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This paper examines the rise of anti-Korean sentiment in contemporary Taiwan particularly at the turn of the 2010s. It moves beyond conceptualizing emotion as psychological status to conceive anti-Korean sentiment as a cultural text that debunks the complexity of emotion as an active agent of collective (un)consciousness. Specifically, the paper considers anti-Korean sentiment in Taiwan as an affective space where young Taiwanese demonstrate their active engagement in (re)locating Taiwan in the global imaginative map and their struggle for national identity in the midst of increasing geopolitical tensions in East Asia. Instead of seeing anti-Korean sentiment from an international relations perspective, this paper studies anti-Korean sentiment from a bottom-up perspective through in-depth interviews with young Taiwanese who are actively engaging with anti-Korean discussions and explore various ways that anti-Korean sentiment mediates and transforms imaginative relations between Taiwan and Korea and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the reorganization of the roles of the national and local governments in public housing policy alongside decentralization, with particular reference to South Korea. Focusing on policy changes over the past decade, it reveals that rather than retrenchment amid a push towards greater local autonomy, the national government has diversified and expanded its public housing policy, and is increasingly pursuing a universal approach to public housing. Through case studies of Seoul and Gyeonggi, it also shows how the two local governments have become creative suppliers of public housing that is more customized to the local context. In particular, it highlights the rising emphasis on targeting young people rather than the very poor in public housing policies, a shift that is partly a legacy of Korea's 'productivist' welfare state. The paper closes by discussing the implications of this latest policy trend, especially on local-national policy coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students from Eastern countries score well on international assessments in science yet lack interest in pursuing science careers. Several factors play into students' perceptions of science and scientists, including their home life and attributes of the society in which they live (habitus and capital). One understudied means of examining this issue is exploring the extent to which these perceptions relate to students' role model ideations of scientists, especially among non-western student populations. This paper explores 159 South Korean students' perceptions of science and scientists at two private K-12 schools in South Korea using an adapted form of the Draw-a-Scientist Test. Using the motivational theory of role modeling (MTRM) as a theoretical framework, data was coded from surveys using the three MTRM constructs: goal embodiment, attainability, and desirability. Comparisons were made between schools, genders, across age ranges, and from their direct and indirect knowledge sources of scientists using thematic coding and chi-square analysis. Reported sources of scientists were predominantly sourced from popular media. Although the results suggest no significant difference between how science role models were perceived or ideated between schools or genders, sampled students viewed scientists as embodying goals of intelligence with low ideations of attainability and desirability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea's anti-multiculturalism discourse – the rejection of migrants and of a multicultural future for South Korea – made inroads in progressive popular online forums in the 2010s. Through an analysis of two such forums, this paper shows how online discussions have made the explicit rejection of multiethnic coexistence palatable to a broad group of predominantly male liberal users through a process of "scapegoating" dark-skinned foreign workers and the children of multicultural families for precarity caused by state-driven neoliberalism. The users' collective discussions do contain some critiques of the neoliberal coalition of corporations, government, and media that have deployed multicultural policies. However, the popular political dynamics of online space enable users to focus on racial Others, who are more available as scapegoats in gendered, racialized, and classed ways – presenting dark-skinned migrants as accomplices and beneficiaries of the elite coalition allegedly taking rights from South Korean male citizens. These collective discussions justify xenophobia in the name of a progressive critique and preemptively stall discussion about a possible multicultural future for South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the representation of international education in the Korean print media, by comparing texts produced by the leading conservative (Chosun) and progressive (Hankyoreh) newspapers in 1997 and 2014 (N = 271 articles). We find a major expansion and diversification of media articles on international education, including rising numbers of articles mentioning non-traditional destinations (beyond USA and UK), written or shaped by non-traditional media producers (i.e., educational agents), and including individual-utilitarian and positive themes. We quantify, and find statistically significant correlations among, three key variables (destination, media producer, discourse theme). Articles mentioning non-traditional destinations are more likely to be written or shaped by agents than by journalists only. Articles mentioning non-traditional destinations and articles written or shaped by agents include relatively more positive and individual-utilitarian themes (but not more individual-expressive themes) than do articles not mentioning non-traditional destinations and articles written by journalists only. Theoretically, we link the evolution of media discourse to neo-liberal structural and ideological changes that encourage market competition and consumer choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically reviews the national innovation systems of the four little tigers in East Asia, namely Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea, in fostering R&D and technological research. A national innovation system is characterised by the interactions between the state, industries and universities in promoting innovation. This article attempts to explore such interactions in the four societies, paying particular attention to the role of higher education. Specifically, university–industry collaboration is the main body of analysis. Drawing from comparative perspectives, this article finally maps out the national innovation systems of East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper offers a critical analysis of the current political trajectory of the anti-neoliberal globalization movement (ANGM) in South Korea. Drawing on framing theory, it analyzes the ways in which the Korean ANGM interpreted a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States. This article postulates that national sovereignty was the master frame of the Korean ANGM and that the movement has projected the nation-state as the ethical guardian of 'national