federal government reduced its expenditures and/or public service as much or more than the UK and New Zealand. Its expenditures as a proportion of GDP are now similar to those of the UK and New Zealand, the major proponents of NPM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the construction of Canada's postwar international identity and how that identity continues to influence Canadian foreign policy, especially with the United States. Furthermore, the article illustrates how changes in Canadian policy necessitated by the Trump Administration may impact Canada's international identity in the future. The article argues Canadian policy makers have consistently constructed an international identity in opposition to the United States and continue to use the US as a reflective tool in shaping their own policy. The first part of the article briefly examines the concept of state identity outlining both type and role variants and their relevance to foreign policy and this is followed in the second part by a discussion of Canada's postwar international identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Review of History is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Victims of crime are often confused and frustrated by the criminal justice process. Those who have lost loved ones to homicide – often called ‘homicide survivors,’ ‘secondary victims,’ or ‘co-victims’ – suffer not only loss and a justice system that seems to have little place for them, but are often also left unaware of the circumstances of their loved one’s death. The current study sought to further our understanding of the experience of homicide survivors in the Canadian justice system. Toward this end, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with five individuals who lost loved ones to homicide. Results showed that receiving information and being treated kindly were far more important than having an influence over the proceedings; additionally, there was a great deal of distrust of the justice system as a whole, regardless of the kindness shown by individual actors in the system. Policy implications and directions for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at framing strategies behind the recent Canadian Conservative government’s rhetoric on the military. Critics argue that Conservative rhetoric has politicised Canadian history and overemphasised the armed forces. Few scholars, however, have looked at the specific forms this rhetoric took and the strategies it suggested. The article presents the results of a systematic analysis of Conservative rhetoric between 2005 and 2015. It argues that three key frame alignment strategies were at the heart of the Conservative Government’s rhetoric: extension, consolidation and transformation, with truly transformative rhetoric transpiring only in the last phase. While agreeing with critics that this emphasis on the military aimed to alter perceptions of Canadian identity, the article shows that Conservative rhetoric was far from and monolithic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an influential 2002 study, John Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse make the provocative argument that high numbers of Americans seek "stealth democracy," that is, processes that discover the will of the people without requiring substantial citizen effort. This article applies the concept in a Canadian province and argues that the stealth democracy measure represents an ambiguous amalgam of attitudes that are only loosely related to one another, and which do not appear to represent a single, underlying concept. We draw on 2011 Saskatchewan Election Study data and find that Saskatchewan responses to the stealth democracy items generally parallel the responses gathered in previous studies conducted in the United States, Finland, Britain, and Australia. We move beyond these studies by examining the components of the stealth democracy index. We conclude by suggesting that the concept of stealth democracy be rebuilt to better distinguish among attitudes toward democracy, politics, and governing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When criminalized Aboriginal peoples serving time in Canadian prisons wrote in penal presses, they often used genocide as a framework to discuss both their personal life histories and the colonial history that led to overrepresentation of Aboriginal peoples in prisons. Genocide, though, is not a straightforward idea, and the ways that Aboriginal prisoners wrote about genocide differed significantly from how scholars or politicians used the term. By interpreting these writings within Aboriginal storytelling traditions, this article illuminates the lived experience of genocide, how those experiencing incarceration viewed genocide within their belief structures, the ways that genocide became a critique against the Canadian government, and the spiritual basis for discussion of genocide. By reading Aboriginal prison writings as valuable intellectual pursuits, we can begin to interpret genocide within frameworks that differed from the insights from academia. First, genocide was experienced as part of both colonial and personal processes, meaning it was experienced at the community level and in personal violence in pre-carceral lives. Second, by telling stories of genocide, prisoners asserted their own survival, which reflected the goals of their organizations and functioned as a political critique against the Canadian government. Third, genocide became an identity-shaping force in the lives of criminalized Aboriginal peoples, which in turn shaped their experience of incarceration. Finally, genocide was not uniformly experienced, as it had important gendered differences. This article shows the nuance in prisoners' discussions of genocide by proposing a new way of interpreting genocide within Aboriginal history in Canada by analysing penal publications as part of Aboriginal storytelling traditions, what the author refers to as ‘genocide-as-story’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, English Canadian historians and other thinkers came to revise the history of the struggle for Responsible Government in Upper and Lower Canada, along with the accepted narrative of political developments during the early nineteenth century. This revisionism reflected a contemporary critique of “partyism” which was seen to be an outcome of extreme partisanship, patronage, and the brokerage system of politics. These practices were characterized as