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The research examines political advertising on Facebook during the 2019 European and local election campaigns in Hungary. Previously, political advertising had been difficult to study due to a lack of publicly available data. However, since spring of 2019, information on political advertising on Facebook has been publicly accessible in European countries. The study collected all political ads during the two nationwide election campaigns in Hungary to map the political advertising sphere based on spending. The research tests theories regarding the political restructuring potential of social media, including the oppositional/democratizing role of social media, and the theses of normalization versus equalization. Additionally, the ad-specific thesis of 'stealth media' is tested, which argues that Facebook's ad platform can be employed to circumvent campaign-related regulations. Our findings suggest that the opposition remarkably dominates the political Facebook advertising sphere in the present illiberal context. Beyond this fact, the normalization theory seems to prevail, and there is no evidence that ads are used to increase the personalization of politics. In Hungary, Facebook's advertising platform is not a type of 'stealth media' as it is dominated by official political actors, but a few partisan media outlets were strongly involved in the advertising campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On Facebook, patterns of user engagement largely shape what types of political content citizens can see on the platform. Higher engagement leads to higher visibility. Therefore, one of the major goals of political actors' Facebook communication is to produce content with the potential to provoke user engagement, and thereby increase their own visibility. This study introduces the concept of self-centered social media communication style which focuses on "salient" and "owned" issues with populist and negative appeals and investigates how user engagement is related to its main elements. We also explore how users' receptivity to these content-related factors is shaped by country context. More specifically, we hypothesize that users are more likely to react, comment on and share posts focusing on salient topics or issues "owned" by parties rather than more permanent policy issues, and posts including populist appeals and negativity. Further, we test how these effects are moderated by geographical regions and the level of party system polarization. We manually coded 9,703 Facebook posts of 68 parties from 12 European countries in the context of the 2019 European elections. Our findings show that users are more likely to engage with immigration-related, domestic, populist and negative posts, but react less to posts dealing with environmental or economic issues. While issue ownership does not play a significant role for user engagement, country context plays a minor role. However, some populist appeals are more effective in more polarized countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the political topics that triggered user engagement on candidates' Facebook pages during the 2018 Hungarian general election campaign on a full dataset of politicians' communication by using automated content analysis approaches. We have limited knowledge on what topics spread well on Facebook. This study aims to fill this gap by investigating the engagement-triggering effects of prominent topics of the 2018 Hungarian election campaign. It hypothesizes that salient issues (immigration and corruption) and campaign-related posts will obtain more user reaction, while policy topics and mobilization-related content will be less engaging. The effects of issue ownership on user engagement are also tested. For this, the study draws upon an extensive dataset that includes all Facebook posts of each candidate (511 candidates 38030 posts) running for MP positions, posted between the official starting day of the campaign and Election Day. Topics are identified by dictionary-based and supervised learning methods that allow us to categorize a larger set of data than earlier works. The results show that corruption, development policy, and campaign are the most popular topics with users. The most interesting finding, however, is related to the reversed issue ownership effect on user engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the discursive opportunities for radical-right populist politics in Hungary and Romania. We argue that it is important to assess whether the discursive activities of radical-right media are reflected and included in the chains of discussion in the public sphere. The involvement and visibility of radical-right media in news coverage is considered a cue for their acceptance as legitimate actors in the wider media ecosystem, even when other media may not accept their interpretations. Our findings tell two different stories in the compared countries. In Hungary, we note that radical-right media are to a certain degree incorporated into the wider media networks, while in Romania, radical-right media are observed to be in isolated positions in both of the media networks we examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]