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With China's commitment to achieving a carbon peak and carbon neutralisation by 2030 and 2060, respectively, the government's requirements for enterprises to adopt green technology are becoming increasingly urgent. We established a tripartite evolutionary game model of an enterprise, government and bank. We analysed conditions for the existence of stable points and factors affecting the choice of stakeholder's strategy. The influence of the change in each parameter on the evolutionary stable strategy was further studied. We found that the government's reward, subsidy and taxes for enterprise's green technology innovation can increase the willingness of enterprises to implement green technology innovation, and the role of taxes is greater than that of subsidies. The preferential interest rate for green innovation is conducive to stimulating enterprises to engage in green innovation, but the increase in the cost of green credit will reduce the willingness of banks to provide green credit. With the increase in the subsidy, incentives and the cost of environmental regulation, the policy burden of the government will gradually increase, thus reducing the willingness of the government to implement environmental regulation policy. The research presented in this paper furthers work on the theoretical modelling of green credit and environmental regulation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constructs a unique dataset of clean energy and collects firm-level green innovation data that matches it with provinces and cities. Then, this paper executes quasi-natural experiments on green innovation to examine the effects of China's emission trading policy on green innovation. Further, this paper introduces the interactive terms of the pilot time and pilot area dummy variables into the spatial Durbin model (SDM) and spatial dynamic panel model (SDPM) to construct quasi-natural experiments to examine the spatial effect. The findings confirm a negative association between the 'policy treatment effect' and green innovation. The results also indicate a significant negative association between the emissions trading policy and clean energy. Besides, the empirical results reveal a positive correlation between clean energy and green innovation; clean energy promotes green innovation in the region and the surrounding areas. This paper complements existing research and provides empirical evidence and policy implications for developing clean energy, promoting green innovation, and improving the emission trading policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a global environmentality framework to critique efforts to "green" the Belt and Road Initiative (or Green BRI) by examining the Chinese state's environmental governance of extraterritorial spaces. The article transcends a focus within governmentality studies on domestic processes to reveal the relations between governance techniques and environmental subjects, including state and nonstate actors, beyond sovereign borders. Drawing on interviews, observations, and analysis of policies and reports, we identify three ways in which global environmentalities operate and are negotiated through the Green BRI. First, the Chinese state is embracing international sustainable development criteria to gain global legitimacy while seeking to export its domestic environmental governance model, making the Green BRI a dialectic policy. Second, the state is targeting and disciplining BRI participants, including Chinese financial institutions, construction companies, the renewable industry, and foreign state actors in BRI countries. Third, Chinese and BRI partner country participants' variegated subjectivities arise out of the negotiation of their own interests, Chinese state interests, and BRI host country concerns. Our analysis contributes to understanding of how China, as a rising power, engages in global environmental governance and produces extraterritorial environmental subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a conceptual and analytical framework of states' legitimacy-seeking to comprehensively investigate the motivation behind China's climate and environment policy. While previous research has largely overlooked political factors that underlie China's climate policy, this paper argues that these factors are crucial in understanding China's policy changes, which are evident at both domestic and international levels. By examining sources such as government documents, leaders' speeches and authoritative literature, this study contends that China's climate change initiatives are part of a broader effort to enhance domestic and international legitimacy. The issue of climate change has become highly politicised in China under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, and it serves as a crucial test of the ruling party and the state's capacity to govern effectively. As such, legitimacy-seeking is the key driver that links China's domestic measures and international commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a life-cycle environmental policy aiming at a more thorough control of pollution, what is the economic impact of cleaner production regulation on firms? We identify the impact of cleaner production regulation on firms' ratio of domestic value added in exports in a difference-in-differences framework with the quasi-natural experiment created by China's industry-level Cleaner Productions Standards based on the Chinese Customs Transaction-level Trade Statistics dataset and Chinese Annual Survey of Industrial Firms dataset between 2002 and 2013. It shows that cleaner production regulation helps to improve firms' ratio of domestic value added in exports. Meanwhile, firms' productivity, factor inputs market maturity and intermediate inputs market maturity positively promote while pollution intensity negatively moderates the impact of cleaner production regulation on firms' ratio of domestic value added in exports. These results imply that the implementation of the cleaner production regulation policy and the international competitiveness of domestic firms do not conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the instrumental variable method and a fixed-effects model, this paper uses panel data from 283 prefecture-level cities in China from 2004 to 2016 to analyse the impact of environmental regulation on the international competitiveness of China. The results suggest that (1) the strengthening of environmental regulation hinders the international competitiveness of Chinese cities; (2) technological innovation, resource allocation and government intervention all have partial mediating effects between the intensity of environmental regulation and the international competitiveness of Chinese cities. Nevertheless, if reasonable environmental policies can be formulated to enable the organic coordination of technological innovation, resource allocation and government intervention, it is possible to achieve a win-win situation between environmental regulation and the international competitiveness of Chinese cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the configuration of conditions that trigger pro-environmental policy agenda setting (PAS) in an uncertain social context. It discusses the suitability and explanatory power of Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) in this context. It employs the MSF and implements a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis on 25 