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Social work education in Canada has struggled to identify and disrupt systems of oppression and marginalization, rooted in a history of colonialism and slavery, that continues to reverberate through neocolonial policies, pedagogy, and practice. Universities and social work programs remain white spaces that uphold white supremacy, while actively excluding nonwhite members and their ways of knowing and being in the world. It wasn't until the deepened retrenchment of anti-Black racism during the pandemic, punctuated by the killing of George Floyd, that a group of educators seized an opening to teach an anti-racist and anti-colonial praxis course for the Bachelor of Social Work students in spring of 2021, the first one of its kind in our faculty. Students were encouraged to engage with Indigenous and racialized community youth to imagine and integrate anti-racist and reconciliatory actions as part of their assignments. This paper shares our experiences co-designing and co-teaching this course together with community partners. We emphasize lessons from the applied pedagogical approaches as well as its implications for social work education and social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Christian anarchist ideas to encourage the reader to consider how to apply these to social work practice. The author contends that social work and the Christian faith have been associated with harmful practices that remain troubling legacies to this day. While social work has sought to distance itself from oppressive constructs, it has done so by becoming secularized, disconnected from any faith-based orientation seeking to help the least of these. By reconsidering Christian anarchism, it may be possible to challenge the notion that faith need be a form of justification for oppression and control, but is rather a liberatory force that can move us all toward an empowering and hopeful future for Christians and other believers that practice social work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic debate on the interplay between politics and intelligence is dominated by the U.S. experience. Our research, based on interviews with over sixty individuals in the Canadian intelligence and national security community and including political staffers, provides a new case study: that of Canada, a middle power with considerable access to intelligence through the Five Eyes partnership. We found that cases of hard politicization of intelligence analysis are virtually non-existent in Canada. The most important factor explaining this finding is Canada's structural position in the world, or how its geography shapes the broader context of interactions between intelligence and politics. Beyond this, six more specific factors at the domestic level also matter: the relative unimportance of foreign and security policy as political issues, few opportunities, a lack of political benefits, low intelligence literacy generally among policy makers, poor transparency in national security decision making, and a tradition of non-partisanship in the civil service. The paper concludes by reflecting on this assessment: while hard politicization remains a rarity in Canada, the shields that have prevented the emergence of politicization will likely be increasingly tested in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Research in palliative care (PC) is often regarded as challenging due to the vulnerability of the population and other peculiarities. We aim to systematically identify barriers to research in PC in the literature. Methods The electronic databases CINAHL, MEDLINE were searched for papers published in the last 25 years. Citations and then abstracts were screened for inclusion. Original papers were included on first-level analysis. On a second level reviews, reports, and position papers were analyzed. Papers containing a direct patient report were specifically analyzed. Barriers were categorized (ethical considerations, financial and time expenses, study design and methodology, human resources and politics) and results quantified. Results Twenty-one original papers and 65 other papers were included. Five studies involved patients directly, five were systematic reviews, three were study experiences, and seven were surveys or workshop reports. Most papers originated from UK, USA, or Norwegian Universities. Ethics and methods were the most often mentioned categories on both levels. Accrual, attrition, and gatekeeping were frequently named barriers. Complex invasive studies or possible side effects hinder patients' participation, as patients are often willing to participate for altruistic motivations. Discussion Barriers to PC research are ethical concerns and methodological challenges. Possible strategies to overcome methodological barriers include international collaborative efforts to include more patients and improve study designs. Ethical barriers indicate the need for patient involvement in the research development process and tailoring research specifically to the PC population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender norms, roles and relations differentially affect women, men, and non-binary individuals' vulnerability to disease. Outbreak response measures also have immediate and long-term gendered effects. However, gender-based analysis of outbreaks and responses is limited by lack of data and little integration of feminist analysis within global health scholarship. Recognising these barriers, this paper applies a gender matrix methodology, grounded in feminist political economy approaches, to evaluate the gendered effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and response in four case studies: China, Hong Kong, Canada, and the UK. Through a rapid scoping of documentation of the gendered effects of the outbreak, it applies the matrix framework to analyse findings, identifying common themes across the case studies: financial discrimination, crisis in care, and unequal risks and secondary effects. Results point to transnational structural conditions which put women on the front lines of the pandemic at work and at home while denying them health, economic and personal security – effects that are exacerbated where racism and other forms of discrimination intersect with gender inequities. Given that women and people living at the intersections