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AbstractMost research on planning systems in Europe focused on North and West Europe, with limited interest in Central Europe and even less attention to ‘post-socialist’ Europe. This study examines the recent reform of spatial planning in Ukraine by developing a new model of institutional change. Based on the empirical findings, supported by the results of an adapted ESPON-COMPASS questionnaire, we argue that Ukraine has undergone a fundamental transformation of the planning system. The research contributes to the theoretical debate on international comparative planning research by establishing a new approach to studying institutional change in planning systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores EU sectoral integration in the Eastern Neighbourhood. It shows that extant approaches to explaining EU meso-level engagement with third countries – differentiated integration and functional cooperation – fall short of capturing all dynamics at play. Drawing on the literature of 'Europeanisation,' it develops a novel conceptual framework for the study of EU sectoral integration entailing four avenues – rules, institutions, practices and knowledge – and two features – local ownership and cross-fertilisation. Through an in-depth empirical study of Frontex-Moldova relations, the article demonstrates that engagement in border management remains below the threshold of differentiated integration by precluding institutional inclusion but reaches beyond functional cooperation through combining integration concerning practices and knowledge. Furthermore, unlike differentiated integration, it allows for local ownership, and contrary to functional cooperation, it enables cross-fertilisation, even if these features are absent from the macro-level cooperation context. Thus, the article contributes to the refinement of the theoretical framework of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents and analyses the campaign behind the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) ‘No Profit on Pandemic’ which challenged patents for COVID-19 vaccines. Albeit unsuccessful, we argue that the campaign offers a unique opportunity to study the transnationalisation of European contention during the ‘emergency critical juncture’ of the pandemic. We situate the campaign within (1) the broader Europeanisation of health governance and (2) the wider ‘Access to Medicines’ movement to point to the political obstacles and discursive opportunities for anti-patent mobilisation over the period. We conclude that, despite the discursive opportunities offered, the campaign failed to break through the political push-back and the industry opposition. The article, thus, contributes to the literature on health activism, in general, and progressive social movements during the pandemic, in particular, and hopes to shed some light on the global politics of public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides insights from a 1-year-long collaboration of four cities, a university of applied sciences and the regional authorities of South-Holland (Netherlands) on how to increase awareness of European (funding, knowledge-sharing, influencing) opportunities for local and regional administrations. Increased Europeanisation can bring significant opportunities for cities and regions, while a lack of awareness amongst directors and decision-makers in local and regional authorities can hinder the ability of these organisations to capitalise on these European opportunities. On the basis of the community of practice a toolbox with 13 practical lessons was developed, and this article provides practical strategies for unlocking the European potential of cities and regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the strive for self-determination and European integration, Kosovo’s elites have been keen to suppress the Ottoman and Yugoslav heritages and memories in support of a Euro-Atlantic future. As Prishtina’s residents fight an ongoing ‘battle for public space,’ long-forgotten places that have fallen into oblivion become sites where alternative narratives can emerge, engaging various generations in contesting dominant historical narratives. This is the declared objective of the Urban Arts Biennale MANIFESTA which was hosted in Prishtina in the summer of 2022, bringing together international artists, academics and activists with the aim of reviving and claiming forgotten public spaces and investigating the narratives surrounding them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the European Union over the years has significantly advanced our understanding of the domestic impact of EU policies. However, notable blind spots persist regarding the broader impact of EU legislation on national policy portfolios and its interaction with domestic policy-making. To address this gap, we introduce a novel analytical concept that adopts a macro-perspective to scrutinise the impact of EU policy-making on national policy portfolios and their trajectories over time. We analyse EU-induced change dynamics through three dimensions of national policy portfolios: policy efforts, policy innovation, and policy design quality. Applying our framework to clean air policy across 13 EU countries over 38 years, we find ambiguous effects on national policy-making. Our findings reveal that while the EU’s role in clean air policy has expanded, it simultaneously has constrained innovative potentials within national portfolios and challenged design quality, substituting rather than complementing national policy efforts. We contribute to the state of the art by providing a novel conceptual framework on the macro dynamics of multi-level policy-making, offering theoretical arguments on the expected effects of EU influence, and presenting