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This paper presents a systematic literature review exploring the Family Group Conferencing experiences with racially minoritised families in England. The literature search identified eight qualitative studies that met the inclusion criteria. This review found that racially minoritised families felt that Family Group Conferencing was empowering and met their cultural needs at times, but suggested caution about how culturally adaptable the approach is for this population. We argue that FGC could be presented as an Indigenous model of engaging with family networks with relevance for social workers working with racially minoritised communities in England. We suggest that Family Group Conferencing aligns with aims of decolonisation and cultural competence and argue the need to explore how Indigenous knowledge can be valued more effectively in global social work debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Menasseh ben-Israel petitioned to re-admit Jews to England in 1655. Historians have been aware that Menasseh utilized the ideas employed by Simone Luzzatto in Luzzatto’s efforts to avoid the expulsion of the Jews from Venice. Luzzatto employed the humanist language of reason of state, while Menasseh’s writings were all exegetical in nature prior to 1655. How did Menasseh, a messianist whose writings focused on explaining Jewish thought, who had shown no interest in humanist political discourse, come to employ the humanist ideas of reason of state popular in the mid-seventeenth century? Furthermore, Luzzatto’s petition is a meek request to allow Jews to continue to reside in the Venetian ghetto, while Menasseh addresses Cromwell as an ambassador of one nation to the leader of another boldly requesting to be admitted to England without disabilities. How can we explain this dramatic change in tone? This paper traces the links, as well as the crucial differences, between these two petitions by examining several other petitions on behalf of Atlantic Jewry as well as the international developments in the intervening period. This paper argues that these factors were critical in the development of Menasseh’s thought as well as his choice of language and tone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 2013 the local public health function in England was returned from the National Health Service (NHS) to local government, reversing the transfer to the NHS made in 1974 with the abolition of the medical officer of health. Although many in the field had long felt that local government was the appropriate home for public health given its wide-ranging responsibilities for the social determinants of health, the timing was poor. Local government was in the third year of what continued to be an unprecedented ten-year period of austerity imposed by central government with cumulative cuts of the order of 40% for many local authorities. And despite an initial commitment to a ring-fenced public health grant, this grant has been cut each year since 2015–2016 in addition to the wider local authority funding cuts which have had inevitable knock-on effects on the public health function. Crucial public health services such as early years, smoking cessation and sexual health services have all been cut. Despite these cuts the UK government continues to claim a commitment to improving public health and tackling inequalities in health. This study examines the government's discourse on funding local public health services, and the ways in which it has responded to critics through a detailed documentary analysis of key government white papers, ministerial statements and its responses to criticisms, particularly from parliamentary select committees and professional bodies. The paper concludes by considering the implications for effective local public health action in a national regime of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores English national identity through qualitative interviews with English-identifying voters in rural South-West England, amidst post-Brexit and COVID-19 uncertainties. Analysing 16 in-depth interviews, the study uncovers micro-level foundations of English identity, revealing a multifaceted view where participants consider it an absent identity. As members of the dominant cultural group, they define Englishness by their perceived 'normal,' distancing anything diverging from their norms as foreign. The study suggests a connection between English identity and reactive resentment towards perceived asymmetrical identity norms compared to neighbouring devolved nations. These findings shed light on the nuanced nature of English identity in rural areas and contribute to discussions about fostering a progressive and inclusive English identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does exile affect activism and if so how? In this paper, the case of Egyptian activists exiled in England is taken as illustrative of processes typical of exiled activism. The case study draws on primary and secondary sources including a series of biographical interviews with exiled activists. The analysis compares activism in Egypt with exiled activism in England using the participants' critical self-reflections to explain the mechanisms mediating the changes. Contrary to reasonable expectations that exile is a spontaneous response to a change in political context, the conditions for exile predate banishment and lie within the institutions of dictatorship which decertify activism. Decertification continues throughout the exile process as fear of repression becomes internalized within the movement. Within the sanctuary of the host country, a process of brokerage counteracts decertification expanding and modifying the exile repertoire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The City and Hackney Primary Care Psychotherapy Consultation Service is an innovative, public sector service designed to support GPs in meeting the needs of patients with complex psychological/physical health issues throughout the London Boroughs of Hackney and the City. This paper provides an account of how this new model for the National Health Service (NHS) developed in the context of psychotherapy provision within the NHS, within the national and local context in the UK and gives an overview of some the service's key features and how it differs from other services operating in primary