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Civil society has become an active player in the public reception and handling of the 'refugee crisis', especially through the use of social media. People willing to engage are able to connect in a low-threshold, local, and interactive way, while also keeping connected to similar movements in other EU countries. This process of connection and collaboration can be regarded as an instance of 'bottom-up' Europeanization processes, in which national and subnational actors work together transnationally to reach a common goal. Social media as fora for exchange allow efficient communication, present a possibility to directly lobby the decision makers (e.g. local politicians), and provide an apt tool for the planning of collective actions. The internet offers de-securitising forces a forum for presenting alternative discourses on migration, contributing to de-securitisation processes by moving away from the predominant framing of migration as a threat. The present paper therefore aims to look at 'bottom-up' Europeanization and new possibilities for collaboration through the internet as a transnational, de-securitising open forum for discussion. A group of civil society pro-refugee activists in South Tyrol (Northern Italy) and their transnational activities will serve as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the notion of state security inform national approaches to managing cross-border in-migration in the increasingly interconnected but volatile Northeast Asian region? This paper explores this question by focusing on the intermestic politics of labor importation. Specifically, it theorizes the multidimensionality and multifunctionality of security fears that inform Japan's and Taiwan's approaches to the admission of low-skilled foreign workers. The paper proposes a comprehensive conceptual framework that explicates these relationships and argues that Northeast Asian labor importation regimes were formed at the intersection of a threefold logic of state security. Whereas economic security acted as an enabling (inclusionary) factor in both Japan and Taiwan and motivated the acceptance of foreign workers, internal security in Japan and external security in Taiwan acted as constraining (exclusionary) factors, which directly and distinctively conditioned the resulting policies. Moreover, ever since their inception in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War, the divergent policy regimes have been interlocked in these economic-internal and economic-external dynamics of state security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractWhile human rights are an integral part of liberal democratic rule, the extent to which public opinion in democracies prioritises human rights in other countries relative to other competing foreign policy priorities is not clear. This is particularly the case when a country that systematically breaches human rights also poses a serious security threat and there are incentives to improve relations with the regime in power. To assess whether and how the public values human rights vis-à-vis national security in foreign affairs, this paper utilises survey questions that capture the public’s relative preferences between the two in South Korean public opinion regarding relations with North Korea. It provides evidence that when a democratic government attempts to improve relations with a regime committing grave human rights violations, public opinion in the democracy deprioritises human rights in favour of reducing military tension. The findings shed light on the trade-off that exists in attempts to improve relations with a regime that is both a security threat and a systematic violator of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last twenty years, the EU has made increasingly greater efforts to boost defence cooperation among MS. To strengthen the EDTIB and avoid duplication of capabilities, the EU has encouraged "European preference" in arms procurement and MS' defence collaborative projects, also by seeking to expunge defence offsets from the single market. Against this backdrop, on 24 February 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine. What impact has the war in Ukraine had on EU defence cooperation? Has the war impacted MS in a similar fashion or unevenly, reinforcing defence integration dynamics for some, while kickstarting disintegration for others? Two years on, a thorough analysis of the impact of the war on EU defence cooperation is still missing. This paper fills this gap by exploring three levels of analysis – arms collaboration, arms procurement, and offsets – and by comparing pre-invasion evidence with data from the post-invasion period. The analysis suggests that the Russo-Ukrainian war has negatively impacted EU defence cooperation, potentially increasing both fragmentation and non-EU dependencies. However, although MS' threat perception and their ability to reap industrial benefits remain important to explain EU defence cooperation, integration or disintegration dynamics do not neatly map onto the geographical or size divides identified by the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Escalation of great power rivalry resulting from China's rise and Russia's invasion of Ukraine has prompted Japan to align its foreign and security policies more closely. This paper analyzes how ODA policy, which the Japanese government regards as a crucial diplomatic instrument, has been modified in the face of these changes. The most significant transformation is the securitization of ODA, or the deployment of ODA to advance Japan's national security interests. This trend is evident in the emergence of a new type of ODA that aims to contribute to Japan's security interests by strengthening the deterrence capabilities of developing countries involved in territorial disputes with China. Notably, Japan is justifying this new ODA trend in the name of upholding the universal value of the international rule of law. In other words, Japan is shifting the focus of assistance away from domestic issues of democracy and human rights in each recipient country toward the rule of law in international relations. This is a manifestation of Japan's effort to strike a careful balance between upholding universal values and avoiding the risk of offending incumbent governments in recipient countries with questionable domestic