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As the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement fights to build an alternate future characterized by racial equality and justice, a priority is studying this projected image of what society could look like and how oppressed groups and activists who fight on their behalf feel this might be achieved. This article integrates knowledge from social movement studies, critical race theory, and futures research to add to this critical discussion. Specifically, I use the concept of social movement prospectus to investigate perspectives on future social change in relation to racial justice activism. Through analysis of interviews with 36 U.S. Black millennials about BLM and its potential impact on race relations in the United States, I examine the varied conceptualizations within this group of what success would look like for this movement and whether that success is likely to occur. Broadly, I find that Black millennials are skeptical about BLM's ability to effect social change, but are more optimistic when change is viewed in terms of cultural outcomes than structural ones. I consider the implications of these perspectives for the future of the movement, as well as for scholarship that investigates how social movements produce social change and shape the future of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the Supreme Court's workplace and educational gender-discrimination cases from the 1970s to the present, assessing how they discuss women, their status, and workplace and educational experiences. Our study is situated in scholarship on status hierarchies, gendered cultural frameworks, and sociolegal understandings of the role of justice ideology and social movement influences on court decision making. We used a novel method for assessing court opinions, a combination of computerized text and qualitative analysis, to distill distinct vocabulary and meanings articulated in opinions decided in favor of and against the original female plaintiffs. We found pronounced differences in the court's discourse, with women centered in pro-plaintiff opinions, where decisions rely on an egalitarian gender framework, and decentered in pro-opponent opinions that draw on a traditional framework. These gender ideological frameworks remain largely stable over time, albeit with some changes, revealing an ongoing discursive struggle over women's status in the court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, the first presidential debate of 2020 featured a discussion about Antifa. While Biden argued that Antifa is "an idea, not an organization," Trump portrayed it as a "dangerous, radical group." The nature of Antifa sparks disagreements not only in politics but also in scholarly circles. Some view it as a loosely defined label for a fragmented collective. Others perceive it as a gang or a radical social movement. This article identifies four key factors that make it difficult to define Antifa: the anonymity of its members, the lack of identifiable representatives, the ambiguous affiliation boundaries, and the influence of external agents (including reporters, pundits, and detractors) shaping its identity. Faced with this challenge, I propose stepping back to reevaluate the underlying assumptions of the debate. I seek to complement current theories of social ontology and collective action by introducing an alternative approach centered around the concept of personification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication research often sidelines and ignores racial dynamics in organizational practices and processes, even when considering social movements and protests over racism. The current interview-based project uses a critical lens to examine how a U.S. university employed a racialized script of silence in response to social protest about racism. We analyze how organizations maintain and promote whiteness through racialized discourses of bureaucracy, professionalism, and legality that coalesce into a seemingly neutral script of silence. We suggest attending to how racialized scripts are always already created and diffused through mechanisms that engage historically situated narratives and argue that organizational silence is best understood not as an absence but as a continuous presence of existing structures that limit and quiet dissent. The analysis has implications for connections among organizational silence, whiteness, and discourses, as well as research on organizational scripts and practices for organizational members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Megan Thee Stallion is revolutionizing the representation of Black women in Hip-Hop by occupying polarizing positions in Hip-Hop culture. Megan represents the multiplicity of the Black girl/women's identities by navigating the confines of ratchet respectability, sexuality, and education. Her movements #HotGirlSummer and #HotNerdFall demonstrate the margins the everyday Black girl/woman must navigate: the expectation to be sexy, outgoing, and ratchet while simultaneously being educated/intellectual. Using Hip Hop feminist discourses of ratchet respectability and Black ratchet imagination, we argue that Megan's representation of a sexually liberated, ratchet-demic informs the construction of Black girl/womanhood. Utilizing Megan the Stallion's music, social media posts, and interviews, we will explore how Megan's representation of a sexually liberated, ratchet-demic informs the socio-educational identities of Black girl/womanhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the rise of climate justice movements worldwide, climate justice concerns are insufficiently addressed in recent U.S. policy, and public understanding is not yet widespread. To explore possible avenues for climate justice communication, this analysis examines U.S. climate activists' recommended target audiences and communication strategies. Drawing on 67 conversational interviews and 112 online surveys with activists, the analysis discusses strategies for engaging two high-priority audiences: (1) social justice advocates who do not see the climate crisis as a justice issue and (2) climate action advocates who do not view climate justice as integral to climate solutions. The analysis also identifies a low-priority audience category of climate justice deniers, or people who—independent of their views on the climate crisis itself—are apathetic to its social justice implications. These results