pro-environmental cases in China. The results indicate that the seven solutions that could be recombined into three successful driven patterns may trigger the establishment of China's pro-environmental policy agenda. China's pro-environmental PAS does not require the complete collection of conditions for all three streams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research is designed to illustrate the process of customers' switching behavior from a traditional hotel to a green hotel by applying a pull-push-mooring theory and an exploratory mixed methods design. The push factors, including environmental policy, social media effects, and social norms, drive customers away from traditional hotels, while the pull factors, including personal norms, perceived health benefits, and emotional well-being, attract customers to green hotels. The mooring factors, including inertia and switching cost, show a vital moderating effect. This study provides a conceptual mechanism that clarifies factors that drive customers' green behavior in the hotel industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the relationship among environmental regulation, trade openness, and pollution emissions using a two-way fixed and mediating effect model based on the panel data of 283 prefecture-level cities obtained from 2005 to 2019. The results reveal that trade openness has a significant impact on the production of polluting emissions. Environmental regulation policies can effectively reduce the adverse impact of trade openness on polluting emissions. By further investigating the intermediate mechanism, it is found that the environmental regulation policies negatively regulate the trade openness and polluting emissions, mainly by promoting industrial upgrading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of new-energy demonstration cities (NEDC) is a typical energy policy recently implemented in China, which aims to accelerate energy transition. Using panel data for 269 Chinese cities during 2010-2017, this study examines the effect of the NEDC construction policy on environmental pollution under the difference-in-differences (DID) framework from the perspective of pollutant emission intensity control. The results show that China's NEDC construction policy exerts a significant negative impact on environmental pollution, especially in the central and western cities, as well as the cities with a low level of economic development. However, the pollution reduction effect is unsustainable due to the lack of long-term policy planning. The mechanism analysis suggests that the NEDC construction policy mainly reduces environmental pollution through the scale effect, that is, reducing the scale and intensity of electricity consumption. The findings of this study provide beneficial inspiration for scientific implementation of energy policies in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil and China share important vantage points in environmental fora, actively coordinating their positions within Brazil, South Africa, India, and China (BASIC) and Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). Both countries have incorporated sustainability concerns in their multilateral stances, but their bilateral strategic partnership lacks a clear environmental orientation. This study analyses the discrepancy between multilateral commitments and the realities of their bilateral interactions. The low degree of priority of, or outright non-attendance to, environmental concerns on the operational level of Sino–Brazilian diplomatic relations illustrates the detachment of official rhetoric from effective engagements. We explore these contradictions and their repercussions for the commodity-centric governance of the telecoupled Sino–Brazilian relations, focusing on the soy sector and on its environmental impacts within Brazil. We caution against the trend of exclusively paying attention to private regulatory initiatives, and highlight the importance of bringing states back into the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Managing transboundary river basins proves a challenge for China when encountering disagreements with its neighbors that experience different political and social conditions. This paper analyzes what happens when China characterizes water as a security issue, examining China's fluid securitization practices, where changes can be identified indicating that the Chinese government values the various water security concerns differently. Two cases are adopted for comparison. In the case of China sharing the Mekong River, the Chinese government has shown a willingness to incorporate more issues found both inside and outside of the water sector. In contrast, in the case of the sharing of the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna, China's security agenda has been limited to the consideration of water availability and has led to military security concerns. The findings indicate that China's water security agenda is not only driven by a concern for water management over specific rivers, but also judgments that incorporate strategic military consideration with regard to countries that they are involved with. The case of China thus suggests that water security is a complex domain that demonstrates competing values and concerns in (de)politicizing water. Therefore, water-related security issues cannot be understood solely from an environmental policy perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global challenges of sustainability are encapsulated in the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), to which 193 member states are committed. However, a key challenge remains in identifying appropriate methods, indicators, and the ability to monitor progress towards these 2030 Agenda goals. Citizen Science (CS), as a scientific activity in which non-professionals voluntarily participate and cooperate with experts, has been used in Western countries to meet this challenge. Whether it also applies to achieving the SDGs of Asian countries like China is a question that needs to be answered with evidence. On this basis, the tasks of this study are twofold: first, through a literature review, we identify CS projects relevant to water that are happening in China; Second, we analyse the selected projects from three dimensions (scientific, participant, socio-ecological and economic) under an adjusted CS evaluation framework to determine their suitability in China. The results show that at least 19 water-related citizen science projects emerged in China since 2005, most of which are dedicated to improving water quality, with a few focusing on biodiversity monitoring. Multiple stakeholders, including non-governmental (NGO)/non-profit (NPO) organisations, academic institutions, governments and companies participate in these activities, with NGOs accounting for the most. CS has not expanded rapidly in the past 15 years, but most of the projects are still active, which shows the possibility of CS's further development in China after a good strategic framework has been formulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the science of ecology is often understood in antimodernizing terms, this article shows how ecology in China has become a means to articulate green modernization and sustainable development. As scholars predominantly focus on the policy rhetoric surrounding China's national modernization and sustainable development program called "ecological civilization building," the origins of how ecology came to