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Feminist classrooms employ a variety of teaching strategies that empower students and inspire equity and justice. In this paper, we argue that integrating student-made documentary filmmaking into the college classroom is a powerful and effective form of feminist teaching. Specifically, feminist pedagogy views students as knowledge creators and demands collaborative, non-hierarchical learning experiences. These outcomes suggest that documentary filmmaking is a compelling and effective way to engage students in our increasingly visual and video-based culture. Based on our experiences teaching sociology at a women's college in the U.S., we illustrate the impact that documentary filmmaking has for student learning, empowerment, and justice work. We also develop and strengthen students' technical, multi-media skills, arguing this outcome expands feminist pedagogy to meet contemporary culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For 49 years, the right to abortion was taken for granted—inhaled by every girl, every woman—by all people assigned female at birth in the United States. This right no longer exists. In 2022, with the Dobbs v. Jackson decision, the Supreme Court removed federal protection for the legal right to abortion and therefore women's agency over their bodies. This paper will contextualize abortion as part of a continuum that encompasses gender, motherhood and the meaning of reproduction and reproductive rights as sociocultural and intrapsychic phenomena. The expectation that mature female-bodied people are child-desiring women persists and is not conceptualized as optional. It is the original choice women do not have. The next choice women no longer have, if they become pregnant, is whether or not to continue a pregnancy. The Dobbs decision means the cultural reinstatement of female de-sexualization, along with the suffocating and silencing of agency—a negation of women's voices, desire, power and subjectivity—a recipe for psychological destabilization. Personal and clinical material will illustrate these points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sex and sexuality curricula in the USA should acknowledge the structural conditions racialised young people navigate to make sense of their sexual experiences and more explicitly recognise the political power of gender and sexuality. This paper suggests educators use women of colour feminism and decolonial studies to offer a historicised approach to understanding and engaging with gender and sexuality. Such an approach acknowledges how European colonisation has constructed white middle-class masculinity, femininity and heterosexuality as normative and pathologises other forms of gender and sexuality expression. It encourages educators to address state investment in colonial hierarchies by foregrounding how national legislation and associated discourses support the institutionalised pathologisation of racialised sexuality. Using a feminist of colour and decolonial approach, the article examines how US national policy further disciplines racialised sexuality by employing discourses of 'anchor babies' to justify the passing of new laws. It draws on the author's experience as an educator of colour to show how historicising gender and sexuality can teach racialised students there is nothing pathological about their sexuality. A transformed sex and sexuality curriculum is proposed to teach students about the political power they wield, and what critical understanding and action they can achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While T.H. Marshall's famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists' goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state's protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As previously demonstrated by scholars, the social justice feminism movement in the United States accomplished its two central goals by the time of that nation's official involvement in World War II. This article examines the subsequent development of former social justice feminists' search for political activism after World War II through the activities of one of the social movement's later, significant leaders, Gladys Avery Tillett, particularly in her participation in the controversial and bitter campaign of North Carolina United States Senator Frank Porter Graham to retain his seat in the 1950 Democratic party primary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the inclusion of a culturally relevant curricular practice of social identity papers within teacher education in the USA that incorporates the transnational lifeworlds of teachers. Using tenets of feminist interdisciplinary frameworks, we highlight how this curricular practice allows teachers and teacher candidates in urban and rural contexts to examine transnational lifeworlds and their influence on culturally relevant practices in relation to notions of oppression and privilege. We focus on linguistic border crossings and both/and perspectives of teacher's social identities. More research is needed to better understand the construction of teacher's social identities within and across transnational lifeworlds and the ways it impacts their practices and student's academic and social achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reviews several theories about coloniality/modernity, Indigenous land, global securitisation and decolonial feminism in relation to sport mega-events. We use this special issue as an opportunity to reflect[1] which aspects of our own research may have been decolonial, and what is more accurately described as anti-colonial or anti-settlercolonial critique. In this paper, we review four different decolonial theories - coloniality/modernity, Indigenous land; global securitisation and decolonial feminism. We illustrate, and reflect upon, ways we have used these theories in our recent research about the Olympics, FIFA and Egyptian Ultras soccer fans. What became clear was that different decolonial theories helped us produce