propose a novel audience segmentation for climate justice communication and consolidate activists' recommendations for engaging each audience, thus providing a grounding for further experimental work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While T.H. Marshall's famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists' goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state's protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectionality is core to contemporary feminist rhetorical criticism. It is also a complex concept with great potential for promoting social change by shifting discourses about identity in the public sphere. Therefore, communication scholars have a vested interest in teaching the basics of intersectional criticism to undergraduate and graduate students across the humanities, especially in upper-division undergraduate communication courses that deal with rhetorical criticism, feminist rhetorical theory, women and or gender studies, social movements, critical cultural studies, media studies, or other related topics. I recommend teaching intersectionality as an analytic framework for rhetorical criticism with second-wave feminist music. The unit begins by briefly overviewing the key goals and rhetorical tactics of second-wave feminists. Students then read intersectional criticism of second-wave rhetoric and criticism of rhetorical theory that fails to consider the intersectional experience of identity. The unit culminates with students working in groups to conduct an abbreviated rhetorical criticism of popular music associated with the United States's second wave of feminist movements. The abbreviated rhetorical criticism asks students to analyze the embodied and situated components of musical argumentation. They present their findings to the class in a multimedia presentation that engages many sensorial and rhetorical possibilities, much like music does. Rhetorical Criticism, Feminist Rhetorical Theory, Women/Gender Studies, The Rhetoric of Social Movements, Critical Cultural Studies, Media Studies. In this unit, students will learn how to analyze second-wave feminist rhetoric through an intersectional lens using musical case studies. First, students will study the history of second-wave feminist movements. They will then read about the core tenants of intersectional thinking before exploring how rhetorical critics use intersectionality as an analytic framework. Next, students will engage popular music with feminist messages that emerged during the second wave in an abbreviated rhetorical criticism textured with historical context and focused on embodied experiences of musical appeals. They will present their findings in a multimedia format for their classmates. By the completion of this unit, students should learn to apply intersectional theory to an analysis of a musical rhetorical tactic and to identify the strengths and weaknesses of that tactic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women endure the most severe and sustained forms of harassment on the internet. In response, activists around the world are mobilizing against conduct that endangers women online. At a time when feminist discourses are both popular and contested, this research explores the extent to which feminist ideas are influencing activism against online harassment. This research centers on a network of activists located in the United States who seek to combat one form of online sexual harassment: non-consensual pornography. Using reflexive thematic analysis, this research asks: how do activists relate to feminist perspectives, issues and approaches? Data analysis reveals among activists a flexible feminist politics that structures the scope and scale of their work. Ultimately, their caring, expansive and institutionally focused approach has enabled these activists to successfully address non-consensual pornography at the legislative and regulatory level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protest paradigm, which describes the unequitable reciprocity of the media-social movement relationship, creates a double-bind for social movements. Mainstream news media in the United States emphasize emotion, drama, and irrationality while excluding the grievances, agendas, and substance behind a protest, contributing to negative narratives that can hinder public support for a movement. This analysis of Facebook news posts of protests by mainstream U.S. news organizations contributes to our understanding of how social media's engagement affordances work in cohort with journalists' use of emotional appeals to legitimize some protests and delegitimize others. Results show posts encourage the mobilization of some protests more than others, and media frames and emotional linguistic devices might contribute to a spectrum of delegitimizing framing effects. Legitimizing features significantly decrease emotional reactions from audiences, leading to more neutral but potentially less engaging audience reception and response. Findings advance our understanding protest paradigm framing outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining how Puerto Rican nationalist icon Lolita Lebrón is celebrated through artistic performances of public memory, this essay investigates how social movement rhetorical histories are used to propel contemporary sovereignty struggles in Puerto Rico. In it, I argue that situating the afterlives of Lebrón's anticolonial dissent requires that scholars and activists pay specific attention to the unique interlocking systems of oppression and privilege distinctive to the Caribbean territory, influenced by centuries of colonialism. Describing "la trinchera cultural" – or "the cultural trenches" – as the battleground for the urgency of sovereignty for Puerto Ricans, I describe how Las Lolitas, the group responsible for Lebrón's centennial celebration, engaged in performances of public memory that took place in spaces that would showcase a Puerto Rican nationalist rhetorical repertoire. This repertoire emphasizes networks of solidarity, feminist concerns, and revolutionary spirit across time, highlighting resistance to past colonial transgressions to aid in present/future struggles over Puerto Rican self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies an anarchist lens to agrarian politics, seeking to expand and enhance inquiry in critical agrarian studies. Anarchism's relevance to agrarian processes is found in three general areas: (1) explicitly