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Discusses the Copenhagen, Denmark summit on European Union (EU) enlargement held on December 12-13, 2002, which declined to give Turkey a firm date for accession negotiations. EU's agreement on a document setting out terms in which Turkey could begin negotiating its membership of the EU; Cautious welcome given by the EU to Turkey's program of social and economic reforms.

This paper aims to define the meaning of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the context of the European framework and examine three different European countries. The main elements which encompass the meaning of CSR focus on activities with social and environmental sensitiveness, on a voluntary basis. The paper analyses the dimensions of CSR and presents its benefits. Furthermore, the paper provides a brief description of the recent CSR activities in the European Union, and attempts a comparative analysis of CSR activities and their respective impacts on three European countries: Greece; Denmark; and Hungary. Finally, the paper concludes that the effective implementation of CSR strategy cannot follow strict rules and should be adjusted to the culture, needs and particularities of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the roles of Denmark, Finland, and Sweden in the area of EU legislative decision-making. After reviewing the literature, a research design is presented which incorporates information on the policy preferences of these three political states for seventy recent EU legislative decisions. The findings of the analysis are that the positions of the Nordics are quite similar and that these three states are rather successful. Denmark is doing slightly worse than Finland and Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article joins the Europeanization studies and examines the administrative adaptation to Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), a highly institutionalized and regulated policy, in two small older member states, Denmark and Greece. The findings demonstrate variation in administrative adaptation. In Denmark, both formal and informal administrative structures adapt to CAP, while in Greece administrative adaptation is limited to formal structures. This variation is attributed to two dimensions of the domestic institutional and organizational settings, namely “centralization” and “professionalism.” The comparative analysis provides an in-depth understanding of the administrative differences between North and South—a cleavage that became prominent during the Eurozone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Denmark is currently producing their first Maritime Spatial Plan, as required by the European Union's Maritime Spatial Planning Directive 2014/89. This article investigates the Danish approach to governing land-sea interactions, exploring the impacts of various institutional and procedural factors on the practice of planning at the land-sea interface in Denmark. We find that in Denmark, the MSP process has priority over the terrestrial planning system, that there is a complex institutional set-up with a lack of integration between the maritime and terrestrial planning systems, and that there exist differing perspectives about the importance of certain industries leading to conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses a still more obvious foreign policy dilemma facing Denmark: On the one hand, Denmark has made a proactive foreign policy decision to pursue a strategy of influence with the European Union as the most important international forum. On the other hand, Denmark has chosen to stay outside the increasingly important cooperation on defence policy within the EU. As a small state, Denmark is opting for a multilateral strategy, but it has deliberately chosen to limit its commitment to the same forum. A combination of adaptation theory and theory of small states informs the analysis. It is argued that the Danish opt-out sends an unclear and inconsistent signal to Denmark's partners which again hampers the possibilities for using Danish coalition power within the EU. Nevertheless, contrary to both theoretical expectations and common sense intuition, there is little to suggest that the opt-out has had negative consequences for Denmark's influence on capabilities in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the degree of convergence or divergence in fiscal decentralization in the European Union over the period 1995–2015 using a club convergence approach. First, we analyze non-central expenditure and revenue as percentages of GDP, of total expenditure and of total revenue. The results for the EU-15 countries indicate some clustering, with three clubs formed when using GDP and four to five when using total revenue or expenditure. Second, we study the gap between expenditure and revenue as a proxy of fiscal responsibility. This results in three and two clubs respectively, with Denmark as the divergent country with the highest gap. Finally, we analyze potential unions of clubs and transitions. We also interpret our results taking into account variables found in the literature as determinants of fiscal decentralization. These results show how European countries are quite heterogeneous in terms of fiscal federalism and decentralization, with greater convergence in fiscal responsibility than in the other magnitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Residential biomass burning is estimated to cause 29,000 premature deaths in Europe and North America annually. A number of studies show that existing regulations, primarily affecting new stoves, in the European Union and North America are effective in reducing emissions. However, it is not clear from these studies if there is a net welfare gain from regulation, nor how regulations should be designed in order to maximise the net welfare gain. We use an integrated assessment model to compare the net welfare gains of different schemes for regulating existing wood-burning stoves in Denmark. Most schemes we asses generate a net welfare gain, but a geographically differentiated tax