and secondary care. A linked paper, in this journal, explores the reality within which the service functions and describes clinical outcomes, health economic data, the modifications to the original model and prospects for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Organ donation is constructed in the UK as a public responsibility, but more particularly as an obligation for members of minority ethnic communities. This paper draws attention to the ways in which ‘ethnicity’ has been made problematic by the allocation practices of transplant medicine, health promotion discourses and policy developments. Taken together, they have served to culturalise and racialise the procurement of organs. As the problem of organ donation is as much made inside medicine as outside it, this paper argues greater attention ought to be paid to these institutional practices and processes. Drawing on ethnographic work in the north of England, and with a specific focus on the organ consent encounter, this paper shows how categories of ethnicity in organ transplantation are an outcome of biopolitical and institutional practices. It argues that organ donation is best thought of, less as a discrete temporally-bounded act of decision-making, and more as a set of variegated situated practices that, in all manner of ways, problematically produce the publics that transplant medicine has come to rely upon so profoundly. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reviews the emergence of 'sport' as a sector of public policy interest from the 1960s to 2002. Central to the paper is the manifestation of 'elite sport development' as a key policy concern from the mid-1990s onwards. While the emergence of elite sport policy objectives is the focus, the increased activity around sport at regional and sub-regional levels in England also requires attention. The paper's theoretical argument is that, in large part, the effect of policy is primarily discursive; it changes the possibilities we have for thinking 'otherwise'. In this respect, the discursive construction of sport policy is problematized. Here, the literature addressing 'policy as discourse' and, more specifically, that which analyses the 'discursive strategies' shaping school sport and physical education policy is helpful in sensitizing us to the inherent power relations hidden within the contours of sport policy debates. This analysis leads to questions surrounding opportunities for 'alternative voices' within a context of discursive activity that privileges elite performance. In this regard, the study concludes by offering avenues of future research for the analysis of sport policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst an earlier paper (Part 1) in this journal describes the historical, political and economic drivers behind the creation of the City and Hackney Primary Care Psychotherapy Consultation Service (PCPCS), this paper (Part 2) focuses on exploring the context within which the service functions. The paper provides an overview of its operational model and is organised into 10 sections. The first section outlines the service's clinical practice, whilst the second addresses the value of GP consultations as a core part of the PCPCS's provision. The third section addresses how the service, as departure from a more ‘pure’ psychoanalytic tradition of providing longer-term therapy, has managed its provision of brief treatments. There is a description of how the service manages its team of multi-disciplinary clinicians and their work in a variety of micro-cultures, conveying some of the challenges faced by the service and the team since its inception. Thereafter, the quantitative and qualitative evidence for the service's clinical and cost effectiveness is assessed, including outcome results and findings from a health economic evaluation. To illustrate some of the service's work in practice, some disguised clinical vignettes are presented. The paper also summarises the service's recent clinical innovations, as well as its contribution to the field of research, audit and training. Finally, the way forward for the service is considered in the context of current and emerging trends in psychological provision in primary care. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The modernization of governance systems continues to heavily impact the practice of planning in the UK, as in many, countries. The UK Coalition government has moved quickly to introduce a programme of planning reform, particularly in plan-making. Yet this was also a focus for major reforms introduced by the previous Labour government, namely, the local development framework (LDF) system which was meant to encapsulate a shift to a spatial planning approach in England. This paper draws on extensive empirical material to consider the views of frontline local authority planners to the new system as it was put into place. Drawing on implementation theory and highlighting differing conceptions as to where the cause of problems enacting the new system lay, I argue that detailed consideration of the frontline is vital if we are to better understand the contours of modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In England, health inequalities policy shifted during the Labour term (1997–2010) from initially strong commitments to tackling the ‘upstream’ social determinants of health to a technically-driven emphasis on lifestyle risk factors and healthcare access. This multi-sited study, based in and around Westminster (2006–2007), extends our understanding of how political context influences policy-making by drawing from anthropological studies of policy. Qualitative material from central government is put into conversation with theory concerning policy as zones of practices. The paper explores the bristly process through which public health, healthcare and corporate interests vied to shape the political agenda for health inequalities; the selective use of evidence by civil servants in accordance with their perceptions of what politicians conceive to be electorally palatable; the silencing of critique of the dominant narrative about evidence-based policy; and how technical aids developed a life of their own – as a result of which, health inequalities policy ended up being depoliticised. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