governance records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to prevailing evidence, self-enforcing agreements do not scale up. In self-governing societies, small groups are able to provide order and security when the group is small; but when groups are larger, collective action seems to be more efficient if undertaken by state-like institutions. However, an effective provision of national security may result from a bottom-up development of rules and institutions. This paper covers a case in which thousands of peasants built multicommunity partnerships that scaled up to produce public goods with no central direction. The organizational patterns of these peasant partnerships resulted in a vast rural movement that played a decisive role in defeating crime and terrorism in Peru between 1980 and 2000. The intergroup interactions reflected a polycentric order that served to discover the boundaries of the new jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign terrorist fighters who pose real and serious threats to Australian national security rely heavily on anonymity to gain an advantage. The United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2396 (2017) and 2322 (2016) calls upon the Member States to investigate foreign terrorist fighters, share biometrics and contextual information. Biometric systems are an important component of the forensic science system of systems to support the criminal justice, law enforcement, intelligence and military systems. Implementation of a national biometrics technical capability to enable collection, matching and storage, is a complex process. In previous publications we have discussed the system of systems approach to forensic science and biometrics, specifically related to the military domain. There has been no academic reviews of the current Australian biometrics technical capability as part of the system of systems to meet national security objectives and recommendations contained in UNSCR 2396 (2017) and UNSCR 2322 (2016). However, technical biometrics capabilities alone are not sufficient to enhance the Australian biometric system and this needs to be considered along with the other key enablers of legislation and policy provision. Legislation and policy are complex issues that will be highlighted only in this paper and addressed in more detail in Part II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers secrets, spies and newspaper editors in the context of the Washington Post's relationship with the CIA. The associated relationships and thoughts of Ben Bradlee, long-serving editor of the Washington Post and one of America's most iconic journalists, are examined in detail. Bradlee spent much time reflecting on what the appropriate relationship between spies and the media should be and this is captured in his correspondence. This article argues that because the tensions between national security secrets and a free press were often negotiated informally though personal networks, this terrain is best analysed using ideas borrowed from social history. Editors were often wily mediators between Washington's twin worlds of secrecy and publicity. It also suggests that in considering the CIA and the press, we need to give a little less attention to intrepid reporters and more attention to editors and owners who exercised more power. Overall, this realm is one of human relationships, best viewed not through the prism of policy documents, but through private papers or interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From June 2013, documents leaked by the National Security Agency (NSA) dissident Edward Snowden revealed that Western intelligence agencies are capable of bulk collection of electronic communications flowing through global telecommunication systems. Surveillance data shared by the “Five Eyes” eavesdropping agencies of the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand include journalist’s communications. In the wake of the Snowden leak, Zygmunt Bauman and colleagues called for a systematic assessment of the scale, reach and character of contemporary surveillance practices. This paper explores a specific part of Bauman’s task by assessing the impact of the Snowden revelations on confidential source-based journalism. Interviews were conducted with a range of investigative journalists who have experience of covering national security in Five Eyes countries. All expressed serious concern over the intelligence agencies’ greatly enhanced capability to track journalists and to identify and neutralise their sources. The paper concludes that there is clear evidence of a paradigmatic shift in journalist–source relations as those interviewed regard Five Eyes mass surveillance as a most serious threat to the fourth estate model of journalism as practised in Western democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the transformation of the FALINTIL guerrilla organisation into the national armed forces in post-independence Timor-Leste. It focuses on how these former rebels interpret and legitimise their role in a changed socio-political environment vis-à-vis other national security actors as well as the population. By tackling the issue of the evolution of guerrilla organisations into formal security actors, the paper speaks to the recent research trend on the legacies of rebel governance, as well as the field of civil-military relations. Based on a qualitative interview case study, it argues that the behaviour of the state security actors, and their respective understanding of their role within the Timorese state, have been determined by internalised socialisation practices of their past. It becomes clear, that particularly the armed forces struggled with their constitutionally limited role on matters of national defence but strove to expand their role into domestic security affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan occupies an elevated role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hosts its so-called flagship project, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Existing literature has often interpreted this project from a geopolitical perspective, as a vehicle through which a rising China projects influence on a peripheral country and advances its own centrality in international affairs. While such motivations certainly played a major role in getting the project off the ground, they are not the sole determinant