interests' without specifying an alternative trading or economic model that can better serve the interests of the people. Thus, through pointing out the shortcomings of a nationalist framing that ignores the class relations and conflicting interests that ultimately shape the contents of any trade or economic development model, this article seeks to bring attention to the limitations of the ANGM as well as the need to develop alternatives to the existing global trading system. Este articulo ofrece una vision critica de la trayectoria politica del movimiento de globalizacion antineoliberal (ANGM, por sus siglas en ingles) en Corea del Sur. Extrayendo de una teoria enmarcada, el articulo analiza las maneras como el movimiento de globalizacion antineoliberal enmarco un tratado de libre comercio (FTA, por sus siglas en ingles) con los Estados Unidos y luego discute las limitaciones y las deficiencias de la enmarcacion del movimiento del tratado de libre comercio. Sostiene que la soberania nacional fue la enmarcacion principal del movimiento coreano y que la enmarcacion nacionalista del tratado de libre comercio, no era fundamentalmente diferente del discurso hegemonico de la elite coreana, sobre el tratado de libre comercio. Tambien asume que dado que los principales prognosticos de los marcos del movimiento se enfocaron al proteccionismo selectivo y capitalismo de bienestar, tendieron a limitar el rango de alternativas a la globalizacion neoliberal. [image omitted] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Octagonal buildings in ancient Korea were mostly constructed in the likeness of Buddhist pagodas that emerged during the Goguryeo era. The ancient Chinese books of Jiuzhang Suanshu and Yingzao Fashi confirm that, in constructing Fogongsi's Yingxian Wooden Pagoda, the ancients could not design a full-form regular octagonal plan in the pre-seventeenth century before the introduction of Western mathematics. Eight-cornered monuments in Japan and Korea faced the same challenge. Thus, this study examines the acceptance and limitations of adapting octagonal drawing methods in Korean architecture from Chinese and Western mathematics. It conducts comparative studies of architectural and mathematical history in pre-modern and modern times. It reveals that field carpenters applied Yingzao Fashi's formula in constructing an octagon via a square's diagonal ratio. Further, the Western method of constructing regular octagons was introduced to the Korean Peninsula in the eighteenth century but was not utilized at work sites. Ultimately, the concepts in mathematics texts had a certain influence on the formative beauty of wooden constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though remote work in South Korea was very unusual before the pandemic, the COVID-19 pandemic has facilitated remote work, so the ratio of remote workers to total employees increased from 0.5% in 2019 to 5.4% in 2021. In this regard, this study investigated determinants of remote work during the pandemic using the Economically Active Population Survey in 2019, 2020, and 2021 with a logistic regression. Since the Korean government did not impose a national lockdown and business owners introduced remote work voluntarily, this study can identify significant heterogeneity. First, younger, female, highly-educated, and high-earning workers are more likely to work remotely. Second, large firms tend to provide more remote work opportunities to their employees. Lastly, ICT, finance, and education sectors present high probabilities to remote work. In recent times, remote work has been considered an important trigger to alleviate long working hours and improve work-life balance in Korea; however, it is also necessary to relieve remote work inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study develops and validates Time Constraints Scale (TCS) within South Korean market. Based on focus group interviews, a survey instrument for TCS that measures an individual's propensity in time constraints in overseas holidays has been developed. The validation process of the TCS includes statistical tests of principal component analysis and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). TCS was further tested through its measurement model and its convergent and discriminant validity, identifying three major factors in understanding Korean tourists. The main traits in the developed TCS of the current study underscore the Confucian heritage and high-context cultural base of the South Korean market. This cultural base subsequently leads to market implications for other East Asian tourist markets such as Chinese, Japanese, and Vietnamese, among others. Theoretical and industry implications of the TCS are elaborated and direction for future research is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Fertility throughout East Asia has fallen rapidly over the last five decades and is now below the replacement rate of 2.1 in every country in the region. Using South Korea as a case study, we argue that East Asia's ultra-low fertility rates can be partially explained by the steadfast parental drive to have competitive and successful children. Parents throughout the region invest large amounts of time and money to ensure that their children are able to enter prestigious universities and obtain top jobs. Accordingly, childrearing has become so expensive that the average couple cannot afford to have more than just one or two children. The trend of high parental investment in child education, also known as ‘education fever’, exemplifies the notion of ‘quality over quantity’ and is an important contributing factor to understanding low-fertility in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This analysis of the institutional design and actual performance of constitutional review in five newly democratized nations in East Asia shows that during the last two decades the judiciary has come to play an increasingly important political role in South Korea, Taiwan and Indonesia. Constitutional courts in these three countries are more active in counterbalancing executive and legislative power than ever before. This however contrasts with the experiences of Thailand and Mongolia where constitutional courts were unable to fulfill a similar function. The discussion for potential explanations for this cross-national variance in court performance supports the critique in parts of the scholarly literature against purely institutional, cultural and structural explanations. Rather, the degree of political uncertainty and diffusion of political power are critical determinants for understanding why politicians comply with court judgments, or attempt to marginalize justices. In addition, the relationship between institutional support, compliance and the area of judicial review matters. In this regard, one lesson of the East Asian comparison is that a too early introduction of review of separation of power conflicts could actually make things worse, by threatening the court's authority and marginalizing its influence. This represents a danger often neglected in the democratization literature that claims judicial control of horizontal accountability mechanisms would necessarily help to consolidate democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]