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This paper investigates the role that guilt plays in Australia's construction of its outsiders by focusing on contemporary migrant experience. I build upon Sarah Ahmed's work on the politics of emotion to read migrant interviews in relation to media: films, political speeches, and other discursive structures that facilitate social organization in Australia. In the first part of this paper, I argue that a 'multicultural narrative' positions the nation as a 'happy home,' and examine how this can displace feelings of guilt in the migrant by rendering possible social transgressions positive steps towards attaining a greater social good. In the second section of this paper, I discuss Australia's 'hatred narratives.' I do not define hatred as a necessarily aggressive emotion, but instead, demonstrate the way particular words can be affectively charged because of the histories they invoke, and show how this affect can be mobilized to create outsiders who are not welcome in the national imaginary and Australian society. These narratives however, are not fixed: political parties can appeal to tropes that have accumulated in affective value – such as the 'home' – in order to achieve different political goals, and to organize social groups by aligning individuals with or against affectively charged objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the construction of teachers within one New South Wales education policy, querying this construction in relation to both local and international processes and factors. As such, it also looks to contribute to a growing body of international literature which grapples with the role and nature of neoliberal policy development in education more broadly. To accomplish this, the paper analyses Great Teaching, Inspired Learning (GTIL), a policy with wide-ranging and potentially significant ramifications for teachers. Ultimately it is argued that although aspects of neoliberal thinking are evident in the policy, particularities of context have mediated this push. It is suggested that this has led to a particular neoliberalisation of policy that variously targets and supports individual teachers and the systems and structures surrounding them, while the place of GTIL within both local state politics and the global imaginary is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Substantial evidence supports assistive technology and environmental adaptations as key enablers to participation. In order to realise the potential of these interventions, they need to be both recognised in policy, and resourced in practice. This paper uses political theory to understand the complexities of assistive technology (AT) policy reform in Australia. AT research will not be influential in improving AT policy without consideration of political drivers. Method: Theories of policy formation are considered, with Kingdon's (2003) theory of multiple streams identified as a useful lens through which to understand government actions. This theory is applied to the case of current AT policy reformulation in Australia. Results: The convergence model of problem identification, policy formulation and political will is found to be an applicable construct with which to evaluate contemporary policy changes. This paper illustrates the cogency of this theory for the field of AT, in the case of Australia's recent disability and aged care reforms. Conclusions: Political theory provides a way of conceptualising the difficulties of consumers and AT practitioners experience in getting therapeutically valid solutions into public policy, and then getting policies prioritised and funded. It is suggested that AT practitioners must comprehend and consider political factors in working towards effective policies to support their practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with Morsy, Gulson and Clarke's response to the recent special issue ofDiscourse(Vol. 34, No. 2) that examined evolutions of markets and equity in education. We welcome Morsy, Gulson and Clarke's supplementation of the special issue with the genealogical analysis they provide of private school funding in Australia and the attention they draw to elisions of race, ethnicity, Indigeneity and whiteness in contemporary framings of equity in policy and research. We also clarify and expand on some of the aims and arguments that framed the special issue. However, we feel that any response adequate to the ‘event’ that Morsy, Gulson and Clarke hope to stage – that is, a ‘debate redux’ and politics of dissensus in education as an antidote to depoliticisation – must extend beyond the rehearsal of pre-existing positions; it cannot stop at endorsing or critiquing the points raised in their paper, or reiterating the rationales and arguments of the special issue. We therefore respond by gesturing towards possibilities for ‘disagreement’, in the sense that Jacques Ranciere gives this term, about the political vocation of critical policy sociologists, and the modes of doing and being that can be seen as ‘critical’ and ‘political’ in academic education research. We do not disagree with Morsy, Gulson and Clarke in the usual sense; for that reason, we engage seriously with their call for a politics of dissensus in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the convergence of urban and education policy in inner Sydney, and posits a politics of place as a useful frame to both understand policy and undertake policy analyses. It reiterates calls for place to be taken seriously in education policy studies, but also proposes that it is equally important to strive for preciseness when using concepts such as space and place. The theoretical component of this paper concerns the intersection of relational notions of place and space with discursive concepts of the identity. The paper then applies these ideas to analyse urban and education policy in inner Sydney, and teases out possible understandings of how schooling may be implicated in a politics of the inner city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship education in Australia is embedded throughout the school curriculum. Despite a coherent policy context for the inclusion of citizenship and civic education at all levels of schooling, the links between education and civic minded citizens are tenuous. This paper explores these connections by drawing on the views of participants in an international community