critiques of colonialism and settler colonialism in sport, but this raised the question whether our critiques of colonialism and settler colonialism are part of decolonisation. Some decolonial feminists suggest that decolonisation happens in the intersubjective, embodied realm of social erotics and queer affinity beyond coloniality. We conclude that, for us, decolonisation only happens within our relationality and process of doing research, from our social locations as queer arabyyah and white researchers respectively, working with and across our colonial differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade it is young women who have come to be widely understood as the bearers of educational qualifications. It is girls who are now seen to have 'the world at their feet' and to be able to attain the glittering prizes of academic success associated with elite universities and top occupations. And it is upper-middle-class girls, in particular, who appear to be achieving the most; a 'super class' of pupils who are supposedly able to effortlessly succeed in everything that they do. Drawing on ethnographic data generated during a research project in a single-sex, selective girls' school this paper will explore what it meant for one group of elite girls to achieve and succeed in school. The paper will examine the different versions of success made available to the girls in this school, the girls' differing relations to these discourses and their intersection with other relations of power. The paper will question the popular post-feminist picture of the smart, sassy and successful 'top girl' who is able to 'have it all' and in the conditions of her own choosing. The paper will suggest that, even for the girls in this school, success was not easy to perform or 'own' for oneself. Despite attending a school where success was openly celebrated, the paper will demonstrate the ways in which many girls still felt restricted to perform success in narrow and competitive ways that clashed with dominant discourses of femininity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social reproduction theory names at least two distinct traditions, one of which has a long history in educational research. Social reproduction theory in education emerged out of a concern with education's relationship to capitalist inequalities. By contrast, social reproduction feminism developed out of feminist interventions regarding the role of women's unpaid care-work in the reproduction of capitalism. In this paper, we suggest that the renewed energy surrounding social reproduction feminism provides an opportunity to revisit social reproduction theorizing in education. We review the fields' histories and ready the ground for an integrated framework. At the heart of this integration is a feminist analysis of reproductive labor in its contradictory relationship to capitalism. Expanding the analysis from the reproduction of capitalist relations to the reproduction of life under capitalism, this approach avoids the pitfalls of determinism and attends to students' participation and teachers' work in the contested labor of social reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks back on the methodology and experience of feminist consciousness-raising (CR) in the 1970s, in relation to the current re-emergence of feminism. It constructs an argument that a new wave of CR is desirable so as to construct new forms of feminist pedagogy and activism. The paper will argue that contemporary feminism in the UK and USA would benefit from this kind of methodology, through which a standpoint is constructed. The core of the paper is an analysis of how CR works as an affective and social process. Drawing on academic studies and participant accounts, the paper reconstructs the mechanisms through which participants' subjectivities and narratives are expressed and transformed. It suggests that these mechanisms express different non-homogeneous temporalities. The paper invites feminist pedagogy to get back to the base level of experience and unfold new theories and strategies to address the current context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic violence (DV) has serious implications for the welfare of South Asian (SA) women in the United States. Previous studies have identified significantly lower rates of help-seeking among SA women compared to the dominant culture and other cultural groups. However, there are no scoping reviews that summarize the literature to identify strategies for intervention and future research in order to promote faster and larger systemic wide change that is urgently necessary to meet the needs of this vulnerable population. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to review and synthesize empirical studies that explore the socio-cultural factors related to the help-seeking behavior of SA women primarily in the United States. Forty-five English language peer reviewed articles met the inclusion criteria. The socio-cultural factors identified in the reviewed studies using a descriptive analytical method with a narrative review are patriarchy, acculturation, socioeconomic status, cultural competency, and immigration status. Implications for research and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I seek to bring “patriarchy” back into focus in ways that make sense to a twenty-first century American audience. In the first part of the paper, I discuss the ways in which “feminism” has fallen, or is being pushed, off the contemporary political agenda, leaving a political vacuum with respect to, among other things, patriarchy as a system of power. In the second part of the paper, I use a number of films as texts to show how patriarchy in this sense persists quite vigorously and often brutally in contemporary society, not only as a thing in itself, but also as a form of power that intersects with, and organizes, major institutions of twentieth- and twenty-first-century capitalism: the industrial production site, the military, and the corporation. Finally, I reflect on the films not