take on developmental meanings remain obscure. This article highlights moments of global exchange and knowledge production by Chinese Marxists, earth systems scientists, and economists that produced eco-developmental logics. These logics define an interventionist role for the state, frame urbanization as moral progress, and refashion the role of the peasantry from the revolutionary vanguard to a backward social force impeding modernization. Ecological sciences in China, therefore, lay an epistemological foundation for legitimizing state-led technocratic practices of socioenvironmental engineering and naturalizing social inequalities between "urban" and "rural" people. In highlighting Chinese scientists' agency in producing knowledge, this article counters diffusionist accounts of science as singular systematically organized branches of knowledge that emanate from the West. Instead, I demonstrate how ecology is contingent on the historical and political conditions through which it takes on meaning. In the context of China, ecology has become integral to environmental governance, state formation, and uneven relations of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies and legislation for the importation and use of non-native (NN) freshwater fishes have been rapidly evolving in several countries around the world in response to heightened evidence of their adverse ecological and economic impacts. In China, the already large and growing number of NN freshwater fishes being imported from foreign countries or translocated within China has necessitated the development of management strategies supported by policies at both national and regional levels. Despite increasing awareness of the damage caused by NN fishes, such initiatives in China continue to lag behind those already implemented in other countries. This study endeavors to narrow this policy gap by: (i) providing a synoptic overview of the vectors and pathways of NN freshwater fish introductions and dispersal both into and within China; (ii) evaluating existing policies and legislation relative to those currently implemented in Europe, the USA and Canada; (iii) examining the role of decision-support tools for identifying and assessing the risks posed by NN fishes; and (iv) proposing perspectives and possible options for NN fish policies, legislation and management in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, China is the second-largest, fastest-growing economy in the world. This study analyzes asymmetric and time-varying impact of world energy prices (including world energy prices index, world coal prices, world crude oil prices and world natural gas prices) on China's CO2 emissions. We used a non-linear ARDL (NARDL) model and wavelet analysis using monthly data from 1992 to 2017. The results based on the NARDL estimate show that world energy prices have an asymmetric impact on CO2 emissions. However, the results of wavelet pairwise correlation and wavelet-transform coherence suggest that the relationship between world energy prices and CO2 emissions differs over time and across sectors (i.e. short-term, medium-term, long-term and very long-term). Evidence suggests that ignoring fundamental non-linearities can lead to misleading outcomes. Such empirical results are expected to have a high importance for the efficient design and implementation of world energy prices and Chinese environmental policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past decade, we have witnessed a transformation in the role played by China in international climate negotiations, which has provoked increasing academic and policy interest. While most of the current research focuses on normative or empirical analyses of policies, this article provides a comprehensive study of China's climate strategic narratives on both the systematic and national levels. Theoretically, this article situates itself in the 'narrative turn' in international relations. We develop an analytical framework that combines theoretical insights stemming from the strategic narrative with our own identification of the unique features of China's discourse context. We apply this to China's climate strategic narratives by examining China's climate 'discourse coalition', which consists of the government, the epistemic community, and the official media. In doing so, we add to the current research that mainly focuses on the mass media. Methodologically, we critically examine four different sources of China's climate strategic narratives, ranging from leaders' speeches to media reports. This data is triangulated with 21 semi-structured interviews. Overall, we identify three phases of China's climate strategic narratives. On a system level, the strict division between developed and developing countries has been replaced by the narrative of 'a community of a shared future of mankind'; while on the national level, China as the victim of 'ecological imperialism' has given way to the new 'torchbearer' narrative. This research also contributes to a broader understanding on China's domestic politics and its position in global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change and environmental protection have become increasingly important in China. The country has formulated and strictly enforced a series of policies to address climate change directly. This article argues for the importance of studying China's climate change policies from a gender perspective, particularly given the speed and import of action. It does so in three steps. First, it examines gendered differences in perceptions of climate change and in the impacts of climate change policies. Second, it examines the environment-related content in China's gender policies and the gender-related content in its climate change policies. Through the comparison between these two, we argue that it is easier to include climate change in gender policies in China than to include gender in climate change policies and that the integration of these two is anything but robust. Third, we analyze the multiple and varied roles played by women in climate change policy making, as well as women's conspicuous absence from some key high-level political conversations. The article concludes that gender awareness in Chinese climate change policy needs to be supplemented by gender sensitivity and we suggest some measures to move toward this goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, Chinese leaders declared "war against pollution," leaving local governments with considerable anti-pollution mandates – and, often, with the blame for insufficient implementation. There is a lack of large-scale systematic analyses of citizens' preferences for environmental protection by relevant government levels and the social structuration of such attitudes. This article aims first to assess associations between desire for local government to improve environmental protection, and socioeconomic status and air pollution; second, to identify indirect associations mediated by citizens' awareness of pollution. The research was based on nationally representative survey data from 2014. Results show the lowest occupational class as less likely than higher classes to mention environmental protection when asked which local government services should increase, but as likely to express environmental risk awareness. Policymakers should consider mechanisms such as social protection, inclusion and environmental justice to enhance local environmental policy desire among lower classes and facilitate effective environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Slow City concept advocates the development of cities by combining modern technologies and traditional lifestyles to provide efficient transportation and communication and high quality of life for the residents. This study investigates the present situation, development approach and public acceptability of the Slow City concept in China. Based on the theory and the practical application of the Slow City concept in major member countries, the development process of Slow City can be divided into three stages: the origin stage, the development stage and the promotion stage. This study shows that the Slow City development in China is at the third stage. Due to diverse economic foundations, cultural traditions and the sociopolitical environment, the Slow City in China represents different features compared to the Slow City in Europe. A systematic analysis provides a better understanding of the situation of the Chinese Slow City. Then, the authors evaluate the degree of acceptability of the Slow City concept in China based on three aspects: the understanding, the awareness, and the popularity of the Slow City. Based on the results, this paper suggests optimistic growth opportunities for the Slow City in China and provides several strategies with regard to diverse perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between environmental frames and policy outcomes in China is explored. Environmental nongovernment organizations' (ENGOs) issue interpretation and presentation affect environmental policy changes. The notion of 'frame alignment' is introduced, and it is argued that it can serve to link ENGOs' advocacy needs and frame resonance among different stakeholders, thus successfully promoting advocacy. Based on in-depth interviews and analysis of news reports over a span of 10 years, it is found that where ENGOs are able to align their issue frames with those of the central state and media, the resulting frame resonance smooths policy change. In contrast, where ENGOs adopt conflict frames critical of state authorities, the absence of alignment leads to a slim chance of policy change. The findings shed light on why some ENGOs successfully create linkage and achieve their desired outcomes while others fail to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The applicability of liberal governance models in authoritarian contexts has been widely debated. This study contributes to this debate by using a Foucauldian analytic of apparatuses of security to understand how Chinese state actors used the liberalization of agricultural markets to indirectly mitigate against the risk of droughts. Apparatuses of security, which rely on indirect governance through market and biopolitical mechanisms, were proposed by Foucault to explain the emergence of governmentality in liberal states. The Chinese state has been described as a system of fragmented authoritarianism, wherein state actors are isolated from and compete with one another. Food policy in the early People's Republic of China extended this isolation to the point of encouraging local autarky at the county level. Around the year 2000, local officials in northwest China began promoting the replacement of subsistence agriculture with drought-resistant commercial agriculture as a means of mitigating against drought. This shifted the source of risk of food shortfalls from an environmental risk of drought to a state-mediated market risk and displaced the long-standing model of local autarky providing food security. By illustrating the dynamics of how Chinese state actors govern nature through market mechanisms, this study contributes to theorizations of how liberalization can function to govern nature in authoritarian contexts. Key Words: apparatuses of security, China, drought, governmentality, water-food security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the space of a few years, China's global image with regard to environmental matters has significantly improved. Particularly since Xi Jinping's coming-to-power in 2012 China's reputation in the global climate change regime has improved markedly and it has gained accolades for a new determination to reverse environmental degradation at home. China's incipient green transformation is partly due to a new actor constellation in environmental governance, a striking feature of which is the prominence of ad hoc campaigns that offer quick results but that may undermine the creation of law-based enforcement mechanisms in the long term. Another development -China's increasing use of emerging technologies and big data analytics - has given rise to new forms of government-business alliances. These new players and innovative approaches have injected momentum into China's environmental governance system and suggest that, contrary to conventional wisdom, authoritarian regimes can be responsive to citizen demands under certain circumstances. Yet it remains to be seen whether long-term environmental goals can be met, due to a pervasive lack of accountability, the weakening of civil society and heavy constraints on public participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While mass mobilization and political campaigns were the main administrative tools for policy implementation in China during the Maoist era (1949-1976), they continued to a lesser extent into the reform period. In the Maoist era, these campaigns shaped the social and economic life of residents and government officials. However, the use of campaigns and mass mobilization diminished in the 1980s and 1990s in favor of modern administrative procedures. Instead, narrower mobilization of cadres and campaign-style policy pushes became part of the available administrative tools for policy implementation. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sometimes reverts to campaign-style methods to deal with uneven implementation and local government foot dragging. The use of policy pushes suggests an elastic form of implementation where an intense wave of central leadership policy commitment can stretch down to the local level for a short period of time and then it recedes. Looking at the single child policy (birth control measures) from the 1980s to the early 2000s, and several environmental policies such as ‘blue sky’ days, the authors demonstrate that the CCP still relies on campaign-style policy pushes as one of the administrative tools for policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the acute socioecological crisis in the Minqin region of China's Gansu province beginning in the 1980s and the multilevel, governmental response to that crisis in the first two decades of the 21st century. Drawing on extensive field research and interviews in the area, supplemented by analysis of available data, the paper presents a detailed case study of the development and implementation of the Shiyang River Watershed Restoration Plan in the period 2007-15. The case illustrates how conflicting policy objectives of the central state-led conservation project shaped patterns of interaction between local government officials, cadres, and farmers in Minqin County as well as ensuing outcomes and challenges in policy implementation. The study finds that top-level declaration of ecological and social issues in the watershed as a national security issue incentivized local government officials and cadres to overlook the Plan's provision for local consultation, in favor of meeting binding ecological and economic targets. It