service program between Western Australia and Tanzania. By situating the interview data in relation to the policy goals, the paper argues that the current policy framework 'sanitises' the political nature of modern citizenship. The results from this study demonstrate that students have little understanding of the connections between the civic, the social and the political realms of citizenship. These results suggest that the current policy context does not adequately prepare young people to position themselves in the political realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we draw on pro-feminist, anti-essentialist espistemological and theoretical frameworks, in conjunction with adopting autoethnographic narratives, both to provide critical insight into and contextualize the particular testimony and witnessing of our own personal involvement in the gendering of a government-commissioned research project on boys’ education. The research project was undertaken in a politically volatile environment, when the ‘what about the boys?’ debate was at its zenith in Australia. As pro-feminist men attempting to ameliorate some of the negative impacts of the boys’ debate, whilst contributing to the new sociology of masculinities field, we had to negotiate a complex gender politics operating within the bureaucracy, including aligning with allies, to undertake this research in ways that remained honest to our own politics and the research evidence we collected. Our experiences and negotiation of the gendered and politicized relationships between the bureaucrats who commissioned the research and us as researchers constitute the foci of this paper. The paper demonstrates the ways in which doing research produces a ‘set of findings’ beyond those that are the subject of the research questions. The approach adopted in the research rejected ‘epistemological innocence’ by making evident our own ‘positionalities’ and in so doing demonstrates the ways in which this research was socially framed, managed and contested and tells us much about the topic of the research and about the gendering of research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The consolidation of reconceptualism as a distinctive tradition in curriculum inquiry is commonly understood to go hand-in-hand with the decline and even eclipse of an explicit political orientation in such work. This paper offers an alternative argument, focusing on a re-assessment of what has been called the representation problem, and exploring this assessment with reference to the 'modernism-postmodernism' debate. Knowledge, representation, and praxis are discussed. A case is made for understanding representation in terms of both semiotics and politics, drawing on postmodern political theory and philosophy. This case requires revisiting of the so-called reproduction thesis, as in effect 'unfinished business', and seeking to rethink the relationship between reproduction and representation as organizing categories in and for curriculum and social analysis. The paper thus brings together curriculum history and curriculum theory, as well as an Australian perspective to an important and enduring focus for discussion and debate in the contemporary curriculum field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postcolonial context of Australia there has been a belated legal recognition of sui generis Indigenous rights and interests over much of the continent. However, the pervasive environmental discourse guiding resource management practices remains firmly based on ‘commonsense’ settler understandings of ‘nature’ as an external domain to be managed and/or preserved. In order to understand how this could be otherwise, this paper examines ideas about political landscape formation and the implications of the changing role of the nation-state and civil society in relation to the recognition of Indigenous political subjectivities. Taking the situation faced by Indigenous peoples in two settler societies as our vantage point, I argue here that we need to move away from assimilative environmental governance arrangements and politicise the concept of ‘nature’. This will open up spaces for the recognition and active participation of Indigenous polities in the realm of natural resource management. The paper concludes by contrasting the situation faced by Indigenous landowners in Australia's Kakadu National Park with the overtly political negotiations occurring in two northern regions of Canada. In the latter, in a process similar to what Tully calls ‘daily subconstitutional politics’, it is through the recognition of Indigenous polities in environmental governance issues that Indigenous peoples are starting to refashion their stake in the governing ideas and institutions of the broader regional, provincial and national polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a detailed reading of the six preceding papers, in conjunction with a reflection on the socio-political forces shaping lifestyles in the UK at the turn of the millennium, we come to four interrelated conclusions. First, sport and exercise science needs to move beyond evidence-based practice to evidence-based policy. Second, sport and exercise science needs to make health-enhancing physical activity a political issue at both national and local level. Third, transport, not health policy, may be the key to promoting health-enhancing physical activity. And, fourth, young people deserve our special attention. In reaching these four interrelated conclusions, we attempt both to shape evidence based policy and future research agendas in exercise science. To achieve an international perspective, we also present a short case note from Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the politics of neo-liberal reform of education and training in the specific context of social partnerships. Social partnerships are hybrid social spaces formed when a range of interests/partners work together for mutual benefit. Partnerships are one of a series of hybridized social spaces which have been formed as a consequence of the trend to neo-liberal governance. The paper begins by situating the study of social partnerships in wider concerns about neo-liberal reform and politics. It reviews literature on social partnerships as a way of identifying the different approaches to the conceptualization of conflict or practical politics. These are role conflict, interest conflict, and regime conflict. It