of its design, or the heated controversies it triggered within Pakistan. This paper seeks to capture both dimensions by analysing the development of CPEC, and the handling of the conflicts it sparked, through a lens of overlapping centre–periphery relations: one between China and Pakistan at the international level, and one between Islamabad and peripheral regions and groups within the country. I argue that this model best captures the pivotal position and resulting agency of national governments in shaping local BRI implementations. It also shows how the BRI is not a straight case of Chinese influence radiating outwards; rather, contestation by local actors in turn forces adaptations in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the literature has expounded diaspora's involvement in homeland politics through lobbying efforts to influence hostland foreign policies, involvement in homeland conflicts and peace-building, this paper addresses a less-explored area in the diaspora literature related to the development of democracy through transnational civil society building. Using the case study of the Iraqi diaspora in Sweden, this paper assesses co-development projects financed by Sweden's International Development Corporation Agency (SIDA) between Swedish institutional partners and Iraqi diaspora organizations from 2004 to 2008. Looking at both the perspective of the diaspora and public officials in Sweden, the paper problematizes the notion of diaspora as development partners and provides a nuanced understanding and new insights into the opportunities, challenges and limitations of diasporic initiatives aimed at supporting homeland civil society. Diaspora initiatives, it is argued, need to consider homeland security, understandings of development and goals, as well as homeland social and political contexts for exploring the opportunities and limitations of diasporic contributions. This is important for understanding both how and when diaspora's involvement is to be supported, especially in conflict or post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes four different styles, or models, of defence organisation that can be found worldwide. The framework outlined in the paper has been designed to help politicians, diplomats and officials understand better their own system so they can improve it, or to understand the system of others so they can produce better interoperability. The four styles (or models) suggested are mutually exclusive as each has defining factors that mark them out from the other three. The models are rational focusing upon warfighting; emotional, the antithesis of rationality where choices of the day dominate; politically dominant, where a political solution is chosen for the country such as conscription; and militarily dominant, where the whole defence system is controlled by the military with no proper civilian oversight. Each model is hard to sustain and most countries tend towards one style being dominant with elements of the others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of American exceptionalism in guiding US national security concerns has often come under scrutiny in the past from security analysts and policy makers alike. The US is not alone in projecting its exceptional values in its foreign policy articulations. Indian foreign policy assertions also stress India's unique civilizational qualities that make it capable of pursuing a "peaceful" modernity as opposed to the "violent" modernity of the West. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the idea of exceptionalism impacts the national security cultures of the two biggest democracies of the world. What are US and Indian exceptionalism in the context of international relations? How do they translate into the national security cultures of a superpower and a rising power? Is their national security culture driven by fear or hope, trust or mistrust, flexible or rigid strategies? These are some of the issues that this paper seeks to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1995, W.D. Kay authored a book, Can Democracies Fly in Space? Observing the problems that NASA experienced in carrying out its ambitious mission set, Kay argued that the vagaries of democratic governance including multiple policy areas and leaders, a difficult task environment, a large and diverse group of interested businesses and organizations, and uncertain budgets all contributed to NASA's challenges and difficulties. Since the publication of Kay's book, however, there have been significant developments in space, particularly, the rise of space commercialization. This paper reassesses Kay's argument given these changes finding that democracy may not directly smooth the path for space exploration, but does provide the opportunity for private companies to do so. Given this, the paper highlights a research agenda moving forward that focuses on the intersection of government, business, national security, and normative concerns that take advantage of a growing number of states and companies who are undertaking space exploration. Indeed, through the view of space commercialization, democracies can fly in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Safeguarding national security requires ensuring cyber security of a nation. While India has a wider law framework to ensure national security as against wrongs committed in real world, it is yet to match this framework to suit to the regulatory framework essential to address concerns raised due to the abuse of cyber technology. Though Indian laws including substantive legal provisions empowers the State to regulate acts affecting national as well as cyber security, its procedural rules suffers from being outdated and thereby irrelevant in addressing the concerns specific to cyber space. Ensuring national security requires access to data, both personal as well as non-personal data. While recent legal developments have been focusing on extending wider protection to privacy including data privacy, the State agencies strive to access data, which at times are crucial to the enforcement of laws in general and to ensure national security in specific. Jurisdictional issues further complicates the matter. As a result, the law enforcement agencies expect proactive coordination from internet intermediary in facilitating access to data, e-surveillance, decryption, internet traffic data