of multiple inequities are made additionally vulnerable by pandemic responses, intersectional feminist responses should be prioritised at the beginning of any crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Though Canadian universities are legally required to accommodate disabled employees, disabled faculty still experience difficulties navigating neoliberal performance standards and medicalized conceptualizations of disability. Drawing on data from a qualitative study with Canadian university faculty, this paper explores the experiences of five disabled academics. Our analysis draws on post-structural understandings of neoliberalism, discourse, disciplinary power, and governmentality, as well as Rosemarie Garland-Thomson's concepts of the fit and misfit. Though the sample is small, this analysis suggests universities pose disabling contexts for academics. Disability is cast as individual responsibility, leaving disabled academics navigating accommodations without institutional support. The normative academic constructed through a discourse of efficiency and productivity is the measure against which disabled academics are evaluated, requiring self-governance to produce themselves as 'good enough' academics. Although higher education environments are increasingly diverse, disabled academics are still having to prove their right to exist in academia, hindering their abilities to participate fully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the advocacy of mothers and intended mothers in the fields of autism and infertility. Mothers and intended mothers have developed a special competence in dealing with professionals, and in negotiating the delicate balance between expert medical discourses and expertise grounded in their situated knowledge and experiences. Drawing on the social movement and public policy literature, we seek to disrupt taken-for-granted assumptions about the gendered role of women and mothers in these complex and emotionally charged policy fields. We argue that (intended) mothers are far more likely than other women to take on the major advocacy role considering their need to respond to bodily, social, and/or cultural 'failures' imposed on them by the medical establishment. Issues of access to fertility treatments and care for autistic children not only provide a vantage point from which to study their experience in the policy arena, but also to ask broader questions about the role of the welfare state and the shifting authority of experts in policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public--private partnerships (P3s) with the for-profit private sector are increasingly used in Canada to deliver public infrastructure and support services within the health care sector (e.g., hospitals, clinics, community health centres). This paper examines the emergence and legacy of P3s in the Canadian health care sector, classifying them as a form of neoliberal accumulation by dispossession and discussing their inability to live up to proponents' promises. Economic and social costs are examined, and examples are drawn from operational P3 hospitals in Canada. The article also briefly examines how P3s have been affected by the recent global financial crisis, arguing that despite serious problems with the private finance component of these projects, ultimately the policy is poised to weather the storm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite recent critiques of contemporary obesity discourses that link 'modern Western lifestyles' to an 'obesity epidemic', the population's weight remains a central concern of current dietary guidelines. Food choices that are considered beneficial to maintaining a certain weight are understood to play a key role in one's health. This concern reflects medico-moral assumptions about the properties of food and what people should eat. However, the impact of obesity discourses on different individuals and social groups is rarely considered, although there is some evidence that people do generate, reflect and resist the norms and standards set for them, including those that relate to food/weight. In this paper, we will examine the perspectives on fatness and food choice amongst Black and White women and men living in Vancouver and Halifax, Canada. With this examination, we will challenge conventional assumptions about the singular 'modern Western lifestyle' that leads to obesity concerns by teasing out some of the social, cultural and political contexts within which people conceptualise issues regarding weight and make their food choices. By examining the experiences of both women and men we will also provide important insights into the gendered ways in which people engage with obesity discourses and the injunction to 'eat healthily' as a form of weight management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the promise and paradox of federalism in Iraq, Sri Lanka and Quebec and Canada. The author has doubts as to whether the paradox can be effectively resolved with institutional fine-tuning. Rather, for him, questions of political justice prevail when exploring whether federalism leads to or calms secessionism. The challenge then is not institutional but pre-institutional—things that must be agreed upon before normal politics can operate. While it is comparatively easy to adjust institutions, it is more difficult to adjust—let alone bring about—these pre-institutional features. Despite the risks inherent in the institutional set-up of federalism, there might be little else on the table to keep divided societies together in a liberal democratic system that respects the basic demands of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to place Canadian public policy programs in a comparative context and to provide an overview that identifies the status of the Canadian public policy analysis profession and policy analysis/policy studies instruction in light of domestic and global developments. The authors acknowledge that instruction plays a crucial role in the training as well as in the future approach and orientation of policy analysts and they analyze shifts in the perspective of policy analysis studies and policy analysis instruction. This preliminary comparative paper primarily discusses the characteristics and training needs of policy studies/analysis by tracking the needs of the profession; the development of the field