only as cultural texts, but also as political interventions that at least partially counter the post-feminist tendencies discussed in the first part of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Teacher education programs have established gatekeepers, especially for women of color. For these women, finding an ally in their endeavor to become educators is paramount. This paper will discuss the work of a teacher educator who espouses critical race feminism (CRF) as a means of fighting against a curriculum of oppression in teacher education. The paper will begin with a description of CRF and its connections to currere. This will be followed with background information regarding the pre-service teacher and her relationship with the teacher educator. A brief description of the student's field experience will follow. The paper will conclude with an analysis of the power of language and dialect, a form of curriculum oppression, in teacher education with the need to fight against such oppression in the development of new teachers from a critical race feminist perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract. This paper examines what is considered work within contemporary US welfare policy and how work relates to care-work. After putting changes to US social welfare policy in the 1990s in context, the paper compares what counts as a work activity under welfare reform. It is argued that 'work' and 'non-work' are implicitly defined in terms of gender, race and space. Through engagement with contemporary feminist social theory (particularly the work of Nancy Fraser), it is argued that within America's new world of welfare, work continues to be defined in terms that are both masculinist and place-based. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hidden curriculum consists of implicit values taught and learned through the process of schooling. The first section of this paper describes theoretical and methodological approaches to research in this area, drawing examples from general education literature. The second section reviews research related to the hidden curriculum in physical education. The final section proposes a model for feminist analysis of the hidden curriculum in sport and physical education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Access to food is one of the most basic human needs, yet undernourishment remains one of the greatest barriers to health and development in the Global South. The entitlement approach to hunger maintains that the real issue is not the overall availability of food, but access to it. This paper specifically highlights the access failures of women by focusing on how gender-based stratification limits command over food, even in light of existing food supply. Going beyond traditionally used indicators of gender inequality, we examine how women’s legal rights affect the depth of hunger in developing countries. In a first-time longitudinal study of its kind, we use the 50 Years of Women’s Legal Rights historical dataset from the World Bank to measure changes in women’s property rights and constitutional rights from 1990 to 2010. A two-way fixed effects regression analysis of 42 low- and middle-income nations demonstrates that improving women’s rights is associated with lower levels of hunger over time, even controlling for the food supply, economic development, and other relevant variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Refugee related issues have become more prominent in Western policy-makers’ discussions as families fleeing oppression and unimaginable violence cross borders seeking safety and are sometimes resettled in host nations. In this paper we ask, how do resettled refugees negotiate their cultural identity in terms of physical and psychological ‘borders’ and subsequent power structures dictated by those borders? We apply a feminist borderlands theoretical lens to critically consider the resiliencies of members of six Karen refugee families (n = 14) resettled in the U.S. Using their words, we illuminate their lived experiences of identity and place, family roles and rules, and personal dissonant emotions of feeling safe and forced to flee their homes and families. We challenge researchers and clinicians to consider refugees’ own explanations for balancing and reconstructing their lives as people living between borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the public assertion of gendered ethno-religious identities on the websites of Hindu student groups (HSGs) in the South Asian Diaspora in the USA and UK. HSGs are a part of a larger phenomenon of individuals and organizations engaged in creating and promoting ethnicities in virtual spaces. In this paper we focus particularly on the HSGs deployment of 'strong woman' imagery to assert their 'superior cultures'. We find that while the HSGs appear to challenge the gendered/racialized construction of minorities in Western societies as traditional, and non-modern, their construction of 'strong Hindu women' is replete with gendered inequalities. In addition, such constructions also implicate 'their women' into the process of drawing racialized boundaries against other groups. This paper explores how the processes involving the construction, representation and reproduction of Hinduism and Hindu identity on the web, from locations in the USA and the UK create contemporary gender hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the findings of a qualitative case study that examined the experiences of teacher candidates in a master's degree exit assessment pilot at a university in the southwestern region of the United States. Data (gathered from classroom observations, written documents, and interviews of eight teacher candidates and nine faculty members) were collected and analyzed throughout the study using a feminist critical lens. Findings reveal that the Master's Alternative Assessment Cohort (MAAC) Pilot created conditions that allowed participants to empower themselves in traditional, personal, and reciprocal ways through an assessment