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This is, as the subtitle indicates, a joint paper in two voices. Each author has worked with her counterpart to revise what began as their position paper for the Round Table ‘Women’s History at the Cutting Edge’ at the International Congress for the Historical Sciences, held in August 2015 in Jinan, China, which met jointly with the International Federation for Research in Women's History (IFRWH). Chen Yan explains her perplexity about the reticence of Chinese historians (based in China) to embrace topics in women's and gender history, using her own case as an example. She then poses five questions in the paper to stimulate reflections from the commentators, drawing on their varied experiences as historians of women and gender in other countries. Her particular objective is to ‘jump-start’ research and publication in these areas in China, where a variety of obstacles dissuade scholars from pursuing this path. Karen Offen’s contribution builds out from that of Chen Yan, arguing that women's and gender history is at the cutting edge of historical research precisely because it offers ‘a revolutionary development in the politics of historical knowledge’. No historian can be considered ‘up-to-date’ in the field of history without taking its findings into account. Offen addresses each of the five questions, making provocative arguments and rehearsing some of the achievements in providing an organizational structure that welcomes historians from many lands through the IFRWH. She emphasizes the vast expansion of publications in the field during the last twenty-some years in many languages besides English and addresses the controversies of the 1990s concerning the ‘turn’ to gender history and to theoretical analyses. Offen then proposes thinking about ‘women’ and ‘gender’ as two focal points along the continuum of the same project, using the analogy of the ‘zoom lens’. Making women's history an integral part of historical study requires a ‘gendered analysis’ of any historical topic, but it also requires deeper thinking about communication strategies that can bring the findings of our research to the general public. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Cahill and Irving show that history-making was a key activity in the labour movement, creating a "workable past" that energised activists and voters. Contemporary labour history also gets a whack as too concerned with jargon, credentialing and gap filling, although Cahill and Irving acknowledge that a strong and politically-active labour history community persists. The Barber Who Read History: Essays in Radical History: By Rowan Cahill and Terry Irving. [Extracted from the article]

In this new book, Veracini explores settler colonialism as "a political idea" by focusing on "push factors". Lorenzo Veracini is a world-leading theorist of settler colonialism. The World Turned Inside Out: Settler Colonialism as a Political Idea: By Lorenzo Veracini. [Extracted from the article]

This paper offers a history of the 'Kaldor-Hicks' concept of economic efficiency from its European birth in the 1930s to its American resurgence in the 1970s to its widespread implementation in the Global South by the early twenty-first century. While philosophers, economists and legal theorists have written widely about Kaldor-Hicks – global-minded intellectual historians have not. As a result, scholars have yet to place its creation, dissemination and ascendency into a broader historical context or examine the reasons behind its global spread. As this paper will demonstrate through the rise of cost–benefit analyses based on 'willingness to pay' metrics, while Kaldor-Hicks efficiency was invented by neoclassical economists in the late 1930s, its ascent to policy dominance is part-and-parcel of the neoliberal revolution of the past half century. Linking the history of economic thought with the rise of global neoliberalism, this paper demonstrates how Kaldor-Hicks efficiency emerged as a central pillar of a new, interventionist, wealth-maximizing and market-based form of depoliticized technocratic governance that not only marginalizes distributive concerns but actively exacerbates the problem of global inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pictorialism emerged in the last quarter of the nineteenth century as a global aesthetic movement that argued for photography's artistic status on par with other plastic arts more powerfully than ever. Archives from South Asia demonstrate the movement's thriving life in the subcontinent with Calcutta emerging as a centre and its bilingual amateur photographer-writers as major participants simultaneously engaging in globally circulating specialist discourses on pictorialism and popular discussions of their practice aimed at public pedagogy. By looking into Bangla periodical press this paper investigates how Bengali pictorialists used popular Bangla magazines in the early twentieth century to establish their distinct voice regarding what counted as artistic photography as they engaged with a non-specialist mass readership. Mass-circulated Bangla articles were not vernacular translations of knowledge and practices produced in metropolitan locations and disseminated in transregional languages like English. Vernacular was an extension of Bengali amateur photographers' participation in global photography, as they remained grounded in their historical specificity. These amateur photographers were bilingual intellectuals who wrote in English for a global public and in Bangla for a Bangla-reading publics and refraining from translating culture as they moved across languages. Indeed, articulations in vernacular didn't mean a venularization of practice; they indicate plurality