to date; orientations arising from conceptual and historical developments in Canada, the United States, and Europe, and shaping particular public policy programs, curriculum orientations, and practices; and implications of and lessons drawn from the various contexts in comparison to Canada. Throughout the paper the terms policy analysis and policy studies are used interchangeably, because in the various traditions highlighted in this paper, programs of policy studies, rather than policy analysis, are prevalent. Policy analysis skills are promoted, albeit with various degrees of emphasis, within these programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on agenda-setting often requires long time frames to illustrate and explain the rise and fall of issues on agendas and the punctuated nature of policy change. But less common are studies which treat time itself as a variable that helps to explain the particular trajectory of a policy issue or set of issues. To appreciate the importance of timing, we must examine agenda-setting and policy change processes around similar issues in two contexts where the timing and sequence of key events and strategies differ. This paper examines differences in agenda-setting and policy change around the issue of lawn care pesticides in the United States and Canada. I argue that the timing and sequencing of events, actor mobilization, and venue shifts significantly shaped the divergent paths of the conflicts. The relative mobilization of competing advocacy groups at the start of the campaigns, and successful venue shifts at key moments in the conflicts, led to different policy outcomes in the two cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the regulation of both femininity and fatness, dominant norms in queer communities construct fatness and femininity as excessive, desexualised/hypersexualised, and undeserving of sexual desire, pleasure, and care. Care, as a feminine ethical stance emphasising relationality and interdependency, is not typically associated with fucking, yet is critical in sex therapeutic work and interventions. In this article, we contend that fat scholarship, femme theory, and care ethics offer productive intersections in terms of crafting an ethic of care in sex therapy practice and activism for fat bodies of all genders. Using the example of the Fat Fuckers workshop developed in Ontario, Canada, offered internationally and online, this article describes how sex therapeutic work that combines fat activism, care, community building and relationality works at the intersections of femme theory, fat studies, and care ethics. This article combines theory with praxis by describing the Fat Fuckers workshop as a form of fat activism that simultaneously promotes fat identification and care for fat bodies in sex therapy while illustrating a nuanced form of feminine relationality for fat subjects and sexualities. Through this, practical tips are described for practitioners (e.g. sex therapists, activists and sex workers) with theoretical implications for sexuality scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LGBTQ+ people experience mental health challenges due to their minoritized status, systemic inequities and structural disparities. For LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, refugee claimants and refugees the impact on their mental health can be compounding. This study, which featured a series of focus groups with LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, refugee claimants and refugees in Toronto, Canada, was part of a larger international study 'Envisioning Global LGBT Human Rights' that looked at colonising effects on LGBTQ people in the Commonwealth. The migration process, – often forced due to persecution in their country of origin based on sexual orientation or gender identity and expression – produced traumatic experiences involving life-changing decisions, accessing information and resources, cultural shifts, conceptualisation of identities, and navigating the refugees claims process. The specialised experiences of LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, refugee claimants and refugees can have a deleterious effect on their mental health that a critical psychology perspective can address clinically by recognising the particularised needs of this population and systemically by addressing the structural inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experiences of African, Caribbean and Black (ACB) Canadians are seldom explored in the Canadian context. Family physicians act as a gateway to the rest of the healthcare system and are necessary to provide proper patient care. However, Canada's history with colonialism may impact the socio-cultural context in which patients receive care. 41 participants from Waterloo Region, Ontario, were engaged in eight focus groups to discuss their experiences in the healthcare system. Data were analysed following thematic analysis. Style of care, racism and discrimination and a lack of cultural competence hindered access. oor Inadequate cultural competence was attributed to western and biomedical approaches, poor understanding of patients' context, physicians failing to address specific health concerns, and racism and discrimination. Participants highlighted that the two facilitators to care were having an ACB family physician and fostering positive relationships with physicians. Participants predominantly expressed dissatisfaction in physicians' approaches to care, which were compounded by experiences of racism and discrimination. Findings demonstrate how ACB patients are marginalized and excluded from the healthcare syste Iimplications for better access to care included utilizing community healthcare centres, increasing physicians' capacity around culturally inclusive care, and increasing access to ACB physicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how internet media outlets in key Anglo-American democracies differed under a similar external shock: the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. COVID-19 posed a special challenge to democracy, juxtaposing it with alternative forms of government, which may be better positioned to deal with such a crisis. The online media, as the watchdog of democracy, played a key role. As the pandemic started to spread worldwide, three democracies – the USA, Canada, and New Zealand – were