also draws on a series of empirical research projects on social partnerships in Australia which have identified persistent points of tension within partnership formation and maintenance. Drawing these conceptualizations and persistent points of tension together provides a framework which can guide systematic inquiry of social partnerships. The paper suggests that this framework facilitates research by naming different types of political action. It encourages a multi-dimensional analysis of partnership politics rather than presenting partnerships as either a celebratory or categorical expression of neo-liberal political rationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper provides a critical analysis of the 2013 Australian Crime Commission’s Report into Organised Crime and Drugs in Sport. The paper argues that the Commission’s Report follows a familiar policy narrative in presenting sport as in crisis and in need of fixing. The Report seeks to reinforce the value of sport for Australian society and nationhood and severely critiques sports administrators for not upholding these values. The Report is particularly scathing of the work of sports scientists and some medical practitioners with respect to maximizing performance enhancement through apparently unethical methods. While the content of the Report may be familiar in its underlying anti-doping message, the Report also enters into the complex and sometimes contradictory issue of legitimate versus illegitimate methods of performance enhancement. It is argued that while the Report can be seen as another step in the longer-term trend towards greater governmental control over sport, it is also demonstrative of how power is devolved rather than taken by central government. The Report leaves sports authorities, coaches and teams with a challenge whereby they must use the best sports science and technology available to them but at the same time cannot be seen to be too reliant upon sports scientists and associated medical specialists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In March 2013, the Australian Federal Labor Government releasedCreative Australia. This document was described as the first national Cultural Policy statement in 20 years since the publication by a previous Labor Government ofCreative Nationin 1994. However, within 6 months of the launch of this new policy, a Coalition (Conservative) Federal government was elected in September 2013. Up till now, Coalition Governments have rejected the need for a national cultural policy, so the future forCreative Australiamay in fact be both contested and limited. Indeed, during the previous Federal Coalition Government a ‘cultural war’ erupted between the government and artists and intellectuals, over the latter’s desire for an Australian cultural policy. This paper addresses questions around the process of developing this new national cultural policy, why it occurred, and what future it might have now there is a new Coalition Federal Government in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly mediatised policy processes influence practice in schools as education becomes a site of parental anxiety and choice exacerbated by standardised national assessment and ranking of schools in the media. This paper analyses the responses to media scrutiny of six principals whose schools’ national test results were reported in the Australian press following the release of the federal Labour Government’s MySchool website in 2010. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of social fields, the concept of cross-field effects, and associated research on mediatisation, the evidence suggests that the relationships between the press, education policy and schools are highly contested, and that principals have some agency in talking back regarding their school’s reported ‘performance’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the strong policy push to improve students' results on national literacy and numeracy tests - the National Assessment Program, Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) - in the Australian state of Queensland influenced schooling practices, including teachers' learning. The paper argues the focus upon improved test scores on NAPLAN within schools was the result of sustained policy pressure for increased attention to such foci at national and state levels, and a broader political context in which rapid improvement in test results was considered imperative. However, implementation, (or what this paper describes more accurately as 'enactment') of the policy also revealed NAPLAN as providing evidence of students' learning, as useful for grouping students to help improve their literacy and numeracy capabilities, and as a stimulus for teacher professional development. Drawing upon the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, the paper argues that even as more political concerns about comparing NAPLAN results with other states were recognised by educators, the field of schooling practices was characterised by a logic of active appropriation of political concerns about improved test scores by teachers, for more educative purposes. In this way, policy enactment in schools is characterised by competing interests, and involving not just interpretation, translation and critique but active appropriation of political concerns by teachers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is clear from their voluminous scholarly output over five decades that Ronald and Catherine Berndt were keen observers of 'the winds of change' that were blowing strongly across most of Aboriginal Australia in that period. We contemporary scholars are closely watching both changes emanating from outside our communities and those that we as Indigenous Australians have instigated and moulded from within. A particular focus of this paper is how Indigenous Higher Education policies, programs and practices have been shaped by the politics of Indigenous self-determination and supported by social justice and human rights agendas. These frameworks have also guided argument, advocacy, and activism in the wider arena of Indigenous affairs, providing much of its language and forms of analysis. Today, however, there is evidence of a growing frustration that such frameworks have prevented alternative arguments, priorities, and possibilities from entering public discourse. In this paper, I discuss how these frameworks mutually constitute and