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Increasingly turbulent forms of mobilities are emerging in Europe as diverse groups of migrants arrive, settle and move on. This paper explores this phenomenon of onward migration arguing that this is underpinned by various forms of feminized precarity. Challenging existing work on the feminization of precarity and migration that usually focuses on specific workers in situ, this paper explores the experiences of onward Latin American migrants (OLAs) who have moved to London from Southern Europe in a holistic manner. It develops the notion of "feminized onward precarity" to capture how female and male migrants experience precarious living and working conditions that reflect devaluation and exploitation in intersectional ways. In highlighting the interdependence of in/mobility and feminized precarity enacted through the relational lens of onward migration, the paper provides important insights into the increasingly complex and feminized lives of migrants as they move (or not) across diverse spatio-temporal contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to set a general framework for this themed issue of JEMS in order to understand the notion of Southern European countries as an ensemble in relation to their migratory system. The proposed theoretical framework is based on a triadic relationship composed of the impact of global economic processes, a weak and familistic welfare state and a dynamic informal economy. The paper also incorporates and integrates some of the conceptual ideas deriving from other papers in this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2008, dramatic economic crises have brought falling GDP, rapidly rising unemployment and pressure on government to limit public spending to Spain and Italy. These are two countries with similar experiences of migration but quite different politics of immigration over the past two decades, with public order and security concerns coming to the fore in Italy during the 1990s and 2000s, whilst there was a general avoidance of the issue in Spain. Spain and Italy therefore provide a useful opportunity to examine the interaction between the economic crisis and political debates on immigration. Examining political debates on immigration in the parliaments of both countries from 2008 to 2011, this paper finds that during the crisis there was not a mainstream negative politicisation of immigration in these countries, despite high migration flows, rising high unemployment, aggressive austerity from government and uncertainty regarding the economy. This is explained by showing how the political debate in each country is mediated by different configurations of public opinion, institutions and discursive structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief concluding article deals with immigration control and integration policies in the four countries of Southern Europe. In general, control prevails over integration. The paper is in three parts. First, some common features and an overview of the situation of immigrants in Southern Europe are described. The third and final section of the paper analyses some of the difficulties of applying policies for integration and the creation of multicultural citizenship in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the growing aspect of entrepreneurship associated with lifestyle-induced migration from wealthy countries, through investigating self-employment among expatriates from northern Europe in rural areas of southern France and Spain. Most expatriates had no prior experience of entrepreneurship and typically established their business opportunistically and some time after arrival. Based upon interviews with 41 expatriate households (operating 70 business ventures), the study explores the characteristics of the individuals involved, the nature of their businesses, factors influencing start-up, and processes and patterns of business development. Self-employment is shown to be the most effective available mechanism for supporting lifestyle objectives of expatriates who vary greatly in their skills, experience and resources. The study identifies significant differences between the respective groups from the two countries, reflecting the spatially differentiated character of migration in terms of age, education, qualifications and capital resources. These appear to have given rise to a more sophisticated profile of businesses in the French areas. Sharp differences in language skills as between the different countries are seen as influencing the ability of entrepreneurs to network with, and market to, the indigenous population, with implications for the future development of the businesses, and their local impact. The study seeks to augment standard conceptual approaches to entrepreneurship, through taking account of the primacy of the migration decision and specific related processes, and proposes a model that advances our understanding of the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Socio-economic disadvantaged students are not equally vulnerable: some of them are defined as 'resilient' students because they are able to 'beat the odds' and achieve positive academic outcomes. Using data from the last two editions (2015 and 2018) of OECD-Programme for International Students Assessment, we aim to analyse the academic resilience (i.e. the 25% most socio-economically disadvantaged students who achieve an adequate level of proficiency in reading, science, and math) of native and immigrant-origin students. We focus attention on the comparison between resilient students in three Southern European countries (namely Greece, Italy, and Spain) that have only recently become destinations of migratory flows, and those in four North-western European countries (namely France, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom) characterised by consolidated migratory traditions. Empirical findings show that self-efficacy beliefs, positive home environment, and language attitudes at home promote good academic adjustments among immigrant-origin students. Furthermore, the 'double origin gap' (socio-economic and migratory) of students makes them more dependent on the school environment and climate than their native peers. Specific strategies at school may be further developed (such as improving extra-curricular activities) in Southern countries to promote the inclusion of migrants and reduce their vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the coming into force of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the European Union (EU) annunciated what one could term an 'inclusionist approach' to security whereby this policy framework was based on supposedly joint commitments by all parties concerned to 'cooperative security'. However, EU actions on the ground in the south have shown that, despite good intentions, such cooperative security endeavours have, thus far, hardly materialised. The result instead is an 'exclusionist' policy, where the reduction of illegal migration from the south takes top priority in EU security discourse. Post-9/11, in the policy area of 'counter-terrorism' measures, the EU likewise demarcates 'liberal zones of civilisation' from 'illiberal' ones, leaving the dirty work of counter terrorism to countries such as Egypt and Morocco. In terms of governmentality, this may be described as a 'surveillance and control' approach to security: therefore, it is argued here that the EU, through its governance model, is actually enabling further in-security and in-stability in the south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the background of an overview of the new patterns of determinants of international migration, the article documents the transition of Italy from being a society of emigration to a society of immigration. It documents the nature of recent migration flows into Italy, and the political debate about these immigrations. In the light of an analysis of the economic and social position of migrants in Italian society, the article charts the increasing expression of racism, and of the anti-racist movement. The development of a state immigration policy is described. The article concludes by comparing and contrasting the case of Italy with other southern European nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]