of belonging and affiliation that crafted the pictorialist aesthetic of the Bengali amateurs. By unpacking this intellectual history, this paper decenters the Euro-US-centric history of pictorialism towards writing an interconnected history of the artistic movement, while also complicating the category of modern Indian art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper envisages how the concept of 'Inequality' has been perceived by the Trade Unionists in late colonial Bengal. Informed by the ideology of Communism, these activists penned down a myriad of insightful analytical tracts, primarily in vernaculars, ranging from propaganda pamphlets to articles in the party organs. Their critique of Imperialism, and how it precipitates economic and socio-political inequalities was grafted in the ethos of class struggle. Through delineating their stark ideological differences with Gandhian mass politics, and by focusing on their intellectual endeavours concerning various structural inequalities of class, religion, caste, and gender it aims at charting out the indigenous response to the global doctrine of Communism. Often overlooked as conventional intellectuals, their literature brings to fore an alternative discourse on anti-colonialism in South Asia, overwhelmed by the theme of Nationalism. This paper is a methodological probe in doing intellectual history from below, adding to the edifice of the existing scholarship on Decolonisation, Communism, and Inequality in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early modern period, Persian scholars deliberated on the complexities in the Islamic doctrines in distinct ways. Several Sufis and scholars engaged in intellectual debates regarding ideal Muslim conduct. This paper focuses on 'Abd al-Haqq Muhaddis Dehlawi (1551–1642)—a polymath with specialised training in the Ḥadīs̤ and Sufism—to situate his ideas within the larger intellectual discourse about Islam in South Asia. On account of his training and scholastic approach, an a priori label of orthodoxy and revivalism is associated with 'Abd al-Haqq. However, his letters to Mughal courtiers and his Sufi taz̠kirāt showcase his complex pedagogy as a scholar of Islamic praxis and Sufism. This paper delineates his lucid approach in underlining Islamic tenets and the history of the Sufis in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feng Zikai and Master Kong Hiap in Singapore not only completed and published the masterpiece Protection of Life at the behest of their mentor, Master Hong Yi but also actively contributed to the growth of religions during the P.R.C.. The focus of this paper will be on the Protection of Life, which was completed secretly in socialist China between the 1950s and 1970s, as well as Feng Zikai's overseas cultural practices, to investigate how these helped Feng Zikai to broaden his cultural expressions and preserve his teacher Master Hong Yi's religious thoughts. Through revisiting Feng's creations and other cultural practices, this paper reveals a competing and conflicting revolutionary structure of feeling, across the 1949 geographical fault line as well as in the global Cold War context. Besides, this paper intends to investigate intellectuals' living status and social networking critically in socialist China during the mid-twentieth-century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All economists know that a long-run average cost curve is the envelope of a family of short-run average cost curves, but many economists do not realise that envelope mathematics can be applied to many other topics. This paper reviews envelope mathematics and describes its intellectual history on several topics, including housing hedonics. The envelope derivations in this paper shed light on the key distinction in many envelopes between movement along a function in the family and equilibrium shifting from one family member to the next and ensure that the functional forms of the family of curves and their envelope are consistent with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship on cryptoeconomics describes this field as a new and emergent phenomenon. In this paper, I claim that crypto anarchists and cryptoeconomists design and build decentralised networks as governance systems according to the common principles of cryptography, economics, and engineering, and thus, cryptoeconomics is not new but has historical intellectual roots in the political ideology of Crypto Anarchy. Cryptoeconomics is a multidisciplinary field of study concerned with the design of decentralised systems that facilitate the coordination of multiple actors. Practitioners of crypteoconomics, known as "cryptoeconomists," employ engineering and economic methods to create institutional infrastructure for social coordination. Crypto Anarchy is a political ideology that emphasises autonomy and anonymity and the practice of self-organising through technical means largely attributed to a counter-cultural subgroup known as the "cypherpunks". I demonstrate the link between Crypto Anarchy and cryptoeconomics through the analysis of empirical evidence from primary archival sources, secondary sources, and academic literature. The implication of these findings is a deeper understanding of what the creation of cryptoeconomic systems does in enabling a political economy of distributed, autonomous coordination. What cryptoeconomists did not adopt and perpetuate is a value for anonymity, which is where the social outcomes of Crypto Anarchy and cryptoeconomics diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A call for papers for a conference entitled "Rethinking Intellectual History," to take place at the University of Sydney in Sydney, New South Wales, Australia from April 7-9, 2015, is presented.