process that was collaborative, open for some negotiation, and encouraged social change. Conversely, there also were situations throughout the process in which the participants felt disempowered. Findings also revealed instances in which collaboration perpetuated social relationships and attitudes that promoted racial inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dorothy Jurney was a groundbreaking women's page editor at several newspapers and a long-time advocate for women in journalism. She began her career during the depression after graduating from Northwestern University, and after working on the news side of newspapers during World War II, she moved back to the women's section. She went on to redefine the content of the sections at the Miami Herald and the Detroit News Press and was called the "godmother of the transformation of the women's page" by the Washington Press Club Foundation. She retired as an assistant managing editor at the Philadelphia Inquirer in 1975 and then conducted several studies on the lack of women in positions of power at newspapers. Thus, she was a "first" in a number of areas although she was denied numerous opportunities because of her gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The feminisation of migration is absent in policy and programmatic discourses on adult education in the USA and England. This paper uses an intersectional framework and feminist transnational methodology to probe this concept and its implications for women migrants and their education and advancement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donna Allen, founder of the Women's Institute for Freedom of the Press, and other women, weary of the lack of coverage by U.S. media of women's issues, undertook a project to circumvent the mass media by using the most cutting-edge technology available —satellites. They set out to prove that women could win their war with the nation's predominantly male editors and news directors, and that they didn't need the editors' or news directors' blessing as agenda setters to do it. Beginning in the 1970s, they began working to set up two international teleconferences as part of the global feminist movement and as part of the first movement of citizens to use satellite technology. This research reveals how development in technology, changes in public policy, and evolving societal and political attitudes provided the opportunity for those whose voices were thwarted by the traditional media structure to nevertheless participate in an international communication network. It describes a seminal effort by women to challenge mainstream media power and discourse, and to use technology to take the lead in decision-making on women's issues globally. It presents evidence establishing women as early adopters of communication technology and situates them at the forefront of the current critique of the corporate media structure in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many geographers benefit from the support of unheralded teachers whose inspiration leaves important marks on their thinking. This paper considers the legacy of Jan Monk's professional contribution in terms of her fostering of wider structures that support the development of a disciplinary capacity for and commitment to good educational practice, her work in researching and bringing to light the hidden disciplinary roles of women in the development of the discipline, particularly in the USA, and the place and significance of her early work in Australia at the intersection of geography and indigenous studies. It concludes that her insistence on the importance of place and context, her attention to people's own sense of place in shaping their relations with each other and their wider worlds, continues to provide a powerful starting point for benchmarking our work as teachers, mentors and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist policy makers need accurate measures of inequality in the economic well-being of men and women. In this paper, we explain why the wage gap by gender gives a misleading measure of women's relative economic well-being in the United States, emphasizing the effects of income pooling within households. We construct a household-level index of women's “spendable” income relative to men's that builds on Randy Albelda's (1988) “PAR index.” We improve on the PAR index in three ways. First, we account for economies of scale associated with additional household members. Second, we utilize the Current Population Survey to capture the impact of government taxes and transfers, providing an indicator of “spendable,” rather than “money” income. Finally, as a step toward redefining the concept of “spendable” income, we deduct a lower-bound estimate of child care costs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the status of social justice feminism and labor legislation in the U.S. during the 1920s. To some an extension of the Progressive Era, to others a New Era, the 1920s are generally perceived as a stagnant period for American labor. While this may be true in terms of wages, conditions, and national political influence, the 1920s shows a transitional period at least in terms of what may be loosely labeled the women's labor movement. Focusing on a particular organization, the Women's Joint Legislative Conference (WJLC), the article examines the endeavor to produce reform in the face of hostile Supreme Court precedent. Created in September 1918, the WJLC initially propounded an aggressive agenda of labor legislation, only to face internal tensions and the strong opposition of a counter-network of Republican state legislators, businessmen, and members of the National Woman's Party. The WJLC and other, similar organizations such as the Women's Joint Congressional Committee, also continued the efforts of social justice feminism movement which begun in the late nineteenth century. Women faced the peculiar legal situation of receiving the right to enact social justice legislation at the expense of being treated as second-class citizens.