on stove use generates the largest net gain. The results for Denmark suggest that there could be substantial welfare gains from imposing geographically differentiated regulation of existing residential wood-burning stoves in parts of North America and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to test two hypotheses regarding bureaucratic role perceptions and the implementation of EU policies at the Member State level. A comparison of national agencies in two different executive settings, the Danish and the Swedish, yields the conclusion that established theories on bureaucratic role perceptions explain differences in policy-making in the late stage of the EU policy process. Interview data supports the first hypothesis: that the main difference between Danish and Swedish national-level bureaucrats is that between perceiving oneself as a national servant (Denmark) and as an independent expert (Sweden). The second hypothesis tested here is that national-level bureaucrats under certain circumstances will perceive themselves as EU servants, and make implementation choices accordingly. Convincing evidence supporting this hypothesis is not found — not even in the case of the food-policy agencies, which are regarded here as the most likely to foster EU servants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of the emergence of a cultural orientation within the EU on Danish film policies during the late 1980s and the 1990s. The methodology consists of document analysis of correspondences between domestic and EU authorities based on an institution-analytical approach to the question of Europeanization. The main argument is that the European Commission’s ongoing push for the Pan-European idea has contributed to a process of institutionalization through pressures and enabling structures, with renationalization and affirmation of national film-cultural diversity as its main outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes and discusses the development of lifelong learning policy in two EU member states, Denmark and Portugal. The purpose is to show how different societal and historical contexts shape the development and implementation of lifelong learning policies, even though these policies have significant common elements. As a basis for the discussion an inventory of policy elements is presented. Denmark and Portugal have been chosen as examples of smaller EU member states with different historical, social and cultural characteristics. Developments and policies in the two countries, including the links with EU education policy, are described. The discussion includes comparison drawing on the inventory of policy elements. A main conclusion is that the different historical trajectories of the two countries remain very important for present-day education and for the advancement of lifelong learning policy. Early development of public primary education and popular adult education has provided a strong foundation for lifelong learning policy in Denmark while in Portugal not only institutional provision but also popular demand for lifelong learning has had to be built up relatively recently. EU education policy has had much more impact on lifelong learning policy in Portugal than in Denmark, because Portugal has had to depend much more on economic support from the EU social fund. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses differences in the way local government associations organise to influence EU legislation in different countries. EU policy outcomes have an increasing financial and administrative impact on local government. This has been increasingly recognised by both EU institutions and many national governments, and recent reforms have sought to ensure greater involvement of local authorities in the preparation of EU proposals and domestic pre-negotiations, with an emphasis on the aggregation of local government interests via European and national local government associations. Research suggests that representative organisations need to be well resourced to be able to mobilise at both European and national level to influence EU proposals. This article empirically assesses these claims by examining attempts by local government associations in England, Denmark and Ireland to influence EU environmental directives. The findings suggest that financial, staffing, and informational resources, as well as structural issues, are important factors influencing how local government representative bodies respond to EU legislative proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current political climate in the European Union, referred to as the ‘constraining dissensus’, may place negotiations on the multiannual EU budget centre stage. Media framing of EU budget negotiations as conflict between member states may reinforce the constraining dissensus by resonating with exclusive national identity. In contrast, media emphasis on conflict within or across member states may alleviate the constraining dissensus by strengthening cross-cutting cleavages. This study tests hypotheses about patterns in politicisation of the EU budget in three budgets (Delors II, Agenda 2000, Financial Perspectives 2007–2013), three countries (the Netherlands, Denmark and Ireland) and two forums (media and national parliaments). It finds predominant international conflict framing, especially in media. Thus, media coverage of EU budget negotiations likely reinforces the constraining dissensus. However, as debates intensify, the constraining dissensus may be loosened through more pluralist framing in the debates. Further comparative empirical research into the dynamics of politicisation is called for. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article comments on several stories related to genetically modified (GM) crops and food published in the media. It states that one recent press story suggests that the state of Connecticut is about to introduce mandatory labeling of GM food. The other big news is from the European Union (EU) which has failed in its initiative to nationalize decision in Denmark regarding the ban on GM cultivation in their territory.