The term 'governance' is one of the most widely applied concepts in education policy and research. Yet its meaning has changed over space and time both analytically and normatively. This history is a complicated one marked by both shifts and continuations in the politics of language and the development of unique intellectual histories and conceptual and empirical turns in the field of education. In this paper we systematically delineate the different meanings ascribed to governance within education with a focus on its polyvalence as a political project, empirical object and research analytic. Specifically, we highlight the various complementarities and tensions flowing from this rich and evolving language. We conclude by calling for more education researchers to reflect on this complicated history and attendant language as part of their framings and interpretations of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines how Texan Revolutionaries portrayed the Texas Revolution as a struggle for modernity. In particular, numerous Anglo-Texans created a narrative in which they cast Santa Anna at the helm of a counter-enlightenment restoring Ancien Régime values. The Revolutionaries drew upon the discourse of the Mexican politician and Texas co-founder Lorenzo de Zavala. This article contests the portrayal of the Texas Revolution as a White and Anglo movement. This manuscript contributes to the historiography by examining Zavala's influence on the language of the Texas Revolution. Together, Zavala and the Texas Revolutionaries accused Santa Anna of fighting for monarchy and aristocracy. Furthermore, Texan revolutionaries argued the imminent restoration of Catholicism threatened their cherished liberties and freedoms. This was all the while Anglo-Texans portrayed their secession as a struggle for reason, virtue, and happiness. This analysis primarily utilizes the Mirabeau Lamar Papers to discern the sentiments and expressions of numerous individuals involved in the Texas Revolution. The following study contributes to the lacuna in the history of ideas in the Texas Republic. Furthermore, this article links Texas to the broader historiography of Atlantic Revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal's solution to global inequality was to move Beyond the Welfare State (1960) and national boundaries to create a 'welfare world.' Built on a vision to globalize or scale-up the Swedish approach, Myrdal's proposal was rejected by both international technocrats and impoverished nations. This article examines the Swedish intellectual tradition on inequality, considering both how it contributed to the emergence of the Swedish welfare state and later to Myrdal's welfare world. By examining the roots of Myrdal's proposal, as well as its international reception, this article contributes to several different strands of intellectual history. First, it illustrates how dissonance about a concept such as inequality can emerge when its use is context dependent. Second, the paper explores how an idea that is purported to be international in nature can fail to make sense or 'travel' in the international realm, e.g. the 'non-globalization' of a concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay introduces papers delivered at a conference on Lucy Hutchinson, Nottingham, June 2022. While Hutchinson's 'Elegies' and Order and Disorder are discussed, the majority focus on Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson, of which the manuscript was freshly on display in a special gallery in Nottingham Castle. I discuss the interdisciplinary range of the papers, from local and military history to European intellectual history, from gender theory to the study of manuscript collations, which together throw much light on Hutchinson's writings, and will open the way to further study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Walter Rodney is a household name in IPE. Traditionally, scholars place Rodney in the tradition of dependency theory. More recently, scholars of 'racial capitalism' have identified Rodney as a foundational analyst of the empirical and conceptual relationship of racism and capitalism. However, while Rodney's work is often invoked in contemporary literature, it is rarely discussed. This paper offers a detailed engagement with Rodney's major works and situates them in their broader intellectual context in the history of IPE. In doing so, the paper highlights three major contributions. First, Rodney locates processes of working-class formation within the historical emergence and structural constraints of the capitalist world economy, breaking down conventional divides between domestic and international political economy. Second, Rodney demonstrates the centrality of unfree labor to the extension and reproduction of capitalism on a world scale. Third, Rodney highlights the integral role of race and racism in working-class formation, but stops short of positing these relations as functionally necessary to capitalist reproduction – a nuance which distinguishes him from current fashions. The paper argues that retrieving these three contributions can help renew a critical-historical IPE centered on the development of – and challenges to – working-class power in the global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the thought of the Indian revolutionary and philosopher M.N. Roy (1887–1954). The essay argues that Roy's pivot from Marxism to a liberal 'New Humanism' over the course of the 1930s and 1940s was shaped by his thinking about fascism and represents a broader turn away from a materialist reading of history and loss of confidence in the Indian working class. The paper begins with an analysis of Roy's early communism, and considers his later critique, elaborated from the 1930s onwards, that 'Gandhism' represented an Indian form of fascism, and explores how these arguments led to his rejection of Marxism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a feminist intellectual history methodology to analyse debates around 'peace' within the Federation of South African Women in the 1950s. While many scholars have produced insightful analyses of the Federation's