monitoring, etc. Intermediaries on the other hand are also legally mandated to ensure data privacy, freedom of speech and other rights of internet users. This often has led to the conflicting concerns requiring new legal response. This paper will overview the existing laws as well as assess the changes Indian law is currently undergoing in these regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides cross-cultural application of the iceberg model of political extremism1 conceptualizing hate crimes as reflecting the dangerous base that gives rise to mass casualty right-wing extremist attacks. Evidence is reviewed demonstrating that both offenses are motivated by the same prejudices and that right-wing violent extremists are more likely than other extremists to have engaged in pre-radicalization crime.2 This discussion goes beyond previous considerations of the iceberg model by applying it across societies and showing its relationship to democratic backsliding. Comparison of the United States with countries in western and east-central Europe is centered on hate crime and far-right anti-government white supremacist extremism. The importance of recognizing hate crimes as a national security issue3 overlapping domestic violent extremism is demonstrated as are the consequences of current limitations on the availability of data on both problems.4 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to provide an answer to the question which has hitherto not been significantly explored in the relevant academic scholarship: Why did China block India's (and other countries) attempts to designate Masood Azhar – head of Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM/Jaish) as terrorist under UN Security Council 1267 committee rules? According to the extant literature, China's actions are explained broadly by India-China rivalry and India-Pakistan rivalry resulting in a strategic and 'all weather partnership between China and Pakistan against their common enemy India. This study argues that China's actions are also explained by its New (Asian) Security Concept and the ensuing China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), domestic (in)stability in Pakistan and China's geo-strategic interests. China is deeply perturbed by the socio-economic-political instability in Pakistan. China was concerned that if Masood Azhar was designated as a terrorist under UNSC 1267 Committee rules, Jaish and other terrorist organizations would take up arms against the Pakistani state (as in the past) which will create further instability in Pakistan and undermine CPEC and China's geo-strategic interests. Thus, the paper provides a more comprehensive and nuanced grasp of China's reluctance to designate Masood Azhar as a terrorist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian democracy has been plagued by a long history of ‘rules’ and ‘acts’, defined broadly as assigning to the state the power to impose order, but without clear guidelines as to their use. Understanding agitations against these rules and acts is helpful in seeing a line of challenge to state authority from the position of democracy. This paper will describe the agitations by the All India Newspaper Editors’ Conference (AINEC) against Article 41 of the Defence of India Rules (1939), which focused on the government's ability to censor, ban and fine newspapers. AINEC's fight made visible the effect of capricious and unpredictable government actions on actors outside the elite. In addition, the shifts in censorship brought about by the Defence of India Rules highlighted how groups, ideas or writing could shift from being regarded as ‘responsible’ and credible to ‘irresponsible’ and dangerous on the basis of state decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States military Civil Affairs community desires to increase its relevance to future operations and missions of the U.S. Army as part of the joint force. To do so, it must adapt to the changes and challenges of the dynamic and uncertain operational environments in which the joint force operates. One key component of these environments concerns the ability of the joint force to reestablish and maintain security in the wake of crises and catastrophes. This paper demonstrates that the concept of security itself has evolved and continues to do so in ways that require fundamental changes in the ways and means that the Civil Affairs community goes about its security tasks. Prominent among these changes is the fracturing of the concept of security into specialized forms, especially Human, Environmental and Informational Security. This paper provides some possible adaptations that the Civil Affairs community can make to accommodate these changes in the security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors have over 50 years' experience of working on defence in Central and Eastern Europe. They have been intimately involved in trying to reform over 10 national defence organisations including Ukraine. During this work, they often faced intractable resistance and scepticism or conversely, apparent unbounded support, but following this, a complete lack of any actual implementation work by officials. This paper addresses some of the findings and observations identified by the authors that appear to cause these responses and the consequent failure of reform. A new research approach has been taken by using the business and culture tools from Schein, Hofstede and Kotter to try and unravel the underlying causality of that failure. The second part of the paper produces a new process for change based upon the research conclusions to help other advisers and consultants working on reform in the post communist defence arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dutch national police recently became the world's first force to train eagles to combat the growing rise of drones within the Netherlands. Partnering with an eagle-training security firm, Guard From Above, both organizations believe using eagles to intercept and retrieve drones is the most effective countermeasure to handle rogue drones in the skies. This paper questions whether such a police operation to increase air security respects the rights of the eagles and ensures the animals' protection from unreasonable injury, harm and suffering. Such an examination lies at the intersection of green criminological perspectives and critical security studies' scholarship, an