English planning again finds itself in a transition from one paradigm—spatial planning—to another—localism. Whilst there is uncertainty and a debate over the significance of these changes and whether they represent a rupture or evolution, we argue in this paper that such change is best understood within the framework of neoliberalization. Seen from this perspective planning is a form of, or contributor to, neoliberal spatial governance. We explore how such an understanding helps explain temporal, spatial, and sectoral variance in planning as well as some of the characteristics of recent planning including scalar change, signature policy moments, resistance, tensions, and insurgent movements. We finally turn to some possible implications of the emerging paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 15 years, initial teacher education in England has been established as a national system, closely controlled by the government. One of the consequences of this move is that teacher education is now intimately bound up with changing national politics and policy priorities which reach down into the finest of detail of provision. In this paper, we focus on the way in which politics and policy have impacted on one of the defining features of teacher education provision in England - that of 'partnership'. In particular we examine the way in which the concept and practice of partnership has been transformed in line with New Labour's 'Third Way' politics. In order to do this, we reflect on our recent evaluation of the National Partnership Project, an initiative established by the Training and Development Agency for Schools to increase the quality and quantity of schools' involvement in initial teacher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New medicines represent exciting possibilities to individual patients for improved futures through reduced morbidity, as well as the potential for disappointment where promised outcomes are not forthcoming. For healthcare systems these technologies can enable enhanced effectiveness as well as spiralling costs, depending on value-for-money offered. Amidst uncertainty over efficacy and pricing, institutions such as the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence have been set up to regulate the cost-effectiveness of new products. The increased transparency of this new regulation, combined with inescapable uncertainties, leads to the heightened politicisation of decision-making and an insidious subjectivity beneath a veneer of rational-bureaucracy. This paper develops a theoretical framework for understanding the influence of hope within such contexts. Conceptualised here as ideological, affective and prone to lapsing into trust, hope is considered to shape the lifeworld-background of regulatory decisions and mask uncertainty around effectiveness. These processes challenge regulator legitimacy and effectiveness within polycentric regimes, through the distortion of communication and the manipulation of blame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors describe the incremental approach to the marketisation of the English National Health Service (NHS) since the introduction of an 'internal market' in 1990 until the 2010 White Paper, 'Equity and Excellence: Liberating the NHS', and the subsequent Health and Social Care Bill published in January 2011. The introduction of a competitive market for a universal, tax-financed health system requires fundamental changes in regulation in order that market bureaucracy can be substituted for direct management. The components of reform are insufficiently captured by the framework of hierarchies and networks in new public management theories of decentralisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allen J. and Cochrane A. (2007) Beyond the territorial fix: regional assemblages, politics and power, Regional Studies 41, 1161-1175. The idea of regions as territorially fixed in some vital political sense is a stubborn conception, one that is both mobilized to pursue selective interests and to establish regional identities. To assert that regions are political constructs, however, is not to say that such bounded, territorial entities enclose all the political relations that produce them. This paper puts forward a relational view of the region based upon an assemblage of political actors, some public, some private, where elements of central and local government are 'lodged' within the region, not acting above or below it. Using examples drawn from governing agencies across and beyond the south-east of England, it is shown how a more diffuse form of governance has given rise to a spatially discontinuous region. This is grounded in an exposition of the political assemblage that is Milton Keynes today, with its provisional, cross-cutting mix of institutional agencies, partnerships, businesses and interest groupings engaged in a 'politics of scale' exercise to fix the region... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the sometimes violent nature of electoral contests in Nottinghamshire in the period 1818–32. By contrast with Nottingham, the constituencies of Newark and East Retford continued to exhibit a high degree of aristocratic and gentry political influence in this period. This gave rise to tensions which were exacerbated by the peculiarities of the pre-reform electoral system and the character of the county's leading aristocratic electioneer, the fourth duke of Newcastle. Nottinghamshire election contests assumed more than purely local significance, occurring as they did in the period when parliamentary reform became the leading subject of political debate. However, while the structural foundations of Newcastle's influence changed, as a result of hostile publicity, electoral challenges, the enlargement of the Retford constituency and the terms of the 1832 Reform Act, there was a re-assertion of aristocratic and conservative influence in these constituencies after 1832. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the concept of politics of endorsement as experienced in the Party at the Palace event held at the Buckingham Palace in London, England on June 3, 2002. Implication of the royal family in England for the contemporary music event; Significance of the concert to the royal family's political condition; Efficacy of the concept of hegemony in describing the process of winning popular consent for unequal relations between different social groups.