work, this article is the first to examine specific debates around the idea of peace within the organisation. Through a close reading of these discussions as they played out in Federation meetings, this article argues that Federation leadership was eager to link with global left-wing peace politics in the 1950s. The membership, however, was more sceptical of the connection: while drawing inspiration from global women's struggles, many members suggested that peaceful methods were no longer meaningful in their own political context. This study yields new insights into grassroots women's analyses of apartheid and the strategies they advocated. It argues that intellectual historical approaches offer an important supplement to social historical analyses of women's politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The best way to reconstruct the history of psychoanalytic ideas is to begin from the study not of theories, but of the various authors and their contexts. Important contributions to the study of the ego in Europe had already come from Ferenczi and Fenichel, well before Hartmann founded Ego Psychology (EP), which became mainstream in North America. In Europe, before World War II, significant contributions to what here is called "psychoanalytic ego psychology" (Pep) (contrasted with Hartmann's EP) came from Anna Freud, Paul Federn, and Gustav Bally. After World War II, contributions came from Alexander Mitscherlich, Paul Parin, and Johannes Cremerius in the German-speaking community, and from Joseph Sandler in the UK. If this is the case, we should then talk of "ego psychologies" in the same way as we talk of the various object relations theories. Pep – as it was described in the guiding principles formulated by Fenichel in the 1930s – keeps informing the clinical work of many psychoanalysts, even if they are not fully aware of it. For example, it represents the basic ingredient of the empirically verifiable "psychoanalytic therapy" formulated in detail by Helmut Thomä and Horst Kächele. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a book history of In Battle for Peace. It presents an account of In Battle for Peace's creation and emergence as a physical publication. It addresses the authorial ideas behind its assembly as a text, in other words the literary and infrastructural choices about chapter arrangements and textual adornments such as appendixes and interior images. It explores questions around In Battle for Peace's editorial history, from copy-editing to cover design. It considers its circulation in culture, and its reception history amongst ordinary readers, journalists, and scholars. The essay also includes In Battle for Peace's archival history, the documentary foundation upon which Du Bois based the book as well as the accumulation of historical artifacts related to it that he and others collected and deposited in different repositories since its publication 70 years ago. This article advances the idea that In Battle for Peace's book history reveals how networked knowledge in a community of radicals, many of whom were communists, influenced the text's creation and produced the generative ideas that animated the book. Specifically, artist, playwright, and writer Shirley Graham Du Bois (as co-writer, spouse, and curator) and US Communist Party leader and historian Herbert Aptheker (as copy editor and comrade) were among the most important individuals who helped shape the Black radical intellectual book history of In Battle for Peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study presented here is an attempt at a comparative analysis of three early modern phenomena in the history of ideas and culture: three ethnogenetic theories about the origins of the Swedish (Gothic) and Polish (Sarmatian) nations and states, as well as that of the Danes, originating from the ancient Cimbri. First, they will be compared as historiographic concepts characteristic of early modern knowledge. The next part of the paper concerns modifications to these theories made in national historiographies and the broader visions of the history of the respective countries based on them. The last part of the study presents how these ideas function at the political level, both in relation to broader visions of political reality and political practice. The analysis suggests that while in the case of the 16th-century historical concepts of origo gentis, there are more similarities than differences, the subsequent stages of development show increasing differentiation: the ideas of Sarmatian ethnogenesis underwent greater changes than others. However, there are similarities in the way Gothic and Sarmatian ideas functioned in political life and politics during that period in Sweden and Poland, respectively. The weakest point is the influence of Cimbrian ethnogenesis on the politics of Denmark at that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper explores the intellectual history of Universal Basic Income (UBI), specifically focusing on Milton Friedman’s Negative Income Tax (NIT) as a precursor. Examining Friedman’s work in the 1940s, the study reveals the polysemic nature of early NIT proposals and underscores the significance of Friedman and Stigler’s engagement with concepts like Abba P. Lerner’s Social Dividend and Kenneth Boulding’s adjustable tax plan, the latter often overlooked in the literature. Contrary to the prevailing view of NIT as solely a poverty alleviation policy, this research also positions it, at this moment, as a macroeconomic steering mechanism. Drawing on Reinhart Koselleck’s categories, theoretical analysis emphasises the importance of exploring diverse “layers of meaning” in early NIT debates, shedding light on nuances that echo contemporary discussions on UBI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to reflect on the identity of intellectual history as an interdisciplinary field. It begins by taking into account the pervasiveness of interdisciplinarity in academia. As a trend embraced by many scholars and institutions, the paper argues that interdisciplinarity deserves to be thematised more specifically, since the literature swings between a wide range