intersection of which I consider more thoroughly. By implementing a qualitative media analysis, this paper examines twenty media reports detailing the facts of the Dutch 'Flying Squad.' I contend that police agencies in the West must seriously consider such eagle initiatives as intrusive, harmful practices. The findings suggest that conceptualizing the eagles as exceptional 'biotechnological' state agents may increase sky security in Western countries, but such anthropocentric logics of security minimize the concerns for 'species justice' and the safeguards for eagles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transatlantic cooperation on security has a long history. In Africa, transatlantic cooperation on security is basically between France and the United States. This paper asks why the two former competitors in Africa started to cooperate and also why they are so willing to engage militarily. The central argument in this paper poses that France and the US cooperate because it is indispensable to both parties. To France, the cooperation is indispensable because the US is the only power with sufficient financial means and with sufficient air-lift capacity to transport French and African troops into conflict-ridden countries. To Washington, cooperation with Paris is indispensable because the French authorities have unique access to intelligence and knowledge about large parts of Africa. By applying a foreign policy analysis framework, the paper analyses how perceptions of decision-makers, the role of personality and leadership, the role of government institutions and political systems have impacted the relevant decisions. It is emphasised that the two different decision-making systems - the French “state dominated” and the American “society dominated” - produce the same result, namely collaboration. It suggests that the perception of a serious threat from terrorism and Islamist radicalisation overrules differences in decision-making systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks why Kenya invaded Somalia in October 2011. It scrutinises five possible explanations as to why Kenyan decision-makers decided to invade neighbouring Somalia. The explanations are inspired by different theoretical frameworks. Some are inspired by theories developed to analyse Western societies, whereas others are inspired by theoretical reflections aimed at understanding politics in Africa. It is concluded that the decision to invade Somalia was made because of the institutional and ‘bureaucratic’ interests of the Kenyan Defense Forces (KDF) advanced by a limited number of men of Somali-Kenyan origin who pursued their own interests. Security and economic concerns did play a role, while the paper dismisses that the invasion can be understood as a consequence of the Kenyan government pursuing an ‘international image management strategy’. Theoretically, the paper concludes that ‘Western’ theories may contribute to explaining the launch of ‘Linda Nchi,’ whereas Africa-focused theories like neo-patrimonialism seem less helpful in this particular context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

At the height of ‘the Troubles’ in 1976 social-housing in Belfast was in a crisis situation as communities consolidated along ethnic boundaries, often with violent consequences, with some communities becoming drastically overcrowded and others falling into abject dereliction. Using declassified government documentation this paper examines how these events legitimised an emergent confluence of housing and security policy which brought into being the security-threat-community; a socio-material construct where every person is a potential insurgent and every dwelling a potential security-threat. Crucially, the paper problematises the complex entanglement of political, military, paramilitary, economic and ideological forces which shaped its formation. The discussion traces a descent through contingent events within a widerdispositifand reveals the formation of theStanding Committee on the Security Implications of Housing, a confidential government body which assessed the viability of social-housing procurement within communities in terms of the security-threat it might present rather than the housing-need that it would address. As a complement to post-9-11 discourses concerning increasingly ‘globalised conflicts’ the security-threat-community reinforces the complexities of local discursivities. The paper makes visible the sophisticated socio-material effects of these operations and illustrates how they remain embedded within contemporary community structures. The paper concludes by reflecting on how this permits conflict-era forces to remain active, but largely unacknowledged, within the post-conflict era. Ultimately the paper argues for a ‘revaluing of the value’ of this conflict-architecture within post-conflict policy frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The military poses an ongoing threat to modern democratic rule in some African countries, especially in the Zimbabwean context. This paper reveals the ways in which Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) generals have played a political role in the Zimbabwean elections, an issue which is both a political threat and a security threat to the state. It is argued that the ways in which ZNA generals engage in the political process goes against Section 208(2) of the constitution of Zimbabwe, which summarily states that the military must be apolitical. In substantiating this argument, the paper presents and analyses various public speeches made by army generals. It is contended that the army generals’ support of the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and President Robert Mugabe has to be understood as a ‘mutual accommodation’, i.e. the generals are offered privileges in return for the political protection of the ruling regime which negatively impacts the security of the vote. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The protection of critical infrastructure (water, energy, food supply, healthcare etc.) from cyberattack has moved from a hypothetical concern to a very real one for the United States. Unfortunately, the cybersecurity for such infrastructure is provided by a multiplicity of organisations, inside and outside the US federal government. In this paper, the authors address how the US Department of Homeland Security and US Department of Defense have evolved to address the cyber critical infrastructure protection (CIP) mission and the issues that have emerged in doing so. Presented here is a description of critical infrastructure's vulnerability to cyberattack, an assessment of relevant cybersecurity efforts by the US government, and consideration of the civilian–military issues involved in finding remedies to the problem of cybersecurity in critical infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pan-African worldview of Nigeria's political leaders and Abuja's putative hegemonic leadership in Africa had entailed Nigeria operated an idealistic border policy. However, convinced that border closure remained a solution to the perennial insecurity and economic 'sabotage' in Nigeria, President Buhari imposed border closure in 2019. While the government declared the controversial policy a 'success' in the fight against crimes, this paper disagrees with this assertion, contending that the closure failed to achieve its purposes. The study interrogates the factors accountable for this failure. It identifies poor governance of national borders despite closure as a potent factor exacerbating the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) occupy a unique space in EU governance. Both policies have supranational elements, yet their formally intergovernmental status shields them from the increased scrutiny powers granted to national parliaments after Lisbon. National parliamentary scrutiny of these policy areas has thus received relatively little attention. Using an analytical framework of ‘authority, ability and attitude’, this paper argues that attitude, meaning MPs’ willingness to scrutinise CFSP, is the most important factor in explaining the empirical variation in the quantity and quality of national parliamentary scrutiny of CFSP. Drawing on qualitative research and interviews conducted as part of the OPAL project, the paper demonstrates that formal powers do not, in practice, equate to ‘strong’ scrutiny, arguing that the strongest parliaments are those that make CFSP scrutiny a systematic, normalised and culturally accepted part of parliamentarians’ everyday work. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The sea has increased in importance as a source of useful resources. The nation that has control of its immediate and external seas is in a good position to choose how much or how little of sea resources it wants. It is the importance of the sea and the sea lines of communication to nations that has made thoughts such as maritime power, sea power, naval strategy ... etc significant to them. The paper also examined the naval and constabulary relevance of the Nigerian Navy to its maritime environment. The study relied on primary and documentary data. The documentary data were sourced from books, newspapers and annual reports. The secondary sources used were subjected to textual and contextual evaluations. The primary sources was basically interviews with some important actors in the era. The paper's study of the Nigerian Navy also identified the roles of a small navy and their importance to the maritime environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Botswana national security complex is fashioned around traditional (military) threats to security. This is demonstrated through the National Security Act and also by the country's defense expenditure as a component of its GDP. Defense expenditure routinely takes the second largest share of GDP in Botswana. The outbreak of the novel Severe Acute Respiratory Distress Syndrome Corona Virus 2 (SARS-COV-2) or COVID-19, however, suggests a relook at Botswana's national security towards none traditional security threats- in this case pandemics. The case for this is made clear by the evidently poor readiness to deal with possible mass infections both from a health budgetary perspective, and the availability of medical personal and equipment. This paper argues for securitisation of health care in Botswana- especially in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. This is possible through diversion of a portion current defense spending towards health care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a March 2015 speech delivered in Mauritius, India's current Prime Minister Narendra Modi outlined what he described would be India's vision for the Indian Ocean Region. Under the acronym, SAGAR or "Security and Growth for All in the Region," five key points were elucidated. At the time, the speech was praised for articulating a proactive approach to the Indian Ocean and the various visits to, and agreements that followed with, littoral and island countries, appeared to confirm this. This paper seeks to assess the extent to which India has been able to deliver an agenda of security and growth for the maritime region. Despite the enthusiastic reception to SAGAR, the critique is often made that India is slow to deliver on the promises made as part of the country's maritime and naval diplomacy. The paper highlights a selection of decisions and actions taken since 2015, which have contributed to maritime governance in the region and argues that there is a substantial change in the way SAGAR provides a framework for strategic action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of utilitarian, political, and cultural/identity-based factors of Euroscepticism on a nationwide representative sample of ethnic Georgians. Hierarchical multiple logistic regression showed that for ethnic Georgians, utilitarian factors are the strongest predictors of support for the EU integration, followed by cultural/identity and political variables, supporting the rational choice theory. These predictors are, in turn, anteceded by popular perceptions of the EU in Georgia. Mediation analysis revealed that the perception of the EU as a source of peace and security precedes the hope for an increase in national security with its support (political predictor). Likewise, the perception of the EU as a champion of economic development antecedes the hope for reduced poverty in Georgia (utilitarian predictor). On the other hand, the perception of the EU as a threat to national traditions does not predict Euroscepticism. We elaborate on this result through an examination of the current political atmosphere of Georgia, where we determine that fears of losing national traditions are outweighed by fears of economic