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The Chinese political economy is a dynamic entity constituted by multiple developmental trajectories. Recent debates on two seemingly divergent 'models' in the subnational regions of Chongqing and Guangdong have foregrounded the potential contradictions of this dynamism. While existing research has attempted to evaluate these trajectories as outcomes of elite politics or ideological incommensurability, an overlooked but no less important aspect is the connections between these trajectories, Mao-era regulatory policies and the post-1978 system of reciprocal accountability. Synthesizing empirical materials from policy documents, academic commentaries, statistical data and interviews with planners from China, this paper provides a critical evaluation of these connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a framing commentary about economic changes, social development and its influence to the property regime, and the history of Macao and Hong Kong. It mentions the fundamentals of Hong Kong's economic base and activities such as shipping logistics which has been considered as its economic ground, finance, commerce, banking, and tourism. One considerable challenge of Macao cited is the continuing to decrease crime and corruption rates and to secure a more stable environment that will promote tourism and recreational opportunities. It also includes the environmental degradation in Hong Kong.

The article discusses the effect of the Deng Xiaoping Theory, established by the Chinese Communist Party's Fifteenth Congress as the guiding school of thought, on research into the relationship between education and economic construction in China. Topics being discussed include the socialist market economy and education reform, the education industry, educational commodities, the education market, the operation of education, and fairness and efficiency in education. The education industry is defined by three basic characteristics. Education is: a basic industry; an industry of an indirect nature; an industry with multiple effects. Three opinions on the equity and efficiency of education are presented.

Whereas political issues and problems in China are complicated, efforts to "super-optimize" are essential and can be fruitful. The reunification issue is discussed to illustrate even highly politicized problems in China are amenable to super-optimum solutions. At the moment, some reunification options have been proposed: KMT-CCP negotiation on equal footing; KMT's military takeover; CCP's military takeover; the "one country, two systems" formula, convergence by democratization, and incremental convergence through trading and communication. Yet, neither parties find the alternatives desirable in terms of optimal satisfaction. By applying SOS rule # 2 (finding items that will provide large benefits to one side but only small costs to the other side), # 5 (combining the conservative and liberal alternatives where they are not mutually exclusive), and # 6 (removing the source of the conflict), reunification and democratization are made feasible and all parties concerned are better off. The specific proposals are that Taiwan should introduce a wholesale buy-out scheme that costs US$30 billion, that a new republic be established, and that legislative powers should be shared among the majoritarian and non-majoritarian institutions. Together, these arrangements could ensure stability and result in democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]