of definitions and fierce criticisms. Interdisciplinarity has been understood as a way to integrate specialized knowledge to better understand a topic, but this definition does not clarify how object of study determines the purposes of interdisciplinarity. As regards intellectual history, this essay offers a non-exhaustive but representative survey that throws light on the different and often contradictory ways in which intellectual history has been conceived as interdisciplinary. The paper ends by suggesting a way of fleshing out the commonplace that intellectual history is 'inherently interdisciplinary.' Following John Pocock and John Burrow, I take a pragmatic standpoint: to embrace interdisciplinarity whenever it helps us solve the problems that concern intellectual historians, and it help us navigate historical realities. And conversely, being aware that interdisciplinarity is not a good in itself, and it does not necessarily guarantee results that are historically accurate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been argued in recent years that Western ethnographic curiosity and writing grew significantly during the late medieval period. Surprisingly, the Latin East has remained almost completely neglected within this scholarly context. The present paper aims to fill this lacuna by exploring a discourse within the kingdom of Jerusalem which focused on customs and ways of life of non-Latins and which was based on observation rather than hearsay and stereotypes. The paper traces the beginnings of this tradition and follows its development, shedding light on the figures and milieus involved as well as on its innovativeness and richness. It also explores the complex relations between this discourse and some of the earliest Latin works about the Mongols. The picture that emerges is of a society which did not lack in ethnographic curiosity, and where knowledge of other cultures was not always dominated by, or harnessed to, a polemical discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early decades of the twentieth century, the Pacific West Coast of the USA gradually turned into a hotbed of Indian anti-colonial activity. California, in particular, became a point of convergence for Bengali radicals/intellectuals and Punjabi migrant workers. The Ghadar would gradually emerge in 1913 out of the interactions between these two elements. My paper is animated by the understanding that zooming in on Indian anti-colonial activity can be a very productive way of situating California in a transnational historical framework. In my paper, I focus on the interface between the Ghadar movement and the IWW in California. Existing studies have focused on superficial similarities between the two radical movements as a way of explaining their mutual compatibility. Departing from such approaches, I will try to show that similar understandings of time, force, and rupture rendered the Ghadar and IWW compatible at a very fundamental level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, first meetings in analytic therapy are considered thematically, experientially and pragmatically. Attention is given to how we think and feel about beginning therapy, and how these first sessions can be structured so as to facilitate the start of a collaborative analytic project. The history of ideas about first meetings is reviewed and the perspectives in this paper are located in this unfolding narrative. The contributions of several psychoanalytic writers whose ideas have influenced my own are considered. The focus throughout is on the hopes and anxieties of both patient and therapist and how these emerge experientially and procedurally in first meetings. The relational traditions introduced in first meetings can structure opportunities for collaborative, transformational work over the course of time. The ideas presented in this paper are illustrated by an extended case example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opening of the twentieth-first century has been a time of uncertainty. Despite many visions of the future, a Eurocentric bias is still at heart of the discourse about world order. For instance, the 'Thucydides Trap' as a metaphor is often borrowed by political theories to make sense of the changing relationship between China and the United States. Yet as many are turning to ancient history in the 'West' to find wisdom for the future, they tend to overlook the story from the other side of the globe. In this paper, I investigate a genealogy of thought that there existed an international order in ancient China. The concept sounds like an oxymoron to many people today. Yet various scholars have adopted this view as an alternative to the Eurocentric world of international relations over the course of the long twentieth century, from the Western missionary W. A. P. Martin in late Qing, the Chinese historian He Bingsong in the Republican period, to the hawkish PRC foreign policy analyst Yan Xuetong. Recalling this legacy will help us to appreciate the crucial role of political idealism in the reshuffling of international relations in a world that is increasingly leaning towards power politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines Sufi ship–body symbolism in a painting on the wall of an eighteenth-century mosque from the riverine hinterland of the Malabar coast as well as in two poems, one in Arabic and the other in Arabi-Malayalam, produced in the region. Focusing on the intricate details of the painting and poems, the paper shows how the ship's semantic field (sea, storm, pirates, pearls, shore, and so on) is connected to everyday Islamic rituals and mystical ideas and beliefs. In discussion, the paper draws attention to the creative hermeneutics of the local Muslim scholars and the use of an imagery which has a deep resonance in the intellectual history of Islam as well as in the littoral–cultural context of Malabar. The paper highlights the need to include imageries and motifs from inside the mosque when looking at artistic agency in the mosque architecture of the region. The paper argues that the ship painting in the spatiality of the mosque and in the Arabi-Malayalam