This paper examines the ongoing challenge faced by the Chicana author in developing and implementing a feminist of colour curriculum for an after-school women group in a large New York City high school. The focus of this paper is to explore the challenges of diverse cultural exchanges of feminist knowledge, even within the same geographical location and especially where there exists unequal institutional, political or social power among and between group members and facilitators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze how an identity of white womanhood was constructed in nineteenth-century women's foreign missionary publications, particularly in relationship to women of other countries. Using a framework of postcolonial feminism, the paper seeks to uncover the discourses of colonialism and to place women at the forefront of this questioning by analyzing how Western white women's writings and communication practices were implicated in the colonial project. The content of three nineteenth-century women's missionary publications is studied with respect to constructions of white womanhood and how this discourse intersects with religion and U.S. colonialism. While content does exhibit colonial structures of discourse and the supremacy of whiteness, it also points to ambivalence and to relationships of affinity among U.S. women and women in other countries. Ultimately, such discourse, while representing the durability of colonial discourse, may also suggest the presence of transnational relationships built against common concerns, such as the valued role of women and the constraints of patriarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homophobia has a long, sad but obscure history in the Western world and in the world of archaeology. In this paper I argue that homophobia was responsible for women choosing not to go into archaeology in large numbers until at least 1950. While homophobia is no longer successful in keeping women out of archaeology, it continues to have an impact on the discipline in education, network building, and mentoring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research surveys the literature around black consumerism and social movements, exploring the "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work" (DBWYCW) campaigns of the 1920s-1940s. The author examines the integral roles women played (as organizers, agitators, and beneficiaries) in various economic boycotts within the context of Belinda Robnett's theory of bridge leadership, with a particular focus on consumerism as a major vehicle through which African-American women engaged in movement work during the DBWYCW campaigns. This article challenges the erasure of women's leadership by reframing "Don't Buy" as a women's movement. Applying Robnett's bridge leadership theory to different eras, regions, and movements, we see how the Great Depression combined with activism in the gendered sphere of consumerism and facilitated the activism of black women. This paper also expands Robnett's conceptualization of professional and indigenous bridge leaders by identifying urban working class women within the "Don't Buy" movement who fit these leadership categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Histories are re-writing what Sherna Berger Gluck famously called the ‘master historical narrative’ of the US WLM, especially in historicizing the efforts of feminists of colour. This paper echoes this by exploring how white feminists embraced racial justice politics, particularly during the early 1970s, when it is often assumed that white feminists failed to enact racial justice. In historicizing the efforts of white anti-imperialist feminists in greater Boston, I maintain that the ‘master historical narrative’ wrote not only black, Chicana and multiracial feminisms out of history, but that it skewed our understanding of the race politics of white, US feminists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Explores women's involvement in civil liberties organizations in the United States. Influence of women on federal public policy; Feminists' anti-war activities; Treatment of conscientious objectors, political prisoners and enemies; Culture of post-war women's peace movements.