uphold forms of analysis in Indigenous academia and Indigenous affairs in ways that fail to engage with the complexity of the contemporary space in which we as Indigenous people find ourselves today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from a large-scale sample survey conducted in 2016 within the contemporary ethnic Japanese migrant community in Sydney, Australia, this article focuses on demographics and the political culture of this community to determine the context for Japanese migrants' attitudes, with a focus on gender. Findings suggest that the Japanese community is statistically less politically involved than the wider Australian population, possibly reflecting general attitudes towards politics in Japan, and unique social profiles within the Australian community. Superficially, the lack of interest in political commitment appeared to signify less integration into Australian society. However, our triangulation of the data, combined with follow-up interviews found a new form of political engagement within the Japanese community in contemporary Australia. This article contributes to a deeper understanding of the Japanese ethnic community in Australia and overseas, as well as broadening scholarship about the political awareness and activities of ethnic communities in settler societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines patterns of political activity and campaigning onTwitterin the context of the 2012 election in the Australian state of Queensland. Social media have been a visible component of political campaigning in Australia at least since the 2007 federal election, withTwitter, in particular, rising to greater prominence in the 2010 federal election. At state level, however, they have remained comparatively less important thus far. In this paper, uses ofTwitterin the Queensland campaign from its unofficial start in February through to the election day of 24 March 2012 are tracked. Using innovative methodologies for analysing Twitter activities, developed by the research team, this study examines the overall patterns of activity in the relevant hashtag #qldvotes, and tracks specific interactions between politicians and other users by following some 80 Twitter accounts of sitting members of parliament and alternative candidates. Such analysis provides new insights into the different approaches to social media campaigning which were embraced by specific candidates and party organizations, as well as an indication of the relative importance of social media activities, at present, for state-level election campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical analysis of the Australian government’s education revolution policy as promulgated in the media release document, Quality Education: The Case for an Education Revolution in our Schools. It seeks to problematize the government’s claim to marry quality and equity, via an analysis of the discursive strategies of the Australian government’s revolution talk. My analysis draws on the work of political theorists Jason Glynos and David Howarth and their synthesis of key ideas from Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory and Lacanian psychoanalytic theory into a framework of explanatory ‘logics.’ This framework provides conceptual tools for conducting critical policy analysis, including: characterizing a discursive regime on a synchronic plane; accounting for its constitution, reproduction, and/or subversion on a diachronic plane; and explaining the ways in which it grips or seduces subjects at a nonrational level. Overall, the analysis of the education revolution in this paper demonstrates the value of this framework of explanatory logics for education policy analysis, in the process shedding some new light on the Australian government’s education revolution policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fuelled by rapid population growth, coastal regions are increasingly vulnerable to the dynamic mix of coastal uses. In Western Australia, for instance, the issues associated with infrastructure shortcomings and increased population pressures have led to a spate of interest in the development of tourism and residential proposals along the coast. Many of these have emerged as hotly debated sociopolitical contests, thus raising questions in relation to the governance of coastal tourism. It is the intent of this paper to provide empirical insights into the practical nature of coastal tourism governance, using the Smiths Beach coastal tourism and residential development as a case study. An exploratory case approach is adopted so as to understand why this particular coastal tourism development has been surrounded by so much criticism and controversy. The exploration of the attitudes, experiences and views of various stakeholders have illustrated the inherent flavour of this case, with the issues of power-politics, divergent interests and agendas and lack of community consultation identified as some of the key aspects shaping the debate. The case therefore provides an ideal avenue to reveal the complex nature and key issue drivers associated with the governance of coastal tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research points to sections of the middle-class repopulating the ‘ordinary’ urban public school and whilst there are key differences in how they are navigating public school choices, from ‘seeking a critical mass’ to resisting traditional methods of choice and going ‘against-the-grain’, or collectively campaigning for a brand new public school, the urban middle-class are developing contemporary methods to challenge the existing ways of thinking about middle-class choice. Drawing on this literature, this paper explores the symbolism of public schooling for relatively affluent choosers in the city of Melbourne, Australia. The positioning of public schooling as essentially secular and liberal indicates how the public school is valorised within the contemporary market place. Within a market that tends to undersell the public school, the perceived lack of organised religion and progressivism may be the unique selling point for the cosmopolitan, globalised consumer. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of International Journal of the History of Sport is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Australia, a distinct political-educational imagination drives contemporary policy and praxis. This imagination finds root in the social governance models of British Third Way policy and can be considered social capitalist. Central to such politics is a view that social governance is capable of pursuing and achieving the social democratic ideals of equity and social justice, within the architecture of a globalising and competitive capitalist economy. In this paper, I analyse Australian federal and Victorian state education policies to argue that social capitalist politics has significant implications for the ways schools are being imagined and governed. Specifically, I argue that schools are re-imagined as 'learning communities' through which excellence and equity are seen to operate harmoniously amidst a marketising system of educational services. In doing so, I feature empirical data from an ethnographic project conducted in two socially disparate Victorian government secondary schools, to highlight myriad tensions and paradoxes that emerge when each school attempts to govern itself towards policy ideals. In conclusion, I argue that policy imaginations of schools as havens of excellence and equity are difficult to take seriously when infused into the architecture of an education system that is deeply stratified and structured to discriminate between individuals in line with performance hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the dominant arguments that currently frame debate over the political ineffectiveness of the higher education lobby in Australia. Public choice theory is used to advance a more complex hypothesis that takes into account dramatic changes to the political environment over recent decades. This is tested against interview data from policy actors and vice-chancellors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, fluoridation was first endorsed as an effective, safe and equitable means of improving population oral health over fifty years ago. However, recent opposition to attempts to introduce the measure in several regional Victorian towns has demonstrated that it remains a highly controversial health policy. This paper investigates the history of the Victorian fluoridation debate within a national and international context. It finds that although the evidence concerning fluoridation has advanced considerably, the essential arguments put forward by proponents and opponents have remained largely unchanged over that time. Protagonists incorporate the same scientific evidence yet come to polarised and unshakeable conclusions. I argue that the concept of deep structure ideation is a useful means to understand how this occurs. Furthermore, analysis of the ideas and social processes that determine a partisan position in the fluoridation debate makes this an important case study for approaching other durable scientific controversies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gender and cultural studies is, at its core, a pedagogical project for social and political change. Students are invited to new ways of thinking and acting in the world, shaped by intellectual traditions evolving from various social movements around race, class and feminism in mostly Western nation-states. Our students' imaginations are very much captured by these political possibilities, including international students whose reception and interpretation of these knowledges are filtered through different cultural contexts and in different language registers. Teaching gender and cultural studies in Australia with increasing numbers of international students from Asian countries presents a range of practical, intellectual, and ethical questions. How might we translate different intellectual traditions and languages across local and international student groups, in ways that enhance learning for both cohorts? How might we be implicated in the reshaping of international students' imagination of their own genealogies, and their futurities? What colonising logics might unwittingly be reproduced in our curriculums that are expressly committed to the rhetoric and activism of decolonialism? Through the perspective of two classroom practitioners, this article investigates the challenges and possibilities of teaching Gender and Cultural Studies to local and international students in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950s, the Australian Women's Weekly represented the popular face of femininity, publishing features on the home, motherhood and romance. Among articles about raising children and cooking a family dinner, however, were regular discussions of Cold War politics. How, then, did a strong political awareness of global events fit in with 1950s ideals of femininity, when politics was still very much the domain of men? This article puts forward a framework of "feminised politics" to discuss the ways in which the Weekly adapted, generated and fused contemporary ideas about womanhood with discourse on global events to encourage women's increasing participation in the politics of the Cold War. As Australian society grappled with the myriad changes brought about by the end of World War II and new power struggles between East and West, the government and media often presented conservatism as the antidote to the fear generated by these widespread changes. Therefore, this article suggests that the magazine's framing was necessary to alleviate anxieties surrounding women's changing place in the postwar world. Understanding the Weekly's feminised politics reinforces recent scholarship on the complexities of womanhood in the 1950s and illustrates the diverse formulation and expression of femininity in the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media and politicians both influence public opinion and policy responses to illicit drug issues. This study examines the contribution each may have made in Australia in 2015 to the problem and politics streams of the policy process, as outlined in Kingdon's 'multiple streams' heuristic, when a National Ice Taskforce responded to increased public, political and media concern about methamphetamine use. A retrospective content analysis compared the frequency and content of articles about methamphetamine in print media (N = 639) and federal parliament speeches (N = 158) in 2015. Peaks in the number of media articles and debates in parliament followed the establishment and interim findings of the Ice Taskforce. The findings showed that politicians more frequently framed methamphetamine use as a crisis or epidemic than the media. Both