poems is intended to induce wonderment among its audience, and thereby to inculcate ethical and pietistic dispositions among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We can easily misread historical texts if we take ideas and passages out of their textual contexts. The resulting errors are widespread, possibly even more so than errors through reading ideas and passages out of their historical contexts. Yet the methodological literature stresses the latter and says little about the former. This paper thus theorises the idea of textual context, distinguishes three types of textual context, and asks how we uncover the right textual contexts. I distinguish four kinds of textual-context error, and offer practical tips for avoiding these errors. However, the beating heart of this paper is the history–philosophy debate: in contrast to the prevailing assumption that historical and philosophical analysis are fundamentally different, I show that a commitment to textual context, which should be entirely uncontroversial, also commits one to think philosophically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prefacing the 2007 reprint of Der Leib, der Raum und die Gefühle (1998), Hermann Schmitz, founder of the Neue Phänomenologie movement, contends that the rationalism of the early Enlightenment, its belief in objective truth and in measurable, empty space, is rooted in a much earlier event: The Enlightenment of the fourth/fifth centuries B.C. in Greece which marked a decisive shift away from a view of a dynamic, filled and thus relational cosmos. Whereas here, humans and natural phenomena are still interconnected, corporeal and dynamically involved with each other, the new paradigm is defined by intellectualism and an inward turn, with consciousness emerging as the culturally-sanctioned intellectual forerunner of solipsism and its cultural footprint: radical disconnection. In this paper, I argue that while cultural paradigms cannot easily be undone, with the help of phenomenological thinking, we have access to a different narrative, an important first step in re-thinking both interconnection and human responsibility in a world in which we have done so much damage. Outlining the contributions of Husserl (intersubjectivity) and Merleau-Ponty (embodiment and perception) as well as Schmitz (atmosphere), I hope to show that the phenomenological focus shifts from an initial Cartesianism (Husserl) towards relationality and an ethical re-focussing. By articulating a model of perception in which every moment of our understanding is shaped by relationality, phenomenological voices contribute alongside other forms of cultural expression to give hope for a different way of doing things, a hope badly needed in times of war and environmental disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gist of Money and Empire by Marcello de Cecco consists in showing how discretional policy decisions, rather than automatic adjustment operating through the price-specie-flow mechanism, guaranteed the orderly functioning of the Gold Standard. The decades before WWI, often regarded as the heyday of the Gold Standard, were in fact the years of its decline. The paper argues that, in addition to its important contribution to the reconstruction of the actual functioning of the Gold Standard, Money and Empire prompts two reflections. The first is on the general argument of the book that all monetary systems must be studied by looking at the power relations underlying them, money being a social construct. The second concerns the use made by de Cecco of both economic facts and economic theories and his reconstruction of their reciprocal influence. Re-reading Money and Empire invites thus to reflect on the complex relations between economic theory, economic history and the history of economic ideas, fields where de Cecco moved at ease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent past has witnessed a significant amount of new interest in the intellectual history of the Vormärz, or the period in German history immediately prior to the 1848 Revolutions, and especially in the theories of republicanism developed among those who are variously known as the Young, Left, or New Hegelians. At the same time, scholars have reopened the question of Marx's relationship with republicanism and the republican conception of freedom. But one figure who has been conspicuously overlooked in this context was arguably the most radical and revolutionary republican of the period: Edgar Bauer. This paper fills a gap in the extant literature by providing a survey of Edgar Bauer's work during the crucial years of 1841–1843. It shows that his position differed in important ways from that of his brother Bruno and explains the political stakes of his equally vehement attacks on the Christian state, on the one side, and its liberal opposition, on the other. It proposes that his position developed rapidly over the course of the three years in question, until he was finally arrested, put on trial, and imprisoned for insulting religious society, mocking the law, arousing dissatisfaction with the state, and offending the majesty of the king. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asian developmentalism is often depicted as a derivative ideology with its origins in the diffusion of Western thought to the region, first to Japan after the 1868 Meiji Restoration and then to the rest of the region in the twentieth century following the Japanese example. Recent scholarship has challenged that perspective by highlighting important endogenous roots of the developmentalist ideology of Meiji Japan. This paper shows that Chinese developmentalism also has deep local origins in China's own intellectual history that long predated the importation of Western (and Japanese) political economy to the country in the early twentieth century. It also demonstrates that locally-originated Chinese developmentalist ideology diffused beyond China's borders in ways that influenced the emergence of 'developmental mindsets' elsewhere in the East Asia region in the nineteenth century, including in Meiji Japan. Rather than being a laggard in the regional embrace