irrational, inefficient, and a threat to social cohesion and national unity. Moving away from a “Whiggish” vision of political progress in Canada, historians increasingly came to use “excessive” partisanship as a negative characteristic in the evaluation of past events and individuals. The increasing authority of the “new” social scientists is seen in the move away from moralistic condemnations of partyism. Overall, the writing of history was significantly shaped by the sense of political disillusionment felt by English Canadian intellectuals in how liberal democracy was practiced in their society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Issue ownership has become a useful concept for explaining party and voter behaviour in electoral democracies. This article argues that issue ownership can also provide us with a better understanding of the economic issue’s impact on the vote because perceptions of party competence at managing the economy can counterbalance the influence of retrospective economic evaluations, by encouraging voters to put economic performance (good or bad) into perspective. These general expectations are tested with the use of individual-level survey data from five Canadian Election Studies conducted between 1984 and 2011. That relatively long period of time allows estimation of the impact on incumbent vote choice of competence perceptions and economic assessments during both good and bad economic times. Consequently, the article shows that issue ownership of the economy matters to vote choice, that its influence has been consistent across elections, and that it outweighs the impact of retrospective economic judgements. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite the privatization of many state-owned enterprises (SOEs), Canadian governments continue to own and operate numerous Crown corporations in a host of different sectors. Drawing its conclusions from the evolution of six Canadian Crowns, this article will explain both why these firms continue to exist in the public sphere as well as examine how their governance and organizational condition(s) have changed. With one exception, these firms have drastically modernized all aspects of their operations such that they are able to meet the needs of their citizen customers, various stakeholders and, most critically, their single shareholders. Historically imposed institutional variables, the political and policy needs of their respective owners and constraints on the decision-making powers of Canadian governments are key factors for understanding the continued public ownership and institutional development of these SOEs. Canada's limited adoption of New Public Management concepts and neoliberalism, more generally, is an additional pertinent factor that helps to explain their continued presence in the economy as well as the relatively late implementation of modernization programs. Some final thoughts on the value of SOEs and state intervention more generally round out the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the factors that lie behind Canada's success at earning the support of its newcomers. It examines the extent to which feelings towards Canada are grounded in immigrants' experiences in the host country, predispositions inherited from their lives prior to migration, and their comparative assessments of the host country and the country of origin. The findings indicate that although feelings towards Canada are partly shaped by post-migration factors, immigrants also interpret experiences in their new host country through the lens of their pre-migration experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why do states configure their citizenship laws in certain ways? Why do they allow or prohibit dual citizenship? Why was it only in 1946 that Canada decided to enact its first citizenship law which prohibited multiple national allegiances? Why was a similar proposal abandoned in 1931? And why was this citizenship law changed in 1977 to allow dual citizenship? A common answer is that citizenship reflects the national “identity” of each nation-state. Through a perusal of the debates regarding citizenship laws in Canada, I locate the particular motivation for introducing those laws. I argue that although the symbolic element of citizenship laws is significant, citizenship laws are enacted as a political instrument to achieve immediate and specific goals. In particular, accepting dual citizenship in Canada should be seen as a one of the strategies political elites tried in order to incorporate English and French speakers under the same flag. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author discusses restorative justice and community justice in Canada. Topics discussed include evolution of restorative justice in Canada, Canadian justice system, and increasing amount of government funding and policy support in the country. Also being discussed is the national advocacy for restorative justice.

Canada's House of Commons committee system, established to enhance the effectiveness of parliament, has operated in approximately its present form since 1986. However, information about what it accomplishes remains limited. This article focuses on the investigative/policy studies of committees. A questionnaire given to former cabinet ministers and analysis of previously unexplored committee data support the view that these studies have achieved a modest influence on governments, well short of expectations held in the mid-1980s. Furthermore, their influence is as a source of political intelligence more than the collaborative policy work and technical expertise given central importance by creators of the system. This supports scepticism about the influence achieved by the all-party agreement that continues to be reflected in about 70 per cent of committee reports, and may also be reflected in the written responses to committee reports by governments, an estimated 50 per cent of which are ambiguous. Nevertheless, the original vision reflected in the committees persists among many Canadian advocates of parliamentary reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the three rival versions of religious freedom in Canada and the implication of Canada's Office of Religious Freedom on principled pluralism. It mentions that Canada's politics are divided in terms of whether religious freedom should be a part of Canadian foreign policy. It adds that the American connections to the Office of Religious Freedom support the concerns of laicists.