frequently portrayed cost to society as the consequence of methamphetamine use and often cited law enforcement sources. The media most frequently positioned methamphetamine users as criminal or deviant compared to politicians who did not position the user or positioned them as an addict or victim. This analysis highlights the convergence of the problem and politics streams and suggests they are not independent as first posited by Kingdon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The performative media work of Australian artists Abdul Abdullah and Cigdem Aydemir is addressed at the precise rendering of a form of white fantasy about the Islamic Other that also neatly captures the terms of the immigration debate in Australia. Their art works appeal to the possibility of a different encounter between white Australia and immigrants from Islamic cultures, one that is informed by the mediated discourse of white paranoia but not contained within it. Gesturing to more beneficent outcomes while still inhabiting 'the liminal spaces of inclusion/exclusion' in Australia with all its attendant ironies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of the American Association of Geographers is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In addition to his very considerable and influential body of scholarship, and his roles as a pathfinder and senior leader of cultural studies in Australia and beyond, Graeme Turner has made a profound if less well-known contribution as an advocate and adviser at the national level, for cultural studies and the wider humanities. Turner's election in 2004 as President of the Australian Academy of the Humanities was greeted by elements of the conservative commentariat as the final proof of the complete annihilation of sense and meaning in Australian universities. Within four years, Turner had garnered sufficient respect to be appointed personally to the nation's preeminent science and research advisory body, the Prime Minister's Science, Engineering and Innovation Council, a distinction confirmed by his reappointment in 2012. This article offers an intimate account of Turner's advocacy and policy activities, detailing many of the achievements, along with some of the frustrating near-misses, of his work during and after his Presidency. It traces his development from a seasoned institutional player and accomplished scholar, encountering the dual challenges of slippery politics and leaden bureaucracy, to his rapid emergence as an expert political operator quite at home (if a little cold) in Canberra. The article proposes a theory of Turner's approach, beyond his well-known work ethic, intellectual acuity and force of personality, conceiving of his advocacy and policy work as a species of cultural studies itself – an enactment of a politically engaged cultural practice – as much as an initiative on its behalf. This account looks back to Turner's own cultural scholarship for insights into his deployment of a highly sophisticated intellectual toolkit in a theoretically informed practice, to gain the attention, respect and support of politicians, public servants, industry leaders and the powerful science lobby. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies theories of policy capture to explain why Australian governments appear unable to ameliorate the nation's chronic affordability pressures, drawing on discourses produced by government, industry lobby groups and the media, between 2003 and 2013. We focus on key episodes of policy activity surrounding a series of national-level inquiries on housing affordability, and affordable housing and planning reforms in the state of NSW over this time, to highlight the political strategies and tactics that have enabled key interests and the status quo, to prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is 30 years since the Australian environmental movement enlisted the term "wilderness" to protect Tasmania's remote Franklin River from hydroelectric development. Environmentalists deployed "wilderness" strategically during the conflict to build public support for their no-dam campaign, aided by national and international media who used the term liberally, while Tasmanian news media and pro-development elites acknowledged the term's inherent political qualities by suppressing its use. Our interest is in the political and media framing of "wilderness" since the concept was "branded" by government and industry at the turn of the twenty-first century. Drawing on continuing environmental conflict over Tasmania's remote Tarkine region as a case study, we ask to what extent media portrayals of "wilderness" have changed since the Franklin dam was stopped and the Tasmanian World Heritage Wilderness Area was created in 1982. Using content analysis of related articles in the local media and qualitative analysis of international travel journalism about Tasmania published over an extended period, we find that place branding has contributed to the routinization of "wilderness" and to a shift in the focus of mediated conflict from "wilderness" to "tourism." The Tasmanian experience demonstrates that while the actions of the environmental movement can valorize place, branding can depoliticize contested natural areas. Yet brands that incorporate or allude to "wilderness" may have the unanticipated consequence of valorizing "wilderness" transnationally, in a manner that the environmental movement would struggle to emulate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complex matrix of public, political and policy debates that were brought to bear on Australia's decision to withdraw from Iraq. In analysing the 'politics of withdrawal' in Australia, this article identifies four dominant frames that served to polarise the issue along party-political lines and reduce the complexities of Australia's withdrawal to a set of simple polarities (such as 'stay the course' versus 'responsible withdrawal'). Specifically, these frames obfuscated an assessment of the myriad challenges facing post-Saddam Iraq and the prospects for peace, security and development beyond Australia's withdrawal. Understanding the ways in which Australia framed its decision to disengage from Iraq is critical to further analysis of Australia's approach to current (or future) military draw-downs (such as in Afghanistan), as well as those conducted by other liberal democracies, such as the US and the UK. 澳大利亚从伊拉克撤军的决定引起了公共、政治、政策上的舌剑唇枪，本文探讨了这些辩论的复杂背景。