of developmentalist ideology diffusing from the West, China was a key source and exporter of this ideology to the region. For these reasons, Chinese thinkers deserve a more prominent place in histories of the origins of East Asian developmentalism, and of developmentalist thought in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptual history of the political that Pierre Rosanvallon explained in his methodological papers and practiced in major works endorsed a distinctive reflexivity. The present contribution claims that the specificity of this approach largely rested on using the methodological and interdisciplinary openness to account for the indeterminacy and entropy of democracy, and the experiences that accompany its incompleteness and its pathologies. It is also shown that more recently, in the so-called tetralogy on the mutations of contemporary democracies, the conceptual history of the political is remodelled and put at the service of a complex, interdisciplinary and self-proclaimed realist, but at the end normative-laden theory that aims to arrive at sound diagnoses of the present in view of the current transformations in Western democracies. While the conceptual elaborations appear again as a result of historical research, the theory actually advances a reframing of our understanding of contemporary democracy which incorporates the view of a mixed modern regime. Finally, it is suggested that the value of the civic involvement at the theoretical kern of the conceptual history of the political was also underpinned by the methodological choices on pluralism and interdisciplinarity and continues nowadays to be central to Rosanvallon's theoretical project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interlude follows the AAH conference, when all of the authors who contribute to the special journal edition are present. Their wide-ranging conversation covers the idea and possibilities of a polyphonic history of art. This interlude is a starting point, a jumping off point from where a group of authors, researchers and artists reflect on new ways of thinking about, and new ways of presenting, art history. Their conversation develops an ambition to move away from the well-trodden and often reductive methodological frameworks of art history, as they debate ideas around transnationalism, globalism, artist-centric art histories and the idea of artist as author. This interlude is about collective endeavours, both by the subjects being discussed in each paper, and by the authors who are writing about them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the light of the recent literature on the intellectual history of inequality, this paper offers the first survey and a tentative classification of the Italian literature addressing issues related to social mobility, from the late 19th century to the "Economic Miracle" of the 1950s. During these decades, the foremost Italian economists and statisticians (among others, Pareto, Gini, Einaudi and Pantaleoni) worked on issues highly related to the modern understanding of social mobility, from the role of inheritance to the intergenerational transmission of status. While reflecting the evolution and debates in Italian society, these authors also participated in a broader international debate, which should lead us to reconsider the supposed lack of interest in inequality among the economists of this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delineates the intellectual history of endeavours to generate a unified science of child welfare in Finland in the early twentieth century by elucidating the efforts of leading Finnish protagonists to depict the concept of child welfare science. The idea of such a new science was not unique to Finland; similar trends emerged extensively throughout the industrialising world, in which child welfare was being increasingly championed. The fundamental reasons given for developing a child welfare science in Finland were linked with ambitions to develop child welfare as a consistent system in modern society. The aspiration to develop a scientific basis for child welfare was not only about adapting relevant research-based knowledge to practice, but also about creating historical and theoretical self-understanding in the field. The intention was to construct a comprehensive conceptual framework for the child welfare needed in policymaking, legislation, and systems building, as well as in the development of professional practices. Although focusing on Finland, the review is of more general significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Mr. Science and the May 4th Movement was a significant chapter in the global history of science. To contextualize the story better, I will adopt three broad interpretive frames. First, I shall place Mr. Science and May Fourth in a longer view than the particular events in the 1910s–1920s. This will allow us to trace the historical changes and the evolving institutions, discourses, and practitioners of science over a few generations. Second, I shall highlight the most relevant global conditions. Western imperialism was of course a crucial setting, but there were more specific historical moments that also deserve attention. Finally, comparisons and connections; it is necessary to examine the transmutations of ideas, knowledge, and institutions across political and cultural borders. In other words, we should study Mr. Science and May Fourth in the mode of global intellectual history. Other than China, my main comparative cases are India and Japan, though I will also refer to Ottoman Turkey. Taken together, these examples provide a range of comparisons central to our inquiry into Mr. Science and the global history of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