anarchist movements, both historical and contemporary; (2) theories that emerge from and shape these movements; and (3) implicit anarchism found in values, ethics, everyday practices, and in forms of social organization – or 'anarchistic' elements of human social life. Insights from anarchism are then applied to the problematique of the contemporary rise of 'authoritarian populism' and its relation to rural people and agrarian processes, focusing on the United States. Looking via an anarchist lens at this case foregrounds the state powers and logics that underpin authoritarian populist political projects but are created and reproduced by varying political actors; emphasizes the complex political identities of non-elite people, and the ways these can be directed towards either emancipatory or authoritarian directions based on resentments towards state power and identifications with grassroots, lived moral economies; and indicates the strategic need to prioritize ideological development among diverse peoples, in ways that provide for material needs and bolster lived moral economies. The paper concludes with implications for the theory and practice of emancipatory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonial miseducation oppressed people have historically gotten in the United States keeps dispossessed people alienated from resources, belief systems, and ways of being that are inherently theirs. Pro-people, anti-colonial, and abolitionist social movements provide important insights for educational researchers and teacher educators to consider in their scholarship and preparation of classroom practitioners. This article, thus, advocates for research that understands the educational experiences and insights, and advances and celebrates the aspirations of multiply marginalized and colonized people in the United States, namely Black, Indigenous, and other children and youth of Color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is organized around four claims, which when taken together, demonstrate that it is time for the field of Communication Rhetoric in the United States to rethink the way it does rhetoric: (1) US American rhetoric is the way settler colonialism organizes, (2) assemblage theory can frame US rhetoric as an organizing logic of Settler Colonialism, (3) anti-colonial social movement knowledge production is akin to theory, and (4) rhetoric must find a better method to engage with these anti-colonial movements. I end the essay with a challenge to rhetorical scholars to learn, rather than try to teach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay talks about white individuals' complicity in the maintenance of institutionalized white supremacy in the U.S. Topics covered include a discussion of why demands for institutional change, absent broader individual and socio-cultural changes, will be ineffective in ending systemic racism and institutionalized white supremacy in the country, and how white people will continue to benefit from institutionalized white supremacy in the absence of a redistribution of power and resources.

This article explores destigmatization discourses in the United States in the early 21st century, as social and political strategies and as narrative social movements unto themselves. We argue that the first decades of the new century see a trend of marginalized actors across many categories, including queer marriage, drugs, (discreditable) mental illness and (discredited) other areas of identity and disability, make narrative attempts to neutralize their "deviant" identities. We argue that de-stigmatization has occurred through the successful use of medicalization and assimilation framing of de-stigma discourses. Assimilationist frames increase "liberal" emphasis on actionable outcomes of de-stigma, like cultural access (i.e. inclusion, visibility, representation), and legal justice for marginalized people. Some assimilationist discourse endeavors to situate stigmatized identities inside of conformist frames, while (fewer and less visible) others resist dominant frames of acceptability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the production of knowledge by Muslim environmental activists in the United States and Great Britain, applying Eyerman and Jamison's theory of cognitive praxis to demonstrate how religious and political knowledge and practices are synthesised by the activists. The paper emerges from research conducted with Islamic environmental organizations in the United States and Great Britain in 2012–2013 and utilises data gathered from interviews conducted with Muslim environmental activists working in those organizations and from the publicly available newsletters, websites, and articles produced by the activists and organizations. I argue that through the integration of environmental and religious knowledge, Muslim environmentalists construct a 'critical community' within Islam that seeks to transform orthodox Islamic knowledge and practice. In the process, Muslim environmentalists demonstrate that religiously-grounded social movements may simultaneously pursue religious and political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States and beyond the challenges of global climate change are increasingly being governed via the militarization of nation-state borders rather than, or in addition to, the mitigation of carbon emissions and collective strategies for climate adaptation. In this article we apply the concept of "geopopulationism," introduced by Bhatia et al. (this issue), to think through the zero-sum Manichaean logics of traditional geopolitical calculation and the ways these become applied to climate governance via the securitization of climate change-related migration. In order to disrupt this securitization of climate policy, we draw on the insights of feminist geopolitics and what Koopman calls "alter-geopolitics" to consider how contemporary grassroots movements like the Sanctuary movement and #BlackLivesMatter have made connections between political, economic and environmental vulnerabilities while developing relationships of solidarity and care that broaden, disseminate, distribute and regenerate security as an expansive and inclusive project. We conclude by considering ways that scholars can continue to ally ourselves with and contribute to these grassroots efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the sharp differences in the understanding of the Hebrew prophets by theologians, Jewish and