contributes to scholarship on environmental authoritarianism, illuminating structural factors and institutional constraints that shape local government officials' and cadres' behavior in a centrally administered environmental policy context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the magnitude of China’s economy, the newly drafted Environmental Protection Tax Law of the People’s Republic of China is among the most ambitious forays into green incentives ever attempted. The law’s provisions are evaluated as part of the country’s layering orientation, where the gradual ratcheting up of government regulation is considered an effective and durable strategy. By making a transition from “taxes on good activities” to “taxes on bad activities” the new statute expands the polluter pays principle embedded in China’s present environmental fee system into a broader suite of corporate and individual decisions. China’s existing pollution charge system suffers from inappropriate exemptions and pricing levels. The proposed law does not offer clear solutions to these systemic problems. Pollution sources from agriculture, wastewater treatment and waste disposal, major sources of pollution in China, are exempted from the new environmental tax. Statutory language is vague regarding interagency interface between tax authorities and environmental officials. An effective tax on a full range of polluting activities is a critical next layer in the country’s steady efforts to ameliorate its environmental challenges. Notwithstanding the progress it represents, this comparative analysis posits that the new Chinese tax program can still be upgraded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the environmental problems, especially in developing countries, as well as new environmental laws limiting the use of fossil fuels, governments seek to replace fossil fuels with clean energies like renewable energies. The purpose of this study was to assess the development of renewable energy as well as reviewing the laws and policies of China and Taiwan in this regard. We also constructed different scenarios based on national sources, in consideration of a significant increase in the electrical power generation and a reduction in the CO2emission. Focus is placed on the renewable energy development and a significant reduction in the CO2emission. The results showed that the photovoltaic solar systems have the greatest benefits in energy production and CO2emission reduction in China and Taiwan. However, due to economic consideration and technical problems, there is still a long way to go. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates how piloting programmes in China can promote local policy innovations. By using one of the piloting emission trading schemes (ETS) in Guangdong province as a case study, it is argued that the main features of the piloting experiments, particularly in the climate change domain, are largely different from previous local marketization experiments that dominate the reform period of China. Whereas previous experiments are often characterized as bottom-up or indigenous initiatives with strong patronage relations to the pro-reform politicians at central level, the current piloting programmes are often crafted in a top-down fashion that is often misaligned with local market or corporate interests. Hence, local policy innovations are designed, developed and brokered by the local state officers, in order to bridge this central–local interest gap. As a result, successful implementation of these policy innovations largely depends on local political traditions, bureaucratic culture and perceptions of distinctive development needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the making of local climate governance in the Chinese setting where central-local inter-governmental relations continue to play critical part in almost every policy domain. Through analysing the climate responses of the three provincial-level governments at the Yangtze River Delta (YRD), the paper argues that the process of “experimentation under hierarchy” is relevant to understanding the evolving of the subnational climate regime in the YRD region. We find the preponderance of the central authorities in initiating national climate strategies and galvanising responses at the local level. Meanwhile, provincial governments have been able to leverage climate plans and actions to achieve their own gains. These findings suggest that any optimism about subnational climate activism in a Chinese setting has to be mixed with caution. In fact, the shadow of hierarchical authority structure lingers and plays important part in the initiation of subnational response and spurring climate responses and innovations from below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade China expanded its renewable energy sector with unprecedented speed. This success story presents a challenge to Western modes of environmental governance, where stakeholder participation is often deemed a necessary pre-condition for effective policy outcomes. Drawing on new research (including previously unpublished interview data), the article first discusses established modes of environmental governance before examining the growth of China’s renewables sector through the theoretical lens of the ‘developmental state’. The article then analyses renewable energy policy design and implementation in China, illustrating how top-down command and control strategies have successfully diffused renewable energy technology from a standing start. We argue that (1) China’s distinct approach to the sector differs from Western modes of environmental governance and (2) this has revealed a new path towards renewable energy diffusion that authoritarian states in particular might regard as an attractive alternative to participatory models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seven emissions trading scheme (ETS) pilots have been established in China. They have introduced some unique methods to set emissions caps and allocate allowances, different from textbook models and their counterparts in the EU, California, and many other regions. This article provides a detailed introduction to the methods for cap setting and allowance allocation adopted by the pilots, and presents detailed comparisons of these methods. In terms of cap setting, the pilots adopt flexible caps that can be adjusted where necessary, which primarily depends on the outcomes of the bottom-up approach, namely aggregating the allowances allocated to participants. As for allowance allocation, the pilots not only adopt such methods as grandfathering and benchmarking, which are also widely applied in other existing schemes, but also some special methods that requireex postadjustment, such as those based on enterprises’ historical emissions intensity (including both physical quantity and added-value intensity) and current production/output. The factors influencing the design are further analysed, including the impacts of theory and experience from foreign systems, concerns about economic development, traditions regarding intensity targets and policy, constraints from data availability and preparation time, tight regulation of the electricity and heat generation sector, and concerns regarding price stability. The practice of pilots presents an improvement opportunity and a challenge for China to further balance the theoretical and practical requirements in ETS design in establishing its national system. Policy relevance China is