of particular interest. The USA had the highest number of cases and deaths, considerably more than its neighbor to the north. NZ was the democracy that most effectively dealt with the pandemic. We comprehensively study the coverage of the outbreak on the internet website of a newspaper of record in each. Data were harvested for the universe of 27,089 articles published online between mid-February and early May on the websites of the New York Times, New Zealand Herald, and the Globe and Mail. Natural learning processing and dependency parsing are the methods used to analyze the data. We find meaningful differences between the outlets in timing, structure, and content. Compared with their US counterpart, the online watchdogs of democracy in Canada and NZ – where COVID-19 politics were far more effective – barked louder, clearer and 2 weeks earlier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) is a managed migration programme that aims to fill labour shortages in Canada's agricultural industry with Black and Brown workers from the global South. For decades, migrant workers, scholars, and advocate groups have called for fundamental changes to address power imbalances produced by the design of the SAWP. The continued operation of the SAWP during the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified the underlying structural violence that migrant labourers experience. Analysing the SAWP as a case study in how globalised labour processes dehumanise and make workers disposable, we argue that it is one component in a web of social and structural factors rooted in colonialism and racial capitalism, constituting the structural determinants of death. Whereas the structural determinants of health point to health 'inequities' and 'disparities', we advance the concept of structural determinants of death to politicise the numerous and multidimensional forms of violence embedded within state policy and to shed light on their beneficiaries. In doing so, we detail how policies can diminish the agency necessary to avoid death in deadly conditions and, specifically, draw attention to the preventable suffering and death perpetuated by the SAWP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral bias causes unfair election results that call into question the legitimacy of governments and undermine confidence in the integrity of the electoral system. Biased electoral outcomes in the UK, Canada and Australia are often accepted as an inherent function of a single-member system, not remediable by independent boundary commissions because they are required to work without taking partisan considerations into account. Meanwhile the US Supreme Court cannot decide on a point beyond which bias should be struck down. Those who do not accept the inevitability of unfair election outcomes see proportional representation as the solution, but the cost—loss of the representational value of single member districts—makes this a contestable solution. But if boundaries could be drawn to produce an unbiased electoral system and generate fair electoral outcomes, single-member districts could be retained and confidence could be returned. South Australia requires its independent boundaries commission to do just that, and the results indicate that fair electoral outcomes can indeed be produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework as a heuristic, this article reviews the three streams – problems, policies, and politics – as applied to the adoption of economic policies in response to the socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19. In doing so, we argue that we are currently presented with a window of opportunity to better address the social determinants of health. First, through assessing the problem stream, an understanding of inequity as a problem gained wider recognition through the disproportionate impacts of COVID-19. Second, in the policy stream, we demonstrate that appropriate and unprecedented policies can be enacted even in the face of changing evidence or evidentiary uncertainty, which are needed to address upstream factors that influence health. Lastly, in the politics stream, we demonstrate that addressing a public health 'problem' can be well-received by the public, making it politically viable. However, it is important to ensure the 'problem' is clearly relayed to the public and that this information is not perceived to change, as this can undermine trust. The social, political, and behavioural lessons presented by the COVID-19 pandemic should be drawn on in this pivotal moment for global public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on work in Critical Disability Studies (CDS) to trace continuities between ableism and colonialism in Canada, and illuminates three ways in which ableist violences have historically functioned, and still function, as colonial tools. These violences include: subtle and obvious pathologizing of indigenous bodies rooted in a logic of purification/elimination of defects; tropes of 'inspirational disability' which have ongoing material, colonial effects, including the exaltation of white settler Canada; and eugenic institutions – a naturalized part of our national context – which subjugate indigenous ways of life while creating and reproducing white settler space. We challenge CDS scholars – especially those who, like ourselves, enjoy white and settler privilege – to call attention to the colonial effects of eugenic, ableist assumptions and to remain accountable to the colonial impulses inherent in their/our work. We conclude by charting possibilities of what decolonizing in CDS might mean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how multiple contexts - professional knowledge (e.g. case management), institutional practices (e.g. New Public Management), and mental health policies and legislations (e.g. Mental Health Act) - under neoliberal governance (re)produce ways social workers interact with their clients in moment-to-moment interactions. It is part of a larger process and outcome research project on cross-cultural social work practice in outpatient community mental health settings in an urban Canadian city. Using transcripts of audio-taped sessions between social workers and clients with severe mental illness, and inspired by critical theories of language, knowledge and power, we illustrate how neoliberal themes (re)position clients