Very little research has been devoted to examining the nature of Speaker selection in legislatures. This article attempts to provide a new perspective in which future research could examine the election of Speakers. A collective action perspective is put forward, which sees three groups of actors execute separate strategies to reach their own ends: the backbench, the executive and the opposition. These factors are tested on the Speaker selection exercises in the Ontario legislature. In the case study, it was found that the executive rarely gets their choice of Speaker, and three factors identified in the legislative dissent literature are utilised to examine these private acts of dissent: party popularity, cabinet size and the percentage of new legislators entering the party at each legislative term. It was found that the Speaker selection process involves three groups, each with their own preference order in decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

International and regional impulses have shaped Canadian socialism from the movement’s origins in the nineteenth century to the present. Many of Canada’s early socialists arrived as ready-made socialists from abroad. From the British Isles, continental Europe, and the United States, these idealists and dissidents imported radical political ideals, which they subsequently adapted to meet the emerging conditions of an industrializing, urbanizing Canada. Directed at a broad cross-section of society, the early Canadian socialist rainbow featured many colours: Chartists, Christian socialists, cooperators, and, by the nineteenth century’s end—communists, anarchists, and other adherents of European radical movements. This process of importation, adaptation, and change took different forms in the distinctive regional contexts of Canada’s multi-ethnic federal state. Building on an interdisciplinary literature, the authors illuminate the ways in which international and regional impulses shaped Canada’s socialist tradition, helping to explain persistent tensions and forces within contemporary Canadian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Do citizens have meaningful attitudes – i.e. enduring, subjectively important and psychologically consequential evaluative orientations – regarding the relative roles of courts and legislatures in resolving contentious issues of public policy? If so, what explains these preferences? Using data from the Canadian Election Study, the authors find that Canadians possess meaningful attitudes on what they term the ‘courts/parliament trade-off’. They also find significant heterogeneity across levels of political knowledge in the nature of these attitudes. Further, most determinants of attitudes on the courts/parliament trade-off can be understood to reflect evaluations of political outcomes under the courts or Parliament, rather than assessments of processes within these institutions. Attitudes on the trade-off are largely interpretable as responses to dynamic features of party politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Dog walking enables physical activity and positive social interactions, but uncontrolled dogs as well as dog feces can foster conflict and deter physical activity, for both dog owners and nonowners. This case study shows that previously reported associations with dogs (both positive and negative) can be linked to the wording and the day-to-day implementation of, or incompliance with, local governments’ bylaws on pets. In this example of posthumanist health promotion, the policy goal is to optimize the overall impact on well-being of pet animals. Analytically, the case study draws together insights from actor–network theory, Foucault’s theory of governmentality, Bourdieu’s theory ofhabitus, and anthrozoology (i.e. the study of human–animal interactions as well as related ideas and norms). Posthumanist health promotion is a theoretically informed approach that can assist in developing policy and implementation strategies, not only on pets but on a range of topics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares the prescriptions for trans-continental empire articulated by two Anglo-American executives in the late eighteenth century: Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States (1801–1809), and John Graves Simcoe, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada (1792–1798). While the political character of the republican Jefferson and the ultra-monarchist Simcoe differed, they articulated strikingly similar prescriptions for trans-continental empire. Both emphasized the importance of white settlement and commercial development in the West. The article explains this apparent paradox by arguing that Jefferson and Simcoe represent variations on a common Anglo-American theme of empire. The similarity of Jefferson's and Simcoe's prescriptions for new forms of empire reflected their common experience of imperial governance, the American Revolution and exposure to political and economic thought in the British Atlantic World, as well as the common challenges of winning over the volatile allegiance of western settlers and the opposition of native peoples in the trans-Appalachian West. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In response to the mental health disparities experienced by Aboriginal peoples, and related inequities regarding the accessibility to appropriate mental health care, there has been a shift in health policy to endorse ‘By Indigenous for Indigenous’ health care delivery models. In Canada, this has resulted in the creation of new mechanisms for Aboriginal participation in health care planning by health authorities with the goal of fostering culturally safe mental health and addictions care. Yet, there is a growing concern about the effects of neo-liberal cost concerns in health policy on the effective implementation of such progressive reform ideas. Drawing on a critical policy review and ethnographic interviews with four community-based Aboriginal organisations and one health authority, this article uses ‘cultural safety’ as a critical lens to discuss emerging tensions within the context of regional Aboriginal mental health care reform in British Columbia. The findings of this study draw attention to the intersecting ways that dominant socio-historical and political ideologies undermine cultural safety in decision-making and funding practices, thereby creating situations of cultural risk for both Aboriginal people working within the area of Aboriginal mental health and by extension for Aboriginal people who are seeking mental health and addictions care. The insights gained from this research contribute to the ongoing dialogue regarding how to foster culturally safe mental health policy and practice, and for action in the political realm. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Type 2 diabetes (T2DM) is a serious life-threatening chronic disease whose prevalence is especially high among Canadians living in poverty. And these Canadians with T2DM in poverty are especially likely to experience serious consequences of the disease. Of special concern is Statistics Canada reporting an explosive increase in mortality rates from diabetes (of which 90% represent T2DM) in low-income urban neighbourhoods across Canada. We place findings from interviews with 60 Canadians with T2DM who live in poverty within the context of recent shifts in public policy that have affected the distribution of the social determinants of health. Findings of material deprivation among our participants indicate that it is almost impossible for these individuals to acquire the diet necessary to prevent the adverse outcomes associated with T2DM. These findings draw attention to consideration of the important role public policy plays in affecting the situation of people living in poverty who are afflicted with T2DM and other chronic diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entitled “Canada and the United States: Principles for Partnership” and prepared at the behest of American President Lyndon Johnson and Canadian Prime Minister Lester Pearson, the so-called Merchant–Heeney report set out a series of guiding principles for the smooth conduct of bilateral relations. Drawing on their vast experience at managing this relationship, Arnold Heeney and Livingston Merchant, two former ambassadors, devised their guidebook by tracing the nature of Canada–US relations, examining areas where problems commonly arose, and offering suggestions towards building a more successful partnership. “Principles for Partnership” may have been their swansong but it was not Merchant and Heeney's sole statement on the Canadian–American relationship. Drawing on speeches, memoranda, and diplomatic cables, this article shows how Merchant and Heeney each conceived of the partnership between their two countries and how they viewed the influence of factors such as Canadian nationalism and the United States' preponderant power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early 1900s, U.S. state and Canadian provincial governments began to register automobiles and issue license plates to their owners. Within several decades of the first issuance of license plates, state and provincial governments began to use these plates for advertising purposes, such as promoting local economies and tourism. In recent decades, however, governments have used license plates to promote national identities and nationalist ideals. Using examples from the United States and Canada, I examine how governments have used such banal signifiers of place as license plates to craft and promote these identities and how drivers have contested that usage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments, world-wide, are preoccupied with avoiding policy failure. A high level of policy capacity is considered one indicator of addressing this issue. Canada is typical of most countries where policy-related work tends to be centralized within its national capital city (Ottawa). There have been criticisms that on-the-ground perspectives are not conceded in policy decisions. Given the vast size and the decentralization of power, very little research has been dedicated to policy work conducted in its regions and whether it contributes to strengthening policy capacity. This article employs eight key hypotheses about contribution of Canadian regionally-based federal policy work to policy capacity based upon data derived from a national survey. A structural equation model (LISREL) is used to present the results. We find that regional-based policy work currently does little to enhance policy capacity. Policy work is divided along two distinct functional lines: traditional policy analysis and 'street-level' bureaucracy. The more engaging policy analysts belong to formal policy units which are a critical aspect of stronger policy capacity. The second factor contributing to policy capacity were attitudes towards the larger political arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a federal system, do citizens have varying amounts of trust and efficacy for different levels of government? Individuals might, for example, feel a greater sense of efficacy for the more proximate level. This contribution examines 40 years of Canadian Election Study (CES) data to determine whether and how citizens distinguish between levels of government to determine which level of government is deemed more important and whether one is more likely to prompt higher levels of trust and efficacy. After establishing that individuals do indeed hold varying levels of trust and efficacy for provincial and federal governments, the analysis takes advantage of innovative questions in the 1984 CES and makes clear that state and sub-state trust and efficacy exert an independent impact on general political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis draws on data from a survey of women in English-speaking Canada to examine whether early exposure to politics in the home can counteract the effects of female socialization. We examine the effect of parents' political activity on their adult daughters' interest in politics, political knowledge, and participation in both electoral (e.g., party membership and voting) and nonelectoral (e.g., demonstrations and political consumerism) forms of political action. We find that a politically active mother can have a role-model effect (net of other factors, such as education and age, that might affect a woman's level of political engagement) and that her influence outweighs that of a politically active father. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The field of arts and health is rapidly gaining momentum in Canada despite the challenges of integration across a vast geography, two official languages and multiple interdisciplinary cultures. Although the field is young, there is a solid foundation of innovative work and great enthusiasm on the part of diverse practitioners about the field's salience and impact. This article provides an overview of the arts and health in Canada and considers work that spans health policy, healthcare practice, individual and community health promotion, health professional education and arts-based health research. A final section offers reflections and recommendations on arts and health in Canada. We provide an online appendix through the journal's website that refers the interested reader to Canadian programs, resources, networks and other materials on the arts and health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, the decline of parliament and the dominance of the executive have received much scholarly attention. Meanwhile, the legislative and policy roles of Members of Parliament have generally been viewed as negligible. This study suggests that such roles may in fact be much more significant than previously believed, in part due to endogenous rule changes governing Private Members' Business over the past 25 years. Evidence is provided suggesting not only that MPs are generally more successful at getting legislation passed in recent years, but also that they appear to be able to influence government policy 'indirectly' through their participation in Private Members' Business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Canadian trade union movement's encounter with feminism, particularly socialist feminism, in the “long sixties,” exploring the challenges that feminists and leftists posed to the gender politics of the labor movement. In contrast to some writing on the New Left, which emphasizes continuities from the 1950s to the 1970s, I argue that these challenges represented a radical departure with the past. This is made evident when you compare Canadian labor's weak response to women's issues in the post-war period to the new mobilizations of the sixties. However, this does not necessarily mean we should accept the old “two wave” model of feminist activism. My discussion of these challenges to the labor movement is also compared to the more extensive American scholarship on the 1960s, indicating both some general similarities and also key differences between these two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private enforcement of securities laws enhances incentives for issuers and other market participants to comply with their statutory and regulatory obligations, especially their disclosure obligations. Assessing the effectiveness of a jurisdiction's private securities law enforcement regime requires not only quantitative evaluations of enforcement intensity, but also anuanced consideration of the qualitative institutional context within which the jurisdiction's enforcement regime has developed and operates. This article contextualises the regime for civil enforcement of securities law in Canada, focusing principally on statutory civil liability for continuous disclosure violations. The development of this statutory remedy, its apparent strengths and acknowledged weaknesses are considered not only within the context of Canadian public enforcement mechanisms, but also within a broader institutional context, including an examination of complementary developments relating to class actions and lawyers' contingency fees and key shareholder-friendly provisions of Canadian corporate law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada is a diverse society with several historic divides, which makes democratic governance challenging. There are reasons to suppose that governing in Canada may be becoming even more complex, and this could have important implications for political support. It is also conceivable that the Canadian case may reflect some of the same challenges that could affect many other post-industrial democracies. Several structural and lifestyle changes have been altering the socio-cultural mix of Canadian society, possibly contributing to the expansion of various new value divides. Because values play a prominent role in shaping people's policy demands and political preferences, it is plausible that such a transformation could elevate the degree of intra-societal stress on Canada's political system and make governing more complex. In this essay, we have two main objectives. The first is to employ data from the Canadian World Values Surveys to explore the possibility that value diversity across various new value divides may be on the rise. The second is to test whether the degree of value diversity between different social groups poses negative implications for political support - specifically, support for people in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]