Protestant, in Germany and the United States, with a particular focus on their invocation of prophetic teachings in relation to social and political movements. The sharp denigrations of the prophets – described as ecstatics (Gunkel) or rural naifs (Troeltsch) rendered the prophets useless as figures of inspiration in Germany in relation to racism, colonialism, and WWI. By contrast, the prophets have played a crucial role in American civil thought, especially in the Civil Rights Movement. The distinctive and influential interpretation of prophetic consciousness developed by the German-American Jewish theologian Abraham Joshua Heschel is examined for its parallels with the prophetic theology of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the political ramifications of Heschel's link between prophetic revelation and political leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historic immigrant mobilisations of 2006 have reinvigorated public debates about immigration in the United States and the role of the labour movement in advancing immigrant rights. Prior research has highlighted why the U.S. labour movement officially declared solidarity with immigrant workers in 2000, but how has this new commitment played out on the ground? Drawing on rich qualitative data on immigrant-focused coalition building in San Francisco, Chicago, and Houston since the early 2000s, we show that local labour unions in all three cities have collaborated with a range of organisations to improve immigrant and worker rights. Rather than one coherent strategy, however, we find variation in the form, depth, and function of these partnerships across cities. This suggests that differences in local context pose distinct opportunities and challenges for immigrant-focused labour-community immigrant rights coalitions, and our analysis focuses on differences in demographic, political, and civic context across place. We argue that beyond an analysis of the U.S. labour movement, a multi-sectoral and comparative local approach is important to gain a fuller understanding of unions' engagement with immigrant rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2006, millions of immigrants engaged in boycotts and marches for immigrant rights. Many of these protests occurred in new destinations, places with little prior history of collective mobilisation by non-citizens. We focus on the U.S. South, a region noteworthy for the recent, unprecedented growth in its non-citizen population and its unexpected role in the 2006 protests. Drawing from a unique dataset of immigration-related news stories from ten newspapers across the South from 2005 to 2007, we examine variation in public immigration discourse during this 'unsettled' period of heightened political mobilisation and marked public anxiety around immigration. We supplement this analysis with a close examination of immigration news coverage in English and Spanish-language newspapers in South Carolina. Regional analysis reveals minimal shifts in public immigration discourse during this time period; however, the South Carolina case study reveals subtle yet noteworthy variation in the cultural categories used to label immigrants, the moral characterisations of immigrants, and the salience of the immigrant-native boundary. The English-language press increasingly portrayed immigrants from Mexico as cultural threats. After the marches, the Spanish-language press emphasised immigrants' work ethic. These findings have implications for our understanding of social dynamics in new destinations and the cultural dimensions of political mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a developmental model for the political incorporation of the adolescent and young adult children of immigrants. We assert that key politicising agents – including parents, educational institutions, civic associations, and social media – play significant roles in mediating the political incorporation of 1.5- and second-generation youth. These politicising agents help determine if the children of immigrants will exhibit depressed engagement, participate in ways similar to their peers from non-immigrant families, or exercise civic leadership roles. In particular, we highlight the recent role of social movement-affiliated civic associations that have provided this young population with an intensive civics education and formative opportunities for civic action. We also note how intersectional frameworks adopted by broader millennial movements align with the campaigns of, as well as the political socialisation that occurs within, some of these organisations. To advance our argument, we draw on data from California, the state with the largest immigrant population and home to a vibrant social movement sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historic and primarily Latino 2006 immigrant rights protest wave occurred in response to proposed federal anti-immigrant legislation (H.R. 4437). Research on the unprecedented series of demonstrations suggests that the draconian and racialized nature of the bill helps explain why it incited large-scale collective action. Utilising a new survey with a considerable oversample of Latino respondents, the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), this paper investigates the role that collective identities, racialisation, and social networks play in Latino support for contemporary immigrant rights activism. To do so, we incorporate measures such as linked fate, perceptions of anti-immigrant sentiments, knowing undocumented people, and concerns about immigration enforcement policies. The results of our analysis indicate that some of the same factors that influenced Latino engagement in the 2006 mobilisations, such as identity and racialisation, concerns over enforcement, and social networks, continue to impact Latino support for contentious politics on behalf of the foreign-born. We also find evidence that political party and past protest activity, play a significant role in explaining levels of support for activism. Our results have important implications for understanding how anti-immigrant policies and racialized nativism influence Latino support for contentious politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Activists do not just 'name' problems faced by migrants; they 'frame' them, constructing a particular meaning of the social world. Activists in the United States are especially likely to use rights language. Some appeal to human rights; others call