piloting emissions trading in seven regions, as part of efforts to try to rely more on market-based instruments to achieve GHG emissions control targets. All seven pilots have been confronted with special issues in the design process when compared with existing foreign schemes. This article analyses in depth the special issues related to cap setting and allowance allocation and the approaches adopted to address these issues. Flexible cap setting through a bottom-up approach and different types of allocation methods with or withoutex postadjustment are adopted in the pilots. The flexible and innovative approaches the pilots have developed could provide useful experience for designing the nationwide ETS in China and promoting emissions trading policy in other parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2013, China launched its domestic pilot emissions trading scheme (ETS) as a cost-effective strategy to reduce CO2emissions. Theoretically, the ETS can interact with the feed-in tariffs (FITs) applied to renewable energies (REN). This article presents a simple method to demonstrate how FITs can be adjusted based on the evolution of ETS carbon prices in order to provide a cost-effective climate policy package in China. First, by using provincial data and wind and solar power as examples, it calculates the implicit carbon prices that FITs generate in different Chinese provinces and finds that they are much higher than current carbon prices in the pilot ETS. This shows the necessity of using both instruments to guarantee current level incentives to develop REN for climate change purposes, at least in the short and medium terms. Second, by keeping the annual total carbon price level stable (the sum of the implicit FIT carbon price and the ETS carbon price), and taking into account the cost evolution of REN development, this article demonstrates, for the 2018–2020 period, that FIT should decrease at an annual rate of 3.04–4.63% (for wind) and 7.84–8.87% (for solar) based on different growth rates for progressive national ETS carbon prices. Policy relevance There are a number of studies and debates on the interactions between climate policies in Europe in particular, ETS and subsidies for REN. The key issue is that a climate policy package should be cost-efficient and the implementation of one policy should not jeopardise the performance of another. For a country like China, a considerable scale effect on climate target achievement and total cost savings could be produced by the careful design of the climate policy package. FIT and ETS, which are cost-efficient policies if implemented separately, will very probably constitute a major climate policy package in the future in China, which is aiming to limit the use of command-and-control policies. So far, there is some debate on how to reduce FIT for wind power in China due to development cost changes. But discussions are lacking on the linkage between FIT and ETS. This paper fills this gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The few systematic international comparisons of climate policy strength made so far have serious weaknesses, particularly those that assign arbitrary weightings to different policy instrument types in order to calculate an aggregate score for policy strength. This article avoids these problems by ranking the six biggest emitters by far – China, the US, the EU, India, Russia, and Japan – on a set of six key policy instruments that are individually potent and together representative of climate policy as a whole: carbon taxes, emissions trading, feed-in tariffs, renewable energy quotas, fossil fuel power plant bans, and vehicle emissions standards. The results cast strong doubt on any idea that there is a clear hierarchy on climate policy with Europe at the top: the EU does lead on a number of policies but so does Japan. China, the US, and India each lead on one area. Russia is inactive on all fronts. At the same time climate policy everywhere remains weak compared to what it could be. Policy relevance This study enables climate policy strength, defined as the extent to which the statutory provisions of climate policies are likely to restrict GHG emissions if implemented as intended, to be assessed and compared more realistically across space and time. As such its availability for the six biggest emitters, which together account for over 70% of global CO2emissions, should facilitate international negotiations (1) by giving participants a better idea of where major emitters stand relative to each other as far as climate policy stringency is concerned, and (2) by identifying areas of weakness that need action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the fairly recent phenomenon of citizens and organizations requesting disclosure of environmental information in China. Chinese citizens and organizations are invoking the new open government information regulations to push government agencies, particularly environmental protection agencies, to fulfill their legal obligation of information disclosure. By requesting that government agencies disclose environmental information, citizens and organizations have turned themselves into active agents pushing forward the implementation of the new regulations. The findings of this article suggest that a bottom-up legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure, though still with a limited scope, has been happening and endeavoring to make social and political changes in China. Furthermore, this legal mobilization can be seen as an important part of emerging civil society activities in contemporary China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Eco-compensation for watershed services (EWS), or the more general payments for ecosystem services, is an incentive-based environmental policy instrument. With official documents and first-hand data from fieldwork, we analyze China’s 17 EWS pilot schemes across 16 provinces. Major environmental crises in China can partly be caused by the inadequate incentives for local governments to forcefully implement the environmental laws and policies. EWS schemes in China mainly target local governments in upstream and downstream watersheds, rather than the private entities in normal applications elsewhere, to provide economic incentives and to encourage their enforcement activities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Relying on a recent survey of more than 3400 participants from China, Germany, and the US, this article empirically analyses citizens' perceptions of key guiding principles for sharing mitigation costs across countries, justification of climate policy and trust in climate policy. Our findings suggest that the ranking of the main principles for burden-sharing is identical in China, Germany, and the US: accountability followed by capability, egalitarianism, and sovereignty. Thus, on a general level, citizens across these countries seem to have a common (normative) understanding of fairness. We therefore find no evidence that citizens' (stated) fairness preferences are detrimental to future burden-sharing agreements. In all three countries a majority of citizens considers international climate policy to be justified, but citizens' perceptions differ across specific items and countries. Finally, a substantial portion of citizens in all countries exhibit a lack of trust in international climate agreements. Policy relevance Disagreement over the distribution of mitigation costs across countries is blocking current negotiations about a