本文分析了澳大利亚的"脱身政治"，发现有四个框框依政党—政治思路将话题两极化，将澳大利亚脱身的复杂性简化成一套极端性（如"坚定不移"对"负责任地脱身"）。特别是这些框框妨碍了对后萨达姆伊拉克所面临的无数挑战的认识，对澳大利亚撤军后的和平、安全、发展前景的认识。理解澳大利亚形成其退出伊拉克决定的方式，对于分析澳大利亚最近的军事低介入（例如在阿富汗），以及其他自由民主国家如美英的同类选择，都至关紧要。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a reasonable community expectation that ministerial staff who enjoy the privilege of working at the interface of politics and public administration in Australia are subject to appropriate accountability measures. The key questions are what measures currently exist to hold ministerial staff accountable, how effective are such measures, and how could accountability be improved. While descriptions of an ‘accountability black hole’ for ministerial staff are overstated, the measures now in place do not operate uniformly across Australian jurisdictions, have on occasion developed in an ad hoc fashion and are sometimes uncertain in their application. Such circumstances highlight the need for reform, which may potentially encompass both accountability mechanisms directly applicable to ministerial staff, as well as measures that operate more broadly and apply to those with whom ministerial staff interact. 在政治与公共管理交合处工作的澳大利亚内阁工作人员需要 接受适当的问责，这是一种合情合理的社会期待。关键的问题在于目前都有哪些手段能对他们问责，这些手段能否改进。设计问责方法的关键因素是内阁工作人员特殊角色和责任，其不同于非政治的公务员，也不同于作为决策者并直接参加公共辩论的大臣。说内阁工作人员为“问责黑洞”未免言过其实，但现在的那些方法在所有澳大利亚司法辖区并未统一运行，有时以特事特办的方式存在，往往在应用上含糊不定。这种状况说明需要改革。改革可以囊括直接适用于内阁工作人员的问责机制，以及涵盖更广、适用于与他们打交道的那些人的办法。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What does it mean to say that a nation-state is secular? Secular law typically begins when a state has no religious competitor for authority. For this reason, it can be said that the Australian state is secular because its authority is derived from its own laws. What makes Australian law sovereign, the highest authority within the state, is its secularity. However, given Australia's colonial heritage, it is not just the absence of religious authority, such as a state religion, that gives the state its secularity. The law's foundations in colonial violence and the extinguishment of Indigenous sovereignty as a competing authority are also a crucial way in which secular Australian law can continue to operate as the sovereign authority within the state. Using the work of Charles W. Mills, I will critically interrogate how legal and political characterisations of the law as secular work to disavow the state's racialised foundations in colonial violence in the form of a “secular contract”. In developing this notion of a “secular contract” I hope to show that secularism be must re-thought of as not simply the operation of law without religion, but also, as complicit with the ways indigenous sovereignties in (post)colonial states are negated. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 2007 Australian federal election has been called the ‘YouTube election’ and the moniker ‘Twitter election’ applied to the 2010 British General Election due to the use of these communication mediums by the major parties. However, while the information and communication technology campaigning of major parties has clearly improved considerably, is this also true of non-major parties such as the Australian Greens? In the early 2000s the Greens were claimed to be the equals of the major parties in internet electioneering, but much has changed since the 2001 Australian federal election. This study examines the development of electronic communication and campaign tools by the Australian Greens between the 2007 and 2010 Australian federal elections, in particular the problems and hurdles the Australian Greens, as a decentralized party, faced in developing a nationally coherent electronic campaign framework. Of particular interest is the impact the existing organizational structures of the party had upon the campaigns in 2007 and how the party overcame those structural barriers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay reflects on Daniel Tanner’s ‘Race to the top and leave the children behind’ by attention to the way our particular national histories impact on our thinking about what is valuable, the kinds of curriculum pressures and commonsenses that are now at work internationally at government and policy level, the specific forms these are taking in Australia, and the ways they are impacting positively and negatively on concerns about equity and difference. The article argues that neither testing nor lack of testing will solve the issue of schooling and difference and social inequalities. The Program for International Student Assessment agenda has influenced the language and rationale through which differences in schooling outcomes are made visible, and it also contributes to an overarching political and public sense of education as a competitive race, and as an economic vehicle. In Australia, this is underpinning some support for better funding of disadvantaged students, but also building a climate of competitive anxiety that embeds parental concerns about maintaining differential advantage. Beyond the testing arena, the substance of the curriculum is also being reshaped and this essay discusses the ways this too is important in relation to concerns about difference and social equity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article provides a cross-national examination of Thai and Australian political responses to rural social and economic inequity during the period 1997-2007 using an historical lens. It highlights different policy approaches and their philosophical underpinnings. Both the National Party and Thai Rak Thai Party shared similar policy positions. Village funds and rural community development programmes were aimed at providing capital to encourage the establishment of new enterprises or partnerships in building infrastructure. In some respects they were compensationary for changes in global agricultural commodity trading conditions and an acknowledgement that markets fail producers in the rural sector. The contrast between Thai and Australian approaches to rural policy is in the philosophy of 'Sufficiency Economy'. A philosophy rejected by the Thai Rak Thai Party, Sufficiency Economy, was essentially building upon long held peasant traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between religion and politics in Australia has in the past been conditioned by the peculiarities of Australian history. Traditionally religion was related to issues of moral reformation and sectarianism. Changes