on the history and resonance of civil rights. Those who contest immigrant inclusion often instead evoke 'American values'. Are these competing frames persuasive? Drawing on a survey experiment of California voters, we examine whether these frames affect support for undocumented immigrants and U.S. citizens in need. We find that although respondents agree that food insecurity, sexual harassment, and inadequate health care violate the human rights of citizens and noncitizens equally, a human rights frame does not equalise support for government action to address the situation. Indeed, overall, respondents are much less supportive of government action for undocumented immigrants than citizens; neither rights nor value frames mitigate this inequality. The civil rights frame, relative to the American values frame, actually decreases respondents' support for government action, for citizens and noncitizens alike. The type of hardship also matters: in scenarios concerning sexual harassment, legal status is not a barrier to claims-making. These findings reveal some limits of rights language for mobilisation around immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the special issue takes stock of the current state of the pro-immigrant movement in the United States. It begins by reflecting back on the massive demonstrations for immigrant rights that swept the U.S. in 2006 and considers whether they should be seen as one episode in a broad, long-term immigrant movement, or just a remarkable but ephemeral moment of spontaneous political action. We contend that a true social movement on behalf of immigrants exists in the United States, with an arc of successes and failures over time. Using both an empirical and theoretical lens, we draw on the interdisciplinary articles in this volume to examine the movement in the years since the 2006 protests. We note that existing scholarship on social movements has not yet fully grappled with the way citizenship and migration status challenge core concepts in the field, and we advance that project. We end by speculating on what might be unique to the United States, and what more general lessons we can draw to better understand the successes and failures, as well as future prospects, of mobilisation and advocacy by and on behalf of immigrants, in the United States and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The immigrant rights movement in the United States evolved from largely localised and grassroots struggles in the 1990s into a coherent and coordinated national social movement in the late 2000s and 2010s. Scaling up in this way is challenging because grassroots organisations tend to lack the resources needed to operate at the national level over an extended period. This paper examines how this movement overcame the obstacle by focusing on role of national organisations in concentrating key resources (money, political capital, discursive power) and developing a national social movement infrastructure. The consequences of this process are shown to be paradoxical: While it enabled potent advocacy in the national political arena, the concentration of resources generated constraints on strategies and tactics, inequalities, and conflicts between different factions of the movement. This article describes the process by drawing on interviews with key stakeholders, tax files, newspapers, foundation documents, and White House visitor records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses challenges faced by immigrants in two Tennessee locales, Nashville and Knoxville, focusing on Latino immigrant communities and the institutions to which they have responded during the period spanning the 2005 passage of the Sensenbrenner Bill and the Trump administration. We examine how the K-12 school system has reacted to draconian legislation and review the ways in which law enforcement affects the lives of immigrants and their children. We also investigate ways in which immigrants have circumvented or embraced political mobilization, responding to barriers and seizing occasional opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opt Out Florida, a largely White, middle-class social movement comprised of parents – most often, mothers – opposed to high-stakes standardised testing in U.S. public schools, has received media criticism for its homogeneity. This article elucidates that trend while simultaneously offering a more nuanced view, using theories of internalised dominance, colourblindness, and powerblindness to analyse Opt Out members' racial story lines and testimonies. These discursive frames underscore the paradox of a White, middle-class movement purportedly acting for social justice aims: to democratically solve the problem of high-stakes testing, Opt Out members must seek out diverse perspectives. Otherwise, they are not just opting out, but missing out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

#BlackLivesMatter, a social-media-fueled social movement for racial justice in the United States, rose to international prominence between 2014 and 2016. Described by one of its co-creators as a call to collective action in the struggle against racial inequity, the movement's hashtag (#BlackLivesMatter) was second to only #Ferguson among the most frequently used racial justice hashtags in the first 10 years of Twitter's existence. This critical case study analyzes the reflective narratives of 14 self-identified White social media users – part of a larger, interracial group of self-identified online social actors – who used the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag as part of their online activism repertoire during the height of the movement. Grounded by the application of Helms' White Racial Consciousness Development Scale, this research presents a descriptive account of the ways antiracist labor – colloquially described as 'White folks' work' – can be performed via social media. Using an a priori definition of allyship as the processes of affirming and taking informed action on behalf of the subjugated group, this research illustrates that strategic information seeking and sharing on Twitter – particularly the amplification of marginalized voices – were key components in the development of digital allyship praxis within this social-media-fueled movement for racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the causes of activist burnout - a condition in which the accumulative stress associated with activism becomes so debilitating that