Scholarship on the 1970s ‘women’s movement’ in the USA has grown in recent years. However, this area has yet to fully incorporate women’s athletic experiences. This paper brings together these two areas of scholarship through analysis of women’s experiences playing professional football in 1970s America. Women athletes articulated little connection between football and the larger feminist campaign for corporeal autonomy and equality and some pronounced a distinctly antifeminist identity. My intent is not to force the feminist mantle on these women or to contest their self-descriptions. Rather, I seek to locate their experiences within the larger women’s movement using historian Anne Enke’s idea of ‘contested space’ (Finding the Movement, 2007). Drawing on interviews with 13 women on three different teams during the 1970s, I argue that while women football players did not explicitly alignwiththe feminist movement, they were apart ofthe larger revolution in women’s social rank. Football players fought for the freedom to be physically active in public, and to gain all of the positive attributes that sport can offer. It is therefore imperative that we take seriously women’s sporting participation and locate it within the broader social context of the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the predominant U.S. race-based discourses surrounding the first five seasons of the South Asian American-led network television show, The Mindy Project. Through a textual analysis of the show, its news coverage, and live interviews with its showrunner Mindy Kaling, it reveals the subjectivation of Kaling as the "angry woman of colour" and exposes the profound anxieties that result when diasporic subjects challenge the boundaries between margin and centre. Drawing from feminist and postcolonial theories, this paper uncovers the relationship between "progressive" journalistic knowledge production and colonial-capitalist logics. It finds a reproduction of the "native-as-lack" cloaked within discourses of "diversity" and "reality" as well as an expectation that the diasporic showrunner shows her "authenticity" through the self-appropriation of her Otherness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Announces several congresses on feminist economics. Details on The International Association for Feminist Economics convention; Development of human resources for science and engineering by the National Science Foundation; Offerings of academic scholarships for women by the Mary Ingrahan Bunting Institute.

In this paper, I argue that we are currently witnessing the emergence of neoliberal feminism in the USA, which is most clearly articulated in two highly publicized and widely read ‘feminist manifestos’: Sheryl Sandberg's Lean In (a New York Times best-seller) and Anne-Marie Slaughter's ‘Why Women Still Can't Have It All’ (the most widely read piece in the history of the Atlantic). Concentrating on the shifting discursive registers in Lean In, I propose that the book can give us insight into the ways in which the husk of liberalism is being mobilized to spawn a neoliberal feminism as well as a new feminist subject. This feminist subject accepts full responsibility for her own well-being and self-care, which is increasingly predicated on crafting a felicitous work–family balance based on a cost-benefit calculus. I further pose the question of why neoliberalism has spawned a feminist rather than a female subject. Why, in other words, is there any need for the production of a neoliberal feminism, which draws attention to a specific kind of inequality and engenders a particularly feminist subject? While this new form of feminism can certainly be understood as yet another domain neoliberalism has colonized by producing its own variant, I suggest that it simultaneously serves a particular cultural purpose: it hollows out the potential of mainstream liberal feminism to underscore the constitutive contradictions of liberal democracy, and in this way further entrenches neoliberal rationality and an imperialist logic. Indeed, neoliberal feminism may be the latest discursive modality to (re)produce the USA as the bastion of progressive liberal democracy. Rather than deflecting internal criticism by shining the spotlight of oppressive practices onto other countries while overtly showcasing its enlightened superiority, this discursive formation actually generates its own internal critique of the USA. Yet, it simultaneously inscribes and circumscribes the permissible parameters of that very same critique. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on the invitations made by the editor of the book "Administrative Theory & Praxis" to interested individuals to submit papers and manuscripts for the symposium on nongovernment organizations and actions that will be held in the U.S. in August 2017. The topics to be focused on the papers include the critical theory in the analysis of community building and generating power, volunteerism in Latino race, and feminist leadership in the nonprofit organizations.