new international climate change agreement to be adopted in 2015. At the heart of this disagreement are different perceptions of distributive justice among those involved in climate policy making. Our findings show that there is no difference in the ranking of fairness principles across citizens in China, Germany, and the US, suggesting that the common ground for crafting a future agreement is larger than expected. In particular, the accountability principle should weigh heavily when deciding on the burden-sharing. In addition, our findings suggest that in order to gain support among citizens, international climate policy may need to take measures to improve trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use data from the World Input-Output Database to examine channels through which CO2emissions are embodied within, and imported into, the European production in 2005 and in 2009. We use an input–output price model to simulate the effect that a rise in the price of emissions trading system (ETS) allowances would have on the final price of goods. We find a reduction in emission intensity, which was greatest in those sectors regulated under ETS. Finally we examine the trade between China and the EU to study possible increases in carbon leakage. Results show that emissions embodied in imported intermediate goods have increased in all sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small Hydropower is regarded by the Chinese state as a method for both poverty alleviation and environmental protection in rural areas. This paper finds that local government officials develop an ‘environmentally bundled economic interests’ approach that simultaneously fulfills the central state’s new political mission and local economic development demand. The small hydropower plants however have paradoxically become the destroyer of the environment as local government at different levels develop the plants in an un-coordinated manner. We use the growth of small hydropower in Yunnan province as an exemplar to show the new tendency and problems of China’s environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the incentives and challenges for Chinese business companies in participating in carbon emissions trading schemes (ETSs). Based on extensive interviews with the business managers and government officers who are currently involved in the ongoing policy experiments of pilot ETS programmes across China, the article identifies factors that either motivate or discourage companies in participating in carbon trading activities. It argues that different business groups, i.e. capped enterprises, uncapped enterprises, and carbon intermediaries, are affected by these factors to significantly different extents in terms of formulating their specific carbon strategies. It also illustrates some factors, such as a lack of stakeholder pressure and fragmented political interests, which have a distinctive Chinese character and are believed will have a fundamental impact on the quality and efficiency of Chinese ETSs in the future. Policy relevance At the outset, the successful implementation of any ETS depends critically on the active involvement of business actors across various industries. Hence, having an understanding of the business incentives and obstacles in participating in carbon trading is crucial, as these factors will ultimately determine the size and quality of the carbon market, and the total volume and integrity of the GHG emissions to be traded. This article also illustrates the common factors that affect business appetite for carbon trading throughout the world, as well as the factors that are unique to the Chinese political and economic context to constrain business in the market. Finally, a presentation of the business attitude towards the ETS experiment indicates the most worrying aspects of the policy design regarding carbon trading in China. As the construction and implementation of the ETS is a long-term undertaking, such investigation deserves attention from both policy makers and business leaders alike. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is a pressing need for municipalities and regions to create urban form suited to current as well as future climates, but adaptation planning uptake has been slow. This is particularly unfortunate because patterns of urban form interact with climate change in ways that can reduce, or intensify, the impact of overall global change. Uncertainty regarding the timing and magnitude of climate change is a significant barrier to implementing adaptation planning. Focusing on implementation of adaptation and phasing of policy reduces this barrier. It removes time as a decision marker, instead arguing for an initial comprehensive plan to prevent maladaptive policy choices, implemented incrementally after testing the micro-climate outcomes of previous interventions. Policies begin with no-regrets decisions that reduce the long-term need for more intensive adaptive actions and generate immediate policy benefits, while gradually enabling transformative infrastructure and design responses to increased climate impacts. Global and local indicators assume a larger role in the process, to evaluate when tipping points are in sight. We use case studies from two exemplary municipal plans to demonstrate this method's usefulness. While framed for urban planning, the approach is applicable to natural resource managers and others who must plan with uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China presents a paradox for scholars of environmental politics. Environmental politics and policymaking in China now includes elements critical to environmental protection in the West, including non-governmental participation and stringent environmental legislation. Yet the country’s authoritarian system constrains popular participation, and environmental outcomes are generally poor. China’s South–North Water Transfer Project (SNWTP) embodies this puzzle: despite the pluralisation and development of environmental politics and policymaking, the SNWTP is a technocratic mega-project that imposes high social, economic, and environmental costs. What explains this puzzle, and what are the implications for understanding environmental politics in other authoritarian developing countries? I evaluate two current theories – Ecological Modernisation and Authoritarian Environmentalism – against the SNWTP case, and argue that it illustrates the ability of governments to co-opt environmental politics to pursue other strategic objectives, in turn necessitating greater attention to the mix of persuasive and coercive strategies in environmental politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Resource-based cities (RBC) have made momentous contributions to urbanization in China. However, as natural resources are exhausted, RBC are facing an enormous challenge. In this paper we put forward a resource-based city sustainability index (RCSI) and a resource-based city coordination index (RCCI), including environmental, social, and economic dimensions, adopted three weight scenarios, and selected 13 cities for study. The results: (a) help locate the problems by analyzing both dimensions and indicators; (b) simulate the trends of how RBC emerged, grew, declined, and regenerated; (c) categorize RBC into four types by integrating RCSI and RCCI; (d) give policy makers a holistic and comprehensive perspective in the future urban regulation and management; and (e) highlight a road to sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public