once-committed activists are forced to scale back on or disengage from their activism - in 17 United States animal rights activists. Following a phenomenological qualitative approach, analysis of interview data revealed three primary categories of burnout causes: 1) intrinsic motivational and psychological factors, 2) organizational and movement culture, and 3) within-movement in-fighting and marginalization. Implications for understandings of activist burnout and the AR movement are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholars have identified activist burnout - when the accumulation of stressors associated with activism become so overwhelming they compromise activists' persistence in their activism - as a threat to movement viability. This phenomenological study on the causes of burnout among racial justice activists in the United States was designed to bolster understandings of burnout and inform strategies for sustaining racial justice movements. Thirty racial justice activists who had experienced burnout were interviewed. They described four primary burnout causes: emotional-dispositional causes, structural causes, backlash causes, and in-movement causes. Implications for activist and movement sustainability are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the relationship between sexual orientations and the protest actions of adults in the United States. Drawing from General Social Survey data from 1996 to 2004, we found that lesbians, gays, and bisexuals were more than twice as likely to protest as heterosexuals. To account for this sexuality gap, we used Patrick Egan's (2008) political distinctiveness theories to identify possible underlying causes of these protesting differences. After running several regressions, we found that sexuality and protesting relationships were moderated by issues of educational attainment, marital statuses, metropolitan residencies, political partisanships, governmental grievances, and gender role expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements confronting overlapping inequalities face the unique challenge of elucidating the heretofore invisible experiences of those whose identities lie at the intersection of existing movements. Social media platforms provide a direct outlet for intersectional social movements to make political claims visually by illuminating these complexities creatively with discursive resources such as symbols, text, and narratives. Using content analysis of images posted to the organization's Facebook, we examine how lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) immigration activists - as embodied by the Queer Undocumented Immigrant Project (QUIP) - attempt to communicate intersectionality online. Images posted by QUIP demonstrate how the existing ideas and values of separate established immigrant and LGBTQ movements can be reformulated and repackaged. However, the available discursive resources may compartmentalize identities, which then requires movements to generate new symbols, text, and narratives. By leveraging extant discursive resources and innovating new expressions, activists aim to communicate intersectional experiences and unite multiple struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although US Uncut and Occupy were two similar social movement organizations highlighting the rising levels of economic inequality in the United States after the Great Recession, Occupy received more media coverage than US Uncut. Through a qualitative comparison utilizing a variety of sources, this study found four possible reasons that can explain why Occupy received more media attention: (1) Occupy had more dramatic protest events; (2) Occupy was active during a time when people were more frustrated with the economy and Wall Street; (3) Occupy faced less competition from other protest events; and (4) Occupy held larger protest events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the critical year of 1917, the suffrage movement gained the momentum it needed to secure a federal amendment granting women the right to vote. During this turning point, the mainstream local and regional press covered opponents of woman suffrage. Examination of the press portrayals of this countermovement, by means of social movement theory, reveal that most coverage situated the anti-suffrage debate in the context of World War I. News reports provided limited framing of anti-suffragist arguments that centered on negative, emotional rhetoric, while suffrage supporters were framed as providing researched arguments that emphasized their opponents' contradictions. An emphasis on episodic rather than thematic framing diminished the complexity of the suffrage debate, creating a divide of public fear versus progressive advocacy that illustrates the challenges and shortfalls in news coverage of countermovements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While early internet research often explored social media’s potential for increasing political participation, scholars are now problematising the manifestations of state and corporate control over political activism in these spaces. Yet despite an increased academic focus on the shape and implications of online power relations, there is a noticeable lack of critical theory that considers how strategies of male dominance on social media platforms influence feminist activism. This article conceptualises individual men as monitorial actors invested in surveilling feminist speech online, and brings together literature from within feminist, social movement, and critical internet studies to address this research gap. Situating contemporary feminist activist tactics in relation to second-wave priorities, this article extends current conceptualisations of the dangers of social media surveillance practices for political action. It draws on recent examples of online feminist organising to elucidate the ways in which social media platforms provide men with increased opportunities to surveil feminist activity. The article calls for further research into the ways in which male surveillance practices on social media platforms are shaping women’s ability to organise for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which author discusses political prisoners and environmental justice of U.S., which includes experience of political prisoners and politicized prisoners on environmental justice, prisoners of environmental justice movement, and effect of justice system on citizens.