and social workers in negotiating session tasks in everyday interactions, and how these interactions shape the clients and social workers as desirable and undesirable neoliberal subjects. These detailed studies in micro-interactions can be used as practice examples in considering how social workers can be critically reflective of our own micro practice and resist the governing neoliberal ideology in the macro level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within a global context of growing health inequities, the fostering of partnerships and collaborative research have been promoted as playing a critical role in tackling health inequities and health system problems worldwide. Since 2004, the Canadian Coalition for Global Health Research (CCGHR) has facilitated annual Summer Institutes for new global health researchers aimed at strengthening global health research competencies and partnerships among participants. We sought to explore CCGHR Summer Institute alumni perspectives on the Summer Institute experience, particularly on the individual research pairings of Canadian and low- and middle-income countries researchers that have characterised the program. The results reveal that the Summer Institute offered an enriching learning opportunity for participants and worked to further their collaborative projects through providing dedicated one-on-one time with their international research partner, feedback from colleagues from around the world and mentorship by more senior researchers. Positive individual relationships among researchers, as well as the existence of institutional collaborations, employer and funding support, and agendas of local and national politicians were factors that have influenced the ongoing collaboration of partners. There is a need to more fully examine the interplay between individual and institutional-level collaborations, as well as their social and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Little is known about how elected representatives attempt to manipulate public opinion and news media through their participation on regional open line radio or media straw polls. This article examines the systematic attempts by political actors to engage these media in the small polity of Newfoundland, Canada, where politics is characterized by the hyper-local nature of 590-VOCM radio programming. Our mixed-method study draws from talk radio call-in logs, online straw poll vote results, observation of the production of open line programming, and insights from local media personnel. We draw attention to two clandestine media management techniques. First, we analyze call-ins by elected legislators to talk radio that were timed to coincide with the known field dates of a public opinion polling company. Second, we report that handheld communication devices were used by senior members of the governing party to mobilize legislators and party personnel to repeatedly vote on straw polls on regional media Web sites. Our findings show that there is a substantial and statistically significant increase in the probability that legislators will call talk radio when pollsters are in the field. Furthermore, we document and explore the manner in which political elites mobilize to engage online media straw polls, and discover that straw poll questions which address political topics attract a disproportionately higher number of “votes” than nonpolitical questions. This micro-level study offers perspective for interpreting macro-level knowledge about political talk radio, horse race/game and strategic media frames, and about political elites’ mobilization and media management tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After 50 years of formal independence in the anglophone Caribbean, this article suggests gains for both analysis and policy may be made by something of a paradigm shift towards a focus on transnational and regional relations. This is especially so for the myriad small, particularly island, states which have always been relatively ‘open’ especially as contemporary governance demands proliferate as indicated in the first section below. And it holds potential for island communities in the Indian and Pacific Oceans as well as the Caribbean, especially for those associated with inter- and non-state Commonwealth networks; these now include not only the original established ‘Dominions’ of Australia, Britain and Canada but also 2/5 BRICS, or 25% of the G20. A focus on the transnational and regional helps to transcend the old binary of ‘vulnerability’ versus ‘resilience’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the mid-1990s, the Canadian federal government was challenged by the ascendence of nationalist politics in Québec. This article will show how the federal government has used social policy to create and maintain a broader pan-Canadian identity in the face of sub-state nationalism in Québec. Linking literature on nationalism, identity, federalism, and regime support, it will examine the impact of social welfare policies on political identification in Québec to determine the extent and efficacy of the Canadian federal government's social policy responses to sub-state nationalism. Findings include a marked preference for direct service delivery by the federal government and a coincident rise in affective and instrumental support for federal spending and jurisdiction in areas of sole provincial responsibility. Using the cases of child care and post-secondary education, this article argues that the Canadian government has been successful in reinforcing attachment to a pan-Canadian identity through direct transfers to citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Type 2 diabetes (T2DM) is a serious life-threatening chronic disease whose prevalence is especially high among Canadians living in poverty. And these Canadians with T2DM in poverty are especially likely to experience serious consequences of the disease. Of special concern is Statistics Canada reporting an explosive increase in mortality rates from diabetes (of which 90% represent T2DM) in low-income urban neighbourhoods across Canada. We place findings from interviews with 60 Canadians with T2DM who live in poverty within the context of recent shifts in public policy that have affected the distribution of the social determinants of health. Findings of material deprivation among our participants