participation in environmental impact assessment is recognised as key to sustainable development. However, its role in public projects in China remains limited. The issue of non-participation is explored by focusing on the attitude and capacity of the citizens who experienced the Wuhan-Guangzhou High Speed Railway project through interviews and field surveys in multiple geographical sites along the line. Passive attitudes and low capacity were observed. While some respondents considered participation in government-owned projects unthinkable, most of them were discouraged by the absence of a sense of security and significance. Institutional barriers identified include a lack of participation channels and project information and the absence of transparent and proper processes of handling social impacts. Policy suggestions beyond the regulatory realm to encourage effective public participation are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid growing alarm over the rising atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases, increasing attention is being given to ‘geo-engineering’ technologies that could counteract some of the impacts of global warming by either reducing absorption of solar energy (solar radiation management (SRM)) or removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Geo-engineering has the potential to dramatically alter the dynamics of global climate change negotiations because it might cool the climate without constraining fossil fuel use. Some scholars have expressed concern that certain states may be tempted to act unilaterally. This paper assesses the approach that China is likely to adopt towards governance of SRM and the implications this holds for broader international climate negotiations. We survey Chinese public discourse, examine the policy factors that will influence China's position, and assess the likelihood of certain future scenarios. While Chinese climate scientists are keenly aware of the potential benefits of geo-engineering as well as its risks, we find that no significant constituency is currently promoting unilateral implementation of SRM. China will probably play a broadly cooperative role in negotiations toward a multilaterally governed geo-engineering programme but will seek to promote a distinctive developing world perspective that reflects concerns over sovereignty, Western imperialism and maintenance of a strict interpretation of the norm of common but differentiated responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the phenomena of environmental coordination within Northeast Asia. I initially frame the discussion around claims that China is a pollution haven for its neighboring countries, and I look for evidence in the domestic and regional environmental institutions which challenge China's pollution haven status. I find that that there is a science and technology-based epistemic community in Northeast Asia which provides an important theoretical response to counter the pollution haven hypothesis. As well, given its strong science and technological output, Japan is poised to assume leadership of the Northeast Asian environmental regime for at least the short- to medium-term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyzed the socioeconomic and environmental changes in rural China from the perspective of agricultural households and developed a multi-agent agricultural household model for rural environmental management (MAREM). The MAREM model consists of four submodules: the agricultural household production module, the consumption module, the labor supply module, and the environmental assessment module. In the model, virtual agricultural households exist in a hypothetical village. Farmers follow a self-adaptive approach to learn and understand policy variations, in order to make relevant decisions. The model has been validated through simulation of actual trends (the based-on-reality scenario). On the basis of this scenario, we further analyzed possible future trends in rural environmental pollution in China. Our results reflect that China may enter a period of farmer income stagnation accompanied by a rapid deterioration in rural environmental quality. Ammonia emission from livestock production may become the primary agricultural source of air pollution, and eutrophication is calculated to be the major water pollution issue for the long term. Synthetic fertilizer application is projected to be the dominant source of total nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) in aquatic system (contributing to about 64% and 46% of the total discharge, respectively). Our study shows that MAREM is an effective tool to analyze the interactions between agricultural households' behavior and environmental consequences under specific policies in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's reform/opening process has been exceptionally successful at generating lasting economic growth and in lifting millions of people out of absolute poverty. However, this success came at a significant price. Environmental degeneration represents one critical issue. Other serious topics include an increasing income and development gap between and within provinces, and between rural and urban areas. A proposed shift towards a low-carbon economy seems to provide an answer in addressing this complex environmental–development challenge. However, decisions on a future course of action are not made in a political, economic or social vacuum, instead decisions are made in the context of a particular structural environment, which restricts the options available for actors. Applying a structure–agency approach will help to identify and highlight the existing structural challenges inherent within China's development strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Weights are used to measure relative importance of multiple attributes or objectives, which influence evaluation or decision results to a great degree. Thus, analyzing weight sensitivity is an important work for a multi-attribute evaluation or decision. A measuring method based on the inclined angle of two vectors is proposed in this paper in order to solve the weight sensitivity of a multi-attribute evaluation with isotonicity characteristic. This method uses the cosine of the inclined angle to measure the weight sensitivity based on preferences or preference combinations. Concepts of sensitivity space, degree, and angle are given, and the relevant measurement method is discussed and proved. Also, this method is used for the choice of the water environment protection projects in Heyuan City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visual imagery in environmental politics can be an effective way to engage the public. However, research based on 21 interviewees with activists from nine environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) in China suggests that the value of images in promoting environmental initiatives is not limited to the exhibition of them, but is also seen in the making of them. Increasingly in China, ENGOs are offering free natural photographic tutoring to the public. Camera lenses are seen as conduits to recast self-nature relations, which has the potential to raise environmental awareness and promote ENGO membership. Drawing on both theories of social movements and contemporary Chinese subaltern political sociology, this paper provides new insights into grass-roots environmental mobilisation in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]