Critics of the 'strong social model' of disability developed in the U.K. commonly claim that it focuses too one-sidedly on social oppression, thereby neglecting the role of individual impairment. In this theoretical article, we contrast that model with what we call the 'pathic model' of disability, which we characterise through the case of people living with chronic pain in the U.S.A. We argue that the difference between these two models is due to differing socio-political contexts and national policies concerning welfare and addiction as well as normative assumptions regarding the moral force of focusing on individual pain. We conclude that the political goals of proponents of the 'pathic model' present a challenge to the presumption that the 'strong social model' is the most or only politically effective way to rectify disability-related social oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the shift in the concern of the citizens of the U.S. on the nuclear issue, between 1963 and 1980. Disappearance of test-ban and nuclear disarmament organizations, after September 1963; Decline in activism, public discussion and cultural expression focused on the nuclear weapons issue during the 1970s; Reasons for the decline in nuclear arms awareness and activism.

The article offers information about the survey research on peace movement in the U.S. The survey research aimed to know the insights of the most active and experienced people like psychologists and historians in the peace research movement about the priority and researchability of peace research questions, team research, and the research-action dichotomy. The questionnaire requires the respondents to identify the most important and most researchable topics in peace movement. It also include issues related to social sciences such as translation of the research findings into policy for the prime importance, where suggestions are emphasized into two categories including psychological variables and sociological ought.

The article discusses the advantages and disadvantages of keeping with the United Nations (UN) in the U.S. The realization has dawned that it is imperative for the UN to discard many of its established and routine practices and to move forward into a new phase of operations. The threat that the UN will follow a sad inactivity pattern has been worsened by the rude challenges thrown down by Nikita Khrushchev. There are two factors that can account for the inactivity of the UN, including the threat of impotence and paralysis and the second factor is equally daunting which the UN has moved through two distinctive evolutionary stages in its existence.

The article focuses on the study pertaining to the peace movements in the U.S. against nuclear warfare. A study has been conducted, which is privately financed by the RAND Corp., has reached conclusions that seriously questioned the beliefs that an all-out thermonuclear war would inevitably result in mutual annihilation, and that nothing can be done to make it otherwise. The analysis has brought forth several results including that there are several combinations of military and nonmilitary measures which could provide valuable levels of protection in a nuclear war.

The article explores the use of art in public spaces to respond to social, political, economic and environmental injustice in the U.S. It highlights the involvement of art in communicating the views of the youth and their teachers in events such as March for Our Lives in response to gun violence in the country. Also discussed is the impact of site-specific participatory and/or performative installations created by an artist duo called Allora & Calzadilla.