in Australia over the past forty years have changed this relationship as the public role of religion has waned. In recent times there has been somewhat of a religious comeback in Australian public life. This has been related to a new style of Christian politics, the presence of two strong Church leaders, Cardinal George Pell and Archbishop Peter Jensen, the presence of Islam, the election of a committed Christian Kevin Rudd as Prime Minister and the continuing importance of Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) as a civil religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the debates and media interviews that were conducted during the 2007 Australian election campaign. It discusses the leaders' debate between John Howard and Kevin Rudd, the National Press Club and broadcast media debates, and the significant broadcast media interviews that occurred throughout the campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how educational policies and policy contexts in Sweden, Norway, Finland and Australia establish the circumstances which enable and constrain individual and collective teacher professional development as praxis. We provide insights into existing partnerships between universities and schools, and, municipalities and the state as vehicles for professional development, and the way in which policy contexts have shaped and reshaped these relationships. We also consider the resonances, and points of tension, across and within different national policy settings, to assist us to understand, and to productively inform, policy-making within and across national contexts. We conclude by arguing that while professional development policies within and across international contexts are productive of teachers' collective focus upon student learning - a form of 'mutuality' - they increasingly serve as overarching practices which contribute to the development of educational practices reflective of national and international pressure to account for performance - a concern for 'measurability'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last three decades Australia has very successfully adopted and applied the values, methods, and practice of health promotion to improve the average life expectancy and health of the population. Australia has, also, been part of and contributed to the global evolution of the field of health promotion. There is, now, substantial organisational capacity (including a specialist workforce) within the health sector (including the non-government and community sectors), although total financial investment as a proportion of total recurrent health expenditure remains consistently below 2%. However, despite its significant successes, health promotion in Australia has had little impact on improving the health of Indigenous Australians. Closing the 17-year gap in life expectancy is one of the greatest challenges facing health promotion in the future-necessitating a much more substantial investment in working across sectors to redistribute the social determinants of health, including political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian federal election of 24 November 2007 saw the defeat of the Howard Liberal-National Party coalition government after almost 12 years in office and brought to power a Labor government, the first since 1996, under the leadership of Kevin Rudd. John Howard, Australia's second longest-serving prime minister, became only the second prime minister to lose his own seat at an election. This article summarizes the election result and places it in the context of post-Second World War Australian political and electoral history. The highly unusual character of the large swing to the Labor Party is underlined, as is the rarity of a change of government in Australia since the Second World War. The article also examines the influence of the political leadership of the two major parties in contributing to the changing climate of opinion during 2007 and surveys the campaign itself, underlining the many problems experienced by the Howard government in the final weeks of its life. Finally, the article emphasizes the critical roles that interest rates, climate change and industrial relations all played in fatally undermining the Howard ascendancy. The government, faced with a politically credible and electorally attractive opponent, emerging economic difficulties and a shifting policy agenda, was unable to present itself as equipped to deal with new local and global challenges after a long period in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The prospects of engaging police unions in a process of police reform is conditioned by the political context and organisational culture that characterises those unions. Understanding the historical formation of unions and the changing nature of their aspirations and interests is critical to appreciating such prospects. The history of Australian police unions, long established and privileged by high levels of acceptance in their political environment, suggests the need for optimism about police union engagement in police reform to be balanced by a realism about the limitations imposed by their primary purpose, to serve the interests of their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wilderness conservation has a checkered history in Australian politics. Initially, wilderness was protected in national parks, and specific areas or legislation did not exist. In the 1960s, wilderness conservation became an important issue in Australian politics. Pressure from environmental groups and the general public created several conflicts. Several successes were scored by the joint efforts of interest groups, the public, charismatic individuals, the media, and support of governments and politicians. A number of areas were declared wilderness areas and several states now have wilderness protected through legislation. The 1990s have not been as good as the previous decades for wilderness. Large forest areas are still being cleared and bias toward consumptive use of forest by governments is emerging. Clearly, wilderness protection in Australia is intensely political. It is important that interest groups maintain pressure to protect future wilderness. Efforts to obtain national legislation for wilderness and to couch wilderness in terms of other aspects such as biodiversity and ecosystems values may prove necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]