This short article explores the introduction of directly elected mayors in England and identifies that the case for mayors, as made within New Labour's agenda of 'modernisation', has proceeded on the basis of inconsistent arguments. The article suggests the failure of the reforms either to deliver empowered 'big hitters' or to transform levels of interest in local electoral politics. It explores the diminishment of the public discourse of mayoralty, from one of high ambition and capacity to a more beleaguered discourse of enfeeblement and disenchantment. It argues that while it is easy to explain the project's lack of early impact as being the result of effective resistance by vested interests, critical attention must be paid to the problematic nature of the proposals themselves and that the experience of mayors is symptomatic of a broader incoherence within the 'modernisation' agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social workers are increasingly globally mobile, pursuing employment opportunities that combine professional and lifestyle projects. Social work skills and practice are embedded in cultural, linguistic and nation-specific legislative competencies. The current article engages with the interplay of a fast-moving social work and immigration policy context and the role of inter-European social workers, using England as a case study of destination. Based on registration data of non-UK qualified social workers (2003–2017), a survey of 97 stakeholders from 27 European Union countries and focus group discussions, it investigates trends and challenges of transnational social workers (TSWs) in England. The findings highlight a dynamic process of social work education and immigration policy reforms during the past decade that was associated with a significant change in the volume and profile of TSWs registered to work in England. Data from European stakeholders further highlight two key findings: first, there is evidence of an increased role of inter-European social workers in most of Western European countries; second, the process of social work qualifications' recognition within Europe remains considerably variable. The implications of the findings are discussed within the context of continued inter-European policy and political changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the political strategies and tactics used by Friedrich Engels after 1848. Topics include Engel's book on working class conditions in Manchester, England in the 1840s titled "The Condition of the English Working Class," his works to advance Marxist politics, as well as his 1895 book "Introduction to Marx's The Class Struggle in France."

Despite previous research suggesting that social class influences experiences of and attitudes to abortion, there is a dearth of research which studies the intersection of abortion and social class in England. Across the UK, abortion rates and experiences differ by region and socio-economic status, reflecting broader health inequalities. Contemporary austerity in the UK creates an imperative for new research which contextualises the experience of abortion within this socio-historical moment, and the worsening inequalities which have accompanied it. Whilst work on abortion and social inequality exists, it has often approached class as an a priori category. I argue that contemporary post-structural work on class provides a framework to go beyond this approach by examining how these social classifications occur; who has the power to classify; and how these classifications might be resisted. This framework is demonstrated with emerging findings from a life history study of abortion experiences in England. The applications of this to the work on abortion are potentially rich, because the act of ending a pregnancy invites classification from many quarters, from the legal (legal/illegal) to the medical (early/late) to the moral (deserved/undeserved). This work, therefore, speaks to public health concerns about access to and stigma around abortion and social inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Northern Ireland’s deeply rooted religious history and the assumption that its citizens’ sexual attitudes and behaviours are more reserved than their English counterparts, comprehensive school-based relationships and sexuality education (RSE) has been statutory for primary and post-primary pupils since 2007. The non-biological aspects of the subject continue to remain non-statutory for all grade levels in England. This article presents a comparative analysis of the effect Northern Ireland’s and England’s policy-making models and networks have had on the status of sex and relationships education within each country’s respective national curricula. Two main sets of issues are examined: the approaches taken and values upheld by policy actors, and access to ‘policy speak’ and ‘power’ within policy-making networks. Applying thematic and content analysis to official government transcripts, legislative and statutory policy texts and interview data, the article discusses connections among the main points of comparison and suggests that these central differences within Northern Ireland’s and England’s policy-making processes may explain what has been conducive to Northern Ireland’s statutory comprehensive RSE policy development while comprehensive sex education remains controversial in England. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers alcohol policy development in England and Wales under the coalition government after 2010. With a particular focus on minimum unit pricing, it examines why policy departures based on supply-side controls drawn from public health models were abandoned in favour of a restoration of policy equilibrium. This article adopts a historically informed political science perspective, drawing upon insights from John Kingdon's policy streams approach, with a focus on how the 'alcohol problem' is defined and framed by policy actors. It argues that while the restoration of policy equilibrium was significantly attributable to industry lobbying, also important were the inconsistent framing of policy proposals, lack of departmental synergy, ideological tensions and a lack of coherence in the communication of evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract A feature of English local political folklore is the belief among national political parties, that Independent councillors are Conservatives in disguise. Yet, little evidence is given to support this idea because little is known about these councillors’ beliefs and assumptions or how they distinguish themselves from the party politics they eschew. In this article we address the question: Are all Independent councillors really Conservatives? The article answers the question by reporting the findings of research conducted among Independent and Conservative councillors in England to explore the complex, multidimensional and fluid world that is Independent politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The authors reflect on the long cultural narrative of child protection in England. They provide an overview on the child protection policy and practice in Great Britain. They also looks in to how the government has recognised and responded to the prevalence of sexual abuse and exploitation in ordinary families in the country.