More than one million women participated in women's marches in early 2017 to protest the inauguration of President Donald Trump and to promote women's rights and civil rights. One hundred years earlier, women across the country also mobilized to protest gender inequality in the United States and an unsympathetic incoming president. This research examines press coverage previewing the 1913 women's parade on Washington to foster a better understanding of how the press covers women's activism and social movements in general. Using social movement theory to examine the framing strategies used by the press, this study found an emphasis on motivational and counterframing focused on episodic rather than thematic coverage. This research also builds on literature of women in political roles facing pushback from other women, thereby undermining the advancement of women for all of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paradoxes, ironies, and juxtapositions of Black Lives Matter (BLM) have not been lost on those in, around, and outside of the movement: Using a philosophical and historical lens of black political thought informing the movement, Christopher J. Lebron gives voice to the tensions that arise because of the hypocrisy of devaluing black lives in a civil society that holds the equality of diverse people central to its foundation. The culmination of Lebron’s effort provides an opportunity to enhance current thinking on our contemporary social movements since he does a responsible job of handling the chorus of exigent voices that have contributed to a black radical tradition from which the Movement for Black Lives, the policy component of BLM, is branded. Lebron’s approach, however, would have benefitted from a more careful consideration of critical intersectionality, structuralist theories, and biological racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Making of Black Lives Matters reaches across a number of Black intellectuals and activists to identify common ground that could birth a Black Lives Matter (BLM movement), but its choice of thinkers and Lebron’s interpretation fail to produce a radical enough historiography to help readers fully engage with the emergence of the BLM movement. In response to Lebron’s text, I take up three central concerns: (1) the audience for the book, (2) which/who’s BLM movement?, and (3) the historical antecedents to BLM. The thinkers and concepts in the volume provide insight into the Black Freedom Struggle in general but do not elucidate the particular paths to or the contours of the BLM movement. The complex intersecting and interlocking agendas of BLM deserve a more radical undergirding to help readers understand the significance of the current movement relative to the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Higher education institutions in the United States and the United Kingdom increasingly require prospective students to disclose past criminal history on admissions applications. However, a social movement aimed at improving opportunities for people with criminal records may force higher education to reconsider this practice. This paper offers a descriptive comparative analysis of admissions policies for people with criminal records in the US and UK by exploring policy contexts, written policies and admissions data. For the first time, admissions data were collected from a sample of UK universities, finding that while thousands of applicants with criminal records apply to universities, only a small percentage are rejected solely on the basis of their convictions. In addition, variation in the tone and scope of policies appears to reflect the variation in national criminal records laws between the US and UK. These, and other findings, have implications for the continued use of these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes literary and theoretical approaches to teaching the Black Lives Matter Movement in a college class. By focusing on the prevalence of memoir as a way of capturing responses to racial violence, surveillance, and police brutality, this essay argues that narratives of vulnerability and radical declarations of Black lives mattering in the classroom provide a unique site of context for black liberation movements and other Black Lives Matter Syllabi. In addition, the essay attends to students' difficulties in a course dedicated to analyzing black dispossession and death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how regional policymakers in Southern California deployed a green growth strategy that cemented racial, environmental, and class precariousness into the region's ecological fabric. It uses participant observation and extant data to show how environmentalist statecraft provided ideological cover for a type of neo-Keynesian logistics growth regime that used infrastructure spending to stimulate the economy without addressing underlying issues of racial, economic, and environmental justice. Urban political ecology and racial capitalism are used as theoretical frameworks to stretch the boundaries of how sustainability is conceptualized and to challenge assumptions behind a green capitalism framework. Finally, the article examines how labor and environmental justice activists used what Sze et al. (2009, 836) called “cultural and ecological discourses” to challenge the green capitalist agenda by incorporating subaltern spatial imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HIV/AIDS activists in the 1980s made up a significant cohort of early computer network users, who used Bulletin Board Systems (BBS) to create and circulate health information amongst PWA (People living with AIDS) communities. This article explores how these early adopters extended access to new computer networks by printing online information in newsletters. Their work bridged the sharing of text files over BBS – a novel-networked practice – with more traditional activist media tools familiar to readers trained in civil rights, homophile and feminist organizing. The article focuses on the Philadelphia-based organization Critical Path, led by Kiyoshi Kuromiya, who applied systems theories drawn from Buckminster Fuller’s work to the problem of HIV/AIDS. Critical Path’s print newsletter drew on BBS to put information in the hands of a wide constituency of PWAs and their allies. They targeted, in particular, PWA communities excluded from access to medical research trials based on race, gender, drug use or carceral status, and did so through a multimedia practice that recognized how access to emerging computer networks was similarly stratified. Through analysing Critical Path’s digital-to-print practice, I argue that HIV/AIDS activists approached new online networks as a fundamental equity issue shaped by their broader understandings of the structural violence performed by exclusion from good, up-to-date information. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]