How is sovereignty managed in the EU? This article investigates the relationship between sovereignty and European integration through the prism of national opt-outs from EU treaties, addressing an apparent contradiction in contemporary European governance: the contrasting processes of integration and differentiation. On the one hand, European integration is increasing as states transfer sovereign competencies to the EU. On the other hand, we see a multitude of differentiation processes through which member states choose to disengage from the EU polity by negotiating exemptions or derogations. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's political sociology, the article argues that to understand how sovereignty is interpreted and exercised in the EU, it is necessary to focus not only on the constitutive and regulative dimensions of sovereignty, but equally on the practice dimension. This entails an exploration of how sovereignty claims are managed in a particular social setting. Rather than seeing opt-outs as classic instruments of international law, accentuating the member states' unchanged sovereignty, the article argues that the management of the British and Danish opt-outs quite paradoxically expresses the strength of the doxa of European integration, i.e. the notion of 'an ever closer union'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks how ex ante and ex post control mechanisms structuring the involvement of national parliaments in European Union (EU) policy-formulation affect the scope of conflict and visibility of parliamentary debates. Based on democratic theory, partisan conflict and high visibility are normatively preferable. The effects of control mechanisms on these two criteria are assessed in a comparative case study of plenary debates in the Danish Folketing and Dutch Tweede Kamer on multiannual EU budgets. This study shows that control mechanisms have direct and indirect effects on the scope of conflict and visibility of debates by linking up to different phases of policy-formulation and media coverage cycles. Danish ex ante mechanisms trigger more partisan, but less visible debates, whereas Dutch ex post mechanisms stimulate highly visible, but intergovernmental debates. The findings thus present a trade-off between partisan conflict on the one hand and visibility on the other hand. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The admission of Poland to the European Union may be perceived as the symbolic crowning of a long period of economic transformation. Poland today is not only an emerging market but an emerging culture experiencing a strong economic development wherein old ideals are confronted with new Western values. On this background, the objective of this research is to assess the level and impact of consumer ethnocentrism and the effect of country of origin on consumers' evaluation of and buying intentions toward foreign manufactured products. Medium-expensive consumer durables-design furniture and fashion clothes-imported from Denmark are examined. Findings show consumer ethnocentrism is present and that more than one-fifth of consumers are highly ethnocentric but also that ethnocentrism has no direct effect on the evaluation of product quality or on buying intention for either of the products from Denmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food safety is a vital concern and a salient regulatory arena, with important implications for consumers, producers and retailers of food. Following the BSE crisis in 1996, and with the alleged aim to restore consumer confidence in food, national and fragmented food safety regulations across Europe were transformed into a new European-wide food regulatory system. This included a new legal and regulatory framework, a new institutional set-up of public authorities, and new roles for public and private actors. The article analyses how the division of responsibilities for food safety has changed both across the EU as a whole and, more specifically, in six European countries. Based on seven case studies, which were prepared as part of a comparative research project, TRUSTINFOOD, the article analyses how core principles of the new EU food safety policy was put into practice in Denmark, Germany, Italy, Norway, Portugal and the UK. The article demonstrates how changes in regulatory practices in EU and the six countries converge with respect to formal regulatory framework and diverge with respect to practical implementation and institutional reform. It is a shared perspective to restore consumer confidence by enhancing institutional independence, transparency and consumer agency, but conditions for this differ between the countries. The structure of food markets and the political agendas around food issues continue to vary in different national contexts but the new food safety policy may further the development of the single European market and thus promote changes within the food production systems in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soccer in Europe has been on a harmonization route alongside the development and enlargement of today's European Union. Especially within soccer fan culture surprisingly more common European features appear in behaviour, mainly due to the expanding international television coverage of top European matches. The suggested current pan-European soccer fan culture is seen as a micro-level approach to globalization, and what this essay will trace and document are some of the visible common traits of fan behaviour among football spectators throughout Europe, with reference mainly to the Danish scene. When the Danish national team supporters, later known as the Roligans, were awarded the UNESCO Fair Play Trophy after the European Championships in France in 1984, the Danish media titled them 'the World's Best Supporters'. Since then, a different and much stronger club supporter presence has been established and this change of the national supporter scene is analysed with a historic, social and pan-European focus [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rousseau's philosophy of education is contained not only in Emile (1762), but also in The Government of Poland (1772). In each of them he emphasises different aspects of education: How to be a human being? And: How to be a citizen? The main theme investigated by Rousseau in The Government of Poland, is how a minor nation surrounded by such major powers as Russia, Prussia and Austria can ensure its survival? Not having the option of defending itself against its powerful neighbours by military means, Rousseau's advice is to found the Polish nation in the hearts of the Polish people, primarily through citizenship education. However, Poland was finally divided between its neighbours in 1795. Rousseau's writing The Government of Poland can shed some light on the Danish situation after losing the war to Prussia and Austria in 1864. With its defeat Denmark did not disappear, as did Poland, but the territory of the United Monarchy was almost halved by the loss of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. After the war some of the same defence strategies and educational ideas as Rousseau had recommended to Poland became important in Denmark. In light of Rousseau's ideas about citizenship education this article will explore the Danish way of trying to establish the nation in the hearts of the people throughout the 20th century. Today the question is: How to understand the conception of self-determination in the context of establishing European political unity? In his analysis Habermas directs our attention to some of the same dilemmas that Rousseau had dealt with 200 years earlier. Habermas’ advice is to give the European spirit a republican form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the relation between the Data Protection Directive of the European Union (EU) and Danish law. Information on the rules of data protection in Danish legislation; How data is determined to be personal and therefore covered by the data protection law; Details on the controversy surrounding the EU Directive.