indicate that it is almost impossible for these individuals to acquire the diet necessary to prevent the adverse outcomes associated with T2DM. These findings draw attention to consideration of the important role public policy plays in affecting the situation of people living in poverty who are afflicted with T2DM and other chronic diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 25 years, Aboriginal leaders, community advocates, children's and women's health specialists and Canadian government agencies have drawn increasing attention to the perceived need to undertake targeted initiatives to prevent fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) in indigenous communities. In pursuit of this goal, a range of prevention campaigns have been undertaken - generally with funding from the State - urging pregnant women to abstain from alcohol. Because both risk and protective factors for FASD are intimately connected to the social conditions in which women become pregnant, give birth to and mother their children, FASD prevention campaigns targeting Aboriginal communities suggest possibilities that are both provocative and problematic for advancing movements for social justice, decolonisation and improved maternal and child health. In this essay, I consider how the gendered and racialised legacies of colonisation emerge alongside concerns for improved health and well-being of indigenous children to inform contemporary, state-funded efforts to prevent FASD. In so doing, I examine the ways that neoliberal economic and political trajectories of Canadian state formation intersect with some aspects of decolonisation movements to raise important questions about when, how and under what conditions colonial states support FASD prevention efforts among indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the identity politics of the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, a marginalized indigenous group, in Canada. It is informed that over the past 35 years, the group has transformed itself from a peripheral community in the Canadian Arctic, with political inclusion confined to assimilation legislation and welfare policy, into a viable, codified Canadian indigenous political community. At the Arctic level, they group has successfully created a particular northern identity, thus contributing to Canada's privileged place in Arctic governance regionally, as well as its legitimacy over its Arctic waters internationally.

This article focuses on a political process approach for assessing the mobilization potential of civil society groups especially engaged in a campaign against deep integration. National politics still matters in considerations of contentious civic politics. It has become increasingly common to connect unfolding contentious activity to rapidly evolving international trends. The general trend in Canadian public opinion reflects both growing acceptance of previous trade agreements, as well as support for the negotiation of new trade agreements, such as the FTAA, with other countries.

Canadian parliamentary party groups present a mixed picture of discipline and cohesion. Canadian House of Commons votes are tightly disciplined by party with less dissent than in Britain. Yet traditional Canadian parties have been quite ideologically heterogeneous, with cohesion based more on personal relationships and loyalties than shared ideological bonds. The arrival of new parties in 1993 has challenged this traditional pattern, but the differences between older and newer parties are more in degree than kind. This article hypothesises that these trends are linked to the fluid membership base of Canadian parties, which tends to reinforce central power. The result is disciplined and somewhat cohesive parties, but with a lack of ideological direction or consistency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses internal colonialism and Quebec's inter-regional relations. During the first 200 years of its existence, Quebec stood not as an internal colony, but as an overseas colony. Founded by a small band of French settlers in 1608, the colony of Quebec remained in French hands until the conquest of 1759, when it was transferred to British control. Within the British Empire, Quebec was the colony of Quebec until it was united with Ontario to form United Canada's. In Quebec, Francophones were soon displaced from leading economic roles by British entrepreneurs. The colony's political structures were directed by British colonial administrators, who preferred British immigrants when making political appointments. Turning to the question of cultural integration, majority of Quebec population has retained a cultural difference from the rest of Canada. According to the 1971 census, 79 per cent of Quebec population is of French descent, of whom 97.5 per cent continue to use French as regular language of communication. While the persistence of cultural difference and identity in Quebec can perhaps be best traced to the continued presence of comprehensive French-language institutions, there is a need for broader interpretation of nationalist movements, which seek the political autonomy or independence of Quebec.

Political leadership is a key variable in the contemporary process of democratization. Powerful political leaders were also a salient feature of Canada's transition from the authoritarian, governor-controlled regimes in the early nineteenth century to modern democratic conditions in the twentieth century. Canada's political leadership tradition, which valued compromise and accommodation, is often hailed as exemplary but has come in for considerable criticism since 1982 as Canadian politicians continue to fail in their attempts to find a basic constitutional definition of the Canadian state acceptable to Quebec and the rest of Canada. This article assesses the Canadian tradition and argues that the image of past Canadian leaders has conventionally been idealized. An important lesson to be learned from the Canadian case is that leaders who assisted in the transition to democracy in North America worked in generally favourable conditions of economic and territorial expansion and often resorted to party building techniques of patronage, influence and corruption which are denounced when used by contemporary leaders in new democratic polities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]