The localism agenda in England, to the extent that it has been followed through, relies on the increasingly free availability of government data for its success. The availability of this open government data, however, solves nothing: as many writers have pointed out, such data needs to be interpreted and interpretation is always a function of a collective—what has been called an ‘interpretative’ or ‘epistemic’ community. The authors question the possibility of such local epistemic or interpretative communities emerging in the English context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent debates concerning the age of electoral majority in the UK have focused on the levels of knowledge and maturity of young people. However, little research has explored the ways in which adolescents orient to these concerns themselves. In this article, we present analyses from a qualitative interview investigation in Northern England, and explore the ways in which our adolescent participants treated voting as a responsibility which should be exercised on the basis of a rational, autonomous and informed decision. Such arguments were frequently used to argueagainsta reduction in the age of electoral majority. These findings are discussed in relation to policy and educational debates in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recurrent dichotomy of nineteenth-century urban politics is the frequent failure of popular democracy to 'persuade' civic elites to address fundamental matters relating to the urban condition. This article addresses the case of Grimsby which retained an abysmal record in dealing with such issues despite being, by 1900, the largest and wealthiest town in Lincolnshire. Since its exponential growth and economic development occurred substantially after 1860, a period commonly associated with democratic progress and increasing public accountability, this clearly raises questions regarding political hegemony and the legitimacy of urban governance. This article seeks to address some of these questions by considering the ways in which the town's lengthy history as an incorporated borough, and particularly the enduring influence of its enrolled freemen, might have affected the nature and evolution of political relations in the borough in the latter half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information about the 35th FA Mann Lecture that was held on November 8, 2011 at Lincoln's Inn in London, England is presented. It discussed the relations between the judiciary and the two political arms of Great Britain, the executive and legislature, the power of governments, and the proper role of the judiciary. Also, it highlighted the contrast between the American and French approaches to judicial intervention.

Individual Budgets (IBs) were piloted in 13 English local authorities during 2005-2007. Similar to personal budgets and 'cash-for-care' schemes in other parts of Europe and beyond, IBs built upon previous English government initiatives to increase choice and control by users of adult social care services. A key aim of the IB pilots was to bring together resources from different funding streams to which an individual was entitled, and integrate or align those funding streams, thereby reducing the number of assessments and reviews; then allow those resources to be spent flexibly according to individual wishes and needs. IBs, available only to those eligible for adult social care services and support, could include resources from up to five other funding streams which, among them, were the responsibility of three different government departments: Access to Work, Disabled Facilities Grants, Integrated Community Equipment Services, Independent Living Funds, and Supporting People. Qualitative interviews with IB lead officers and funding stream lead officers formed part of the larger evaluation of the IB pilots (IBSEN study) and revealed deep disappointment that only minimal progress with integration had been possible, with the exception of Supporting People. This article explores possible reasons for the failure to integrate funding streams despite strong aspirations at local and national levels: legislative barriers; continuing accountability to individual funding streams; concerns over destabilizing the market; and concerns over the budgetary implications of an expected increase in demand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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