This essay assesses the feminist potential of workplace flexibility when it emerged as an object of knowledge in 1980s US public culture. The keyword flexibility, which crossed economic discourses about topics ranging from production to remuneration to consumption, was constructed as coextensive with feminism at this time. The essay begins by analyzing popular knowledge concerning labor flexibility created in scholarship and mainstream news. Next, the paper focuses on the contemporaneous articulation of flexibility to feminism. Since 1980, news, scholarship, and film argued that flexibility might provide a feminist antidote for late twentieth-century capitalism's harsh draining of labor from bodies. Particularly, flexible working conditions became publicized as a way that mothers could be better accommodated in the workplace. Yet as the century waned, flexibility failed to uproot standard time-intensive models of work and excluded some women from job opportunities and job security. When flexibility appeared to fail, pundits blamed feminism for wage-earning women's difficulty balancing family and workplace. This analysis shows that the various contradictory practices understood as flexibility rendered it troublesome as a feminist strategy. The paper concludes with an examination of the contemporary implications of this recent discursive history of flexibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we draw from black and multiracial feminist theories to argue that interpersonal racial discrimination should be understood as a potentially gendered phenomenon. While there are some discriminatory practices that are directed at both black men and black women, some forms of racial discrimination affect men more than women, and some affect women more than men. Still other forms may be gender-specific. Our review of existing literature shows that most survey research has utilized measures and models of racial discrimination that fail to account for these gender differences. Drawing on the 2001-2003 National Survey of American Life (NSAL) we demonstrate the importance of gender for understanding and analysing interpersonal racial discrimination. We offer concrete ways for social researchers to centralize gender in their analyses. By doing so, we hope to advance the development of an intersectional approach to racial discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the framing in four British and American newspapers of the second-wave feminist movement during its most politically active period (1968-1982). Using content and critical discourse analysis of 555 news articles, the article investigates how movement members were represented, what problems and solutions to women's oppression/inequality were posed and whose voices were used. This paper identifies: opposition to the movement, support for the movement, conflict and movement defined in terms of its goals. In addition to exploring nuances in coverage across time and space, we use a feminist perspective to make political statements about how gendered hierarchies function through media discourse, and argue that the circulation of patriarchal and capitalist ideologies worked to prevent women's equal partnership with men in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the 1980s, the international market for commercial surrogacy has grown at a quiet but considerable pace. Each year, thousands of women agree to carry, for a fee, the child of another woman. Thousands of babies are born as a result on shaky legal legs: conceived by one set of parents yet claimed by another. Most of these children were born in the market as well as the womb, the product of desire combined with the ability to pay. The central argument of this paper is that surrogacy must be approached as a commercial relationship. There is already an active international trade in the components of baby production - wombs, sperm and eggs. There are rapidly advancing technologies that are certain to expand both the demand for surrogacy services and the supply of surrogate mothers. Yet the underpinnings of the surrogacy market - the rules, laws, rights and contracts - have been notably slower to evolve. Legislative bodies in both the United States and Europe have been loath to deal directly with the issue of surrogacy, intervening primarily in the form of prohibition. Yet because the demand function in this market can be so intense, couples are entering into surrogacy arrangements even when they suspect that the underlying contract is either illegal or unenforceable. Fundamentally, commercial surrogacy is an issue of political economy. It involves an economic relationship that sits within a deeply political calculus, one that goes to the very heart of political economy. What, the debate over surrogacy asks, can legitimately be sold in a market transaction? Who decides? And how can any authority weigh the desires of having a child against the dangers of selling one? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that cultural memory in the USA, both academic and popular, for largely ephemeral feminist and queer practices is dauntingly limited. In this case, the prevalent conceptions of feminism as juvenile and/or dead must be engaged for future possibilities. The use of history to discipline feminism is not only related to structures of cultural memory that animate the mass-mediated public sphere, but masculinist desires which privilege male agents as the judges of feminist and queer practices. This paper turns to the anomalous political practices of Jill Johnston, Village Voice critic and author of Lesbian Nation . Johnston as the forever-juvenile 'trickster' has not fallen prey to the discourses heralding feminism's death. Through an examination of her politics of reinscription, mobility and interstatiality, much can be learned about cultural memory and minoritarian political practices. The ephemerality of politics in the public sphere can be even momentarily arrested and available for future political possibilities through practices of reinscription. Not only is ephemerality arrested, but also new contexts for reading events, acts and histories are created. Through this reinscriptive politics, mobility is produced which can at particular moments escape the death sentence of molar politics with new understandings of eventfulness and change. History from this perspective is not filiative; it is contagious and corrosive and always open to multiple lines of investigation and articulation for future possibilities. Her interstitial politics cut across the dominant logics of histories and movements and produce something other than the taken for granted. This interstatiality is crucial in producing new contexts for political practice. Through her performances and politics of reinscription, a better understanding of the connections between masculinist desire and cultural memory can be developed. This practice, even if only provisionally, can interrupt the practices of cultural memory which privilege the discursive practices of masculine agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pays tribute to Caroline Healey Dall, the leading writer in the early women's movement in the U.S. Career highlights; Her role in the first quarter-century of the woman's rights crusade; History of the women's movement.