and political insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To expedite the construction of barriers along the border with Mexico, U.S. Secretaries of Homeland Security have waived an extensive array of laws since 2005 when authority for such actions was first delegated to that position as part of the REAL ID Act. This paper contextualises the political origins of what is referred to as Section 102(c) waiver authority, shows how these waivers are used to dramatically expand border barrier construction, and reviews legal challenges. In doing so, it connects the use of waivers in governance as viewed through the study of law with the theoretical prominence of Agamben in the discipline of geography. By examining the specific ways in which these legal practices and their geographic expression have institutionalised a state of exception that pushes the boundary of legal acceptability, we arrive at a more transdisciplinary understanding of the role of states of exception as a tool of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1840s Italian society began to see the Mediterranean region as a dangerous place to live, owing to what was regarded as threats represented by Austria, Great Britain, France, and even Russia and the United States. This conviction resulted from various affairs both within and outside Europe, where the same powers were accused of behaving in an overtly aggressive way, which was used as an argument for the political unity of Italy's various states in order to give them greater strength for defence. Since danger was seen all around, this unity became important for both the peninsular Italians and the Sicilians, who agreed on the need to establish an Italian league with federal land and naval forces. The principal objective of this paper is to show that the question of Sicily's future was seen as a question of not only Italy's security, but also of its future position in the Mediterranean as a whole, and that the de facto unanimous support of Sicily's membership in the league in 1848 resulted from this self-protecting response that, moreover, already contained proto-imperialist tendencies in which for geostrategic reasons the island played an important role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11, the American policy towards Africa has been strongly influenced by national security interests and in particular by the fight against international terrorism and Islamic radicalisation. Traditionally, the American Africa policy has been the result of bureaucratic policymaking with the Pentagon and the State Department playing prominent roles. The paper argues that in the current century, evangelical Christian lobby groups have gained increasing influence on policymaking on Africa. Because policymaking has been influenced by a number of different actors, the American Africa policy may appear incoherent and ambiguous if judged narrowly on the expectation that it only aims to take care of US national security concerns and economic self-interests. The paper concludes that Africa was important to the United States during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama because of the combination of strong security interests and strong domestic lobby groups that have pressured to place Africa on the US foreign policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Control over access to the Indian Ocean is often seen through a highly securitised lens. Strategic actors have long sought to use geographical constraints to maintain the region as a relatively enclosed strategic space. It has only a few narrow maritime entrance points and the littoral is not well connected to the interior of the Eurasian continent. These factors have contributed to the historical domination of the Indian Ocean by a succession of extra-regional maritime powers and the virtual exclusion of Eurasian land powers such as China and Russia. This paper considers how the physical geography of the Indian Ocean has contributed to its control by some powers and the exclusion of others. It then discusses China’s Maritime Silk Route/One Belt One Road initiative, which includes growing interests in Indian Ocean ports and plans to build new overland pathways to connect China with the Indian Ocean. The paper concludes that while China’s growing maritime interests in Indian Ocean are strategically important, it is the new overland routes connecting the Eurasian hinterland with the ocean that have the potential to change the entire geostrategic character of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper engages with the security dynamics underlying the use of drones and their impact on security subjects – individuals and groups that are the ultimate recipients of specific security policies, regardless of whether these have beneficial effects on them. Using Mark Duffield’s distinction between the insured Global North and the non-insured Global South, this paper discusses how drones generate a radical dissociation between the intervener and the intervened that ultimately produces new security environments at the margins of the international system. These new security environments are defined by the articulation between space, technologies and bodies: bodies of invisible subjects; bodies that are uninsurable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative‒executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal‒agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of ‘executive autonomy’ in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on several studies which deal with the participation of United States (U.S.)-based anthropology in the promotion of U.S. national and strategic interests. Issue of indigenous scholars and their role in the processes of decolonization and modernization; Concept of power and moral judgments; Importance of social science to national security interests.