He is one of the few historians who are able to combine an internalist perspective on the history of science and technology with a contextual one, thanks to his deep understanding of chemistry and chemical technology. The Society for the History of Chemistry wishes to announce that the Morris Award for 2021 has been given to Ernst Homburg for his outstanding work on the history of the chemical industry, specifically for his work on the history of the madder industry (mostly in Dutch); his papers on the white lead industry; his seminal paper on the early history of industrial R&D laboratories which appeared in I BJHS i in 1992; his comprehensive history of twentieth century modern chemistry and the chemical industry embedded within a broader history of the Netherlands in I Techniek In Nederland in the Twintigste Eeuw; i his pioneering study of the history of chemical engineering contractors (with Arjan van Rooij) I Building the Plant: A History of Engineering Contracting in the Netherlands; i and in particular (in the context of this award) I ," i The Era of Diversification and Globalization (1950-2012)" in I Solvay: History of a Multinational Family Firm i , a book he co-edited with Kenneth Bertrams and Nicolas Coupain. The next award will take place in 2024 and nominations from all with a track record of publishing on the history of modern chemistry and/or the history of the chemical industry are warmly welcomed. [Extracted from the article]

He explicitly included the "Yang Zhu" chapter in this conclusion.[5] The emergence of Yang Zhu as a "philosopher" at the turn of the twentieth century gave a new impetus to this debate. The authors provide a somewhat alternative approach to Yang Zhu, not considering the rejection or acceptance of the pre-Qin date of Yang Zhu and I Liezi i their major concern. For an analysis of Yang Zhu in the I Liezi i , see E. Brindly, "Deconstructing "Hedonism": Understanding Yang Zhu in the I Liezi i ", presented at the KU Leuven workshop "How to Become a Philosopher: The Many Lives of Yang Zhu " (2019). [Extracted from the article]

The premise of this paper is the elucidation of a different ontology of global politics and order of the nineteenth century. International relations theory takes for granted a largely ahistorical state-centric ontology, which reifies a specific Eurocentric state and state-system as the embodiment of global politics. Instead, I focus on an alternative ontology of race, racial hierarchy and racial difference as significant for defining the content of an imperial global politics and order. My paper places into context the emergence of scientific racism and social Darwinism as key intellectual elements in defining a political imaginary that influenced the politics of difference and violence. What I show is that this intellectual history reveals a global order that was fundamentally racialised and that global violence was understood and practiced as race wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an interpretation of the Bengali Intellectuals Oral History Project as a new archive for studying the intellectual history of South Asia. It explains that an important outcome of the nexus between oral history and intellectual history is the construction of an 'unintended autobiography' of each subject interviewed in the project. By considering the centrality of autobiography, the paper offers insights into rethinking the methodological approaches to writing the intellectual history of South Asia. Finally, it provides a reading of Partha Chatterjee's seminal writings, along with his oral history, as a way to consider the convergence of autobiography with political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an intellectual history of the idea that the later Roman empire and, subsequently, the whole of Byzantium were less 'free' in comparison to the Roman Republic. Anxiety over diminished freedom recurred throughout Roman history, but only a few specific expressions of it were enshrined in modern thought as the basis on which to divide history into periods. The theorists of the Enlightenment, moreover, invented an unfree Byzantium for their own political purposes and not by examining the facts about its political culture. The second part of the paper proposes that the Byzantines valorized a model of positive freedom as legal-institutional protection against arbitrary oppressive power, including against both barbarian domination and domestic abuses. In contrast to modern thought, which tends to see the imperial position as the chief threat to liberty, the Byzantines viewed it as its bulwark. Yet they too had remedies for oppressive emperors, suggesting that the otherwise well-attested invocations of freedom were not a mere rhetorical trope for them but an actionable cultural norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central bank independence (CBI) has been a prominent topic for decades, but remains relatively unexplored in the history of economic thought. Relevant literature is scarce and focuses on the post-war period. To extend this literature, I argue that there was a doctrine of CBI in the 1920s. I examine its development from an international recommendation and a principle of the central banking doctrine designed by the British governor Norman to the elaborate doctrine of Kisch & Elkin. The paper's main contribution is a detailed analysis of the doctrine of CBI provided in their reference book on central banking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article does three things. First, it briefly presents some relevant depictions of the (general) historian by past and present scholars, whilst also touching on the contested role of theory in historians' practice. Second, it illustrates a few distinct images by which the practice of the intellectual historian has been characterised. It thus argues that these images, which chiefly draw on recent work by Stefan Collini (1947-), provide a specific identity of/for intellectual history as a discipline that should be engaged in attention to audience, essayistic style and cultural criticism. Third, by focusing on the characterisation of the intellectual historian as someone trained in painterly observation put forward by the historian of ideas Duncan Forbes (1922–1994), the last section of the present paper points out some important similarities between Collini and Forbes. In so doing, this contribution also says something tentative about the status of the discipline, its value as well as its future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]