Social work faces significant challenges to define its role in the current political climate in the United States. The federal government has retreated from its position of guarantor of assistance to those who are most in need. States and local jurisdictions now set the rules and the tone for helping. Social workers can position themselves to help individuals, families, and communities. They can also continue the tradition in the profession for bringing social change. This paper describes a continuum of approaches to social work practice that leads one to radical or political practice. There are examples of client-centered and reflective practice. I include a discussion of feminist practice, empowerment-based practice, policy-practice, and radical practice. I then provide a case example of an organization in which work occurs at each step of the continuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Megan Thee Stallion is revolutionizing the representation of Black women in Hip-Hop by occupying polarizing positions in Hip-Hop culture. Megan represents the multiplicity of the Black girl/women's identities by navigating the confines of ratchet respectability, sexuality, and education. Her movements #HotGirlSummer and #HotNerdFall demonstrate the margins the everyday Black girl/woman must navigate: the expectation to be sexy, outgoing, and ratchet while simultaneously being educated/intellectual. Using Hip Hop feminist discourses of ratchet respectability and Black ratchet imagination, we argue that Megan's representation of a sexually liberated, ratchet-demic informs the construction of Black girl/womanhood. Utilizing Megan the Stallion's music, social media posts, and interviews, we will explore how Megan's representation of a sexually liberated, ratchet-demic informs the socio-educational identities of Black girl/womanhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the connections between the history of slavery and plantation life in the U.S. and the contemporary practices and cultures of higher education institutions. Topics include an interpretation of African American-human structural antagonism through a study of African American feminism and the commitment of U.S. higher education to African American degradation as fundamental to maintenance of a colonial order.

The article examines feminist thinking about race and cross-border engagements during the 1970s and 1960s based on the content and material histories of the newspaper "Triple Jeopardy" and the magazine "Conditions." It explores the role of women of color in feminism during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. It also describes the manner in which U.S. feminists engaged with women outside the U.S. during the 1970s and 1980s.

This paper explores the relationship between feminism and lesbianism, arguing both that feminism has encouraged and supported lesbianism, and that the existence of lesbian feminism supports both feminist goals in general and heterosexual feminists in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist literature has highlighted the way in which pregnancy and childbearing signal ''difference'' from the male labor market norm. The issue of breastfeeding adds complexity to this analysis. This paper argues that, in labor market terms, there are costs attached to breastfeeding for most women. However, health-focused research indicates that there are also significant benefits conferred by breastfeeding to mothers, infants, employers and wider society in industrialized as well as in so-called ''developing'' economies. In this essay, I argue that although the dominant American discourse on infant feeding emphasizes personal preference on the part of individual women there are, in fact, significant economic and employment-related factors which impinge on infant feeding options. In particular, those women in the most disadvantaged positions in the labor market are, in general, the most constrained in terms of such choice. However, while pregnancy and childbirth have been the subject of intense feminist interest and debate, breastfeeding and its intersection with women's increasing participation in paid work has not been foregrounded either within feminist equality/difference debates or within recent labor market analyses. Finally, it is suggested that feminist analyses of labor market issues, including debates about parental/family leave, need to incorporate both the costs and benefits of breastfeeding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses issues related to feminist geography in the United States. Gender geography is one subject that has drawn attention in the recent times in the country. Gender is being considered as an important subject by male and female geographers and this is reflected the several articles that appear in geographical journals like "Professional Geographer." However, the courses that focus on the subject, as well as teachers who teach these courses, are not well assembled. The main reason for this situation is the absence of one central clearing house for information exchange. There is an aimless approach in the course offerings in feminist geography. Moderate changes are being made to the education curricula because of the enlarged feminist conscience in the country.