Home to more than 160 million people, the Nile River Basin has become one of the hotspots of the global quest for food, water and energy security. Moving closer to its completion, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) highlights the interplay between the food, water, and energy sectors and their implications on geopolitical power relations in the region. Despite Ethiopia having the highest volumetric contribution to the Nile river flow, Egypt has maintained hydro-hegemony over the basin for several decades on the basis of historical claims and colonial agreements. Egypt has stated that its volumetric share of the Nile’s water is not sufficient to sustain its growing population, declaring water availability a matter of national security. However, for Ethiopia, the GERD represents a crucial moment in its development agenda, acting as both a counterhegemonic power play, as well as a means to improving the hydropower capacity of the country, and ensuring future food security. This paper explores the various hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies employed by Egypt and Ethiopia respectively, highlighting the various ways in which food, water, and energy concerns are intrinsic components of the asymmetric power configurations of the Nile River Basin. By navigating the debate surrounding the GERD, this paper highlights the necessity of incorporating the food, water, and energy nexus into studies of hydro-hegemony and counter-hegemony. This allows the future policy direction for nexus management and governance in the Nile River Basin to move beyond benefit sharing, instead steering towards power sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent events in the Middle East and North Africa entailed a proliferation of policy tools for EU external migration governance. After the signature of Mobility Partnerships, the EU launched Migration Compacts, whose inner logic is to 'avoid the risk that concrete delivery is held up by technical negotiations for a fully-fledged formal agreement'. This paper examines the development of the EU's external migration governance and frames it into a formalization/informalization dichotomy. We argue that the EU-led securitisation of migration has contributed to the increasing informalization of EU-third countries agreements. The case of Jordan is relevant in understanding the EU's approach, as a strategy to muddle through in a region in turmoil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that human intelligence is the fundamental form of intelligence, and that cognitive activity is the premier component of the intelligence process. As practiced in the national security paradigm, intelligence is essentially humankind's attempt to replicate human intelligence in purposeful social groups. Further analysis suggests that the pursuit of advantage is the central focus of true intelligence. Accordingly, a new universal definition defines intelligence as the capacity for reasoned foresight that enables advantageous action. The traditional cycle is subsequently re-conceptualized as a cognition-centric Intelligence Enterprise Model (IEM) that provides a more useful framework for future intelligence enterprise development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biometric technical capabilities enable the collection, storage, transmission, sharing, matching, and analysis of biometrics to enable decision making and actioning in support of national security objectives. United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2396 (2017) and UNSCR 2322 (2016) calls upon member states to investigate foreign terrorist fighters and share biometrics and contextual information, which requires a close alignment between military operations, border security, and law enforcement investigations. A system of systems design of biometrics technical capabilities allows for closer alignment between relevant entities to support national security objectives. However, this alone is not sufficient and there is a need for legislation and organizational policy to enable national and international biometrics collection, storage, transmission, sharing, matching, analysis and actioning. This paper discusses the complex Australian legislative and policy considerations to enable the biometric system to support the criminal justice, law enforcement, military and intelligence systems to meet national security objectives. Sharing of biometrics data and contextual information to meet national security objectives need to be balanced with privacy concerns and civil liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France's power projection in West Africa was perceived as a credible threat to Nigeria's national security and leadership aspiration in the sub-region. In recent times, however, Paris' deepening engagements with the Sahelian states in the context of the counterterrorism fully aligns with Nigeria's national interest. It is against this background that this paper interrogates the importance of counterterrorism operations in enhancing collaborative relationship between Nigeria, France and the Francophone states in Lake Chad region. Drawing on interview data and extant literature, the study makes three arguments. First, the earlier rivalry between Nigeria and its Francophone states was critical to the Boko Haram resilience, especially in its formative years. Second, the trans-border insurgency of the sect, particularly following the declaration of the caliphate in the region, was central to the renewed security partnership among the affected states, culminating in the re-invigoration of the MNJTF. Finally, the study argues that the cooperation against terrorism by France and Nigeria is positively redefining relations between the two powers. Despite the cooperation, security crisis ignited by the group remains pervasive in the region, and hence the suggestion for the rejigging of MNJTF to incorporate socio-economic anti-terrorist dimensions to address the worsening developmental condition in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic and competitive geopolitical region. Besides its core maritime nature, there is also outer space politics. There are three important spacefaring states in the region, namely India, Japan, and China, as well as dozens of emerging space countries. Entering the New Space era, however, tense space competition among them is increasing. While space technologies are becoming a significant part of the pursue of their cooperative developmental agenda, so is the use of it for their own national security interests. The problem that arises is whether space diplomacy increases or decreases the stability of the competitive Indo-Pacific region. This paper aims to explore the opportunities and challenges of how space diplomacy can be a means to keep a stable Indo-Pacific by using qualitative approaches and concepts of space diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]