empirical evidence of these dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines how anti-coal groups – national and international environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) and influential think tanks – conduct a counter-hegemonic struggle to Europeanize the coal exit process in Turkey. By undertaking intellectual leadership in Turkey's growing authoritarian political-economic space, anti-coal groups proactively have shaped the discourse on the coal phase-out debates within civil society. To delegitimize the official hegemonic frame promoting coal for energy independence, supply security, and rapid economic development, they have appealed to the European Green Deal as a powerful discursive tool to create necessary consent for a coal exit in Turkey. Based on the Europeanization perspective complemented with the Gramscian insights that enabled the consideration of the power relations and vested interests within energy transition, the study reveals that the anti-coal groups have conducted a counter-hegemonic discursive struggle for the Europeanization of Turkey's policy of coal exit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past three decades, Local Action Groups (LAGs) have gained significant relevance as territorial development polities. Initially established in the 1990s under the LEADER programme, EU-funded LAGs were lauded for their ability to engage local stakeholders, promote proactivity, and build capacity for designing and implementing Local Development Strategies (LDS). With the introduction of the Community-Led Local Development (CLLD) policy initiative in the 2014–2020 Community Support Framework, the geographical scope of LAGs expanded beyond rural and coastal to include urban areas. However, there is a standing critique regarding the role and impact of LAGs in creating spatial-temporal fixes, addressing local issues through innovative governance arrangements, and facilitating multi-level interaction and territorial rescaling. This paper focuses on the Lisbon Metropolitan Area to critically examine these aspects amidst ongoing Europeanisation dynamics and a soft turn in planning theory and practices. Specifically, we scrutinize LAGs’ strategic territorial rationale, cultural adherence, institutionalization, and the intra – and inter-politics of their governance arrangements. The findings indicate limitations in governance rescaling due to the instrumentalization, over-centralization, and standardization of LAGs by external powers, which hinder their potential role and impact as territorial development polities and agents of state re-articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The road to Europeanization for the Greek state and society was a bumpy one: it carried people on the move to Western Europe and back, together with hopes, dreams, money and ideas. This article shows that Greece’s quest for development alla Europeana passed through the Gastarbeiter migration and return. It was manifested in outspoken and subtle ways of transformation in social attitudes connected with urbanism and consumerism. Transnationalism and social remittances are my two interpretative schemes to approach horizontal Europeanization, termed here Suitcase Europeanization, emphasizing migration’s role in the transfer of practices and ideas about Europe before the country’s official accession to the European Economic Community. The primary sources used are contemporaneous social scientists’ works, Greek and foreign. Both scholars and policymakers showed a keen interest in the region’s mutation from a predominantly rural area to a laboratory of change and urban transformation, envisioning European standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts over the independence of judiciary as one of the European Union's core democratic values is one indicator of democratic backsliding among its member states. Based on the Europeanization framework, we compare this conflict in German, Polish and Spanish print media and Twitter from 2019 to 2021. In the countries that are strongly affected by the value conflict, Poland and Spain, Europeanization is less evident. In contrast, the German discourse shows a high degree of Europeanization. We demonstrate that the print media is strongly elite-centric, while Twitter shows a higher actor visibility and inclusivity. However, we also identify important country differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Eastern enlargement in 2004, the EU has paid exceptional attention to strengthening civil society organizations (CSOs) in new member and candidate states, including Turkey. While the EU's contribution to Turkish CSO empowerment is ambivalent in general, women's organizations have benefitted from the opportunities connected to the accession process. However, since 2007, the AKP government has been hesitating to further the EU-membership project. Distancing at the state level has also resulted in the weakening impact of the EU on civil society. We argue that de-Europeanization can be observed in securing financial and technical assistance, weakening normative power of the EU, and changing perceptions towards internationalization and Europeanization. Moreover, distancing from international donors has resulted in changing nature of the relationship between CSOs and local donors, both state and private. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Europeanisation of national political parties is often considered a crucial element in the democratisation of the EU. Yet, party Europeanisation has remained limited. The traditional argument explaining this is that the low political relevance of European affairs creates limited incentives for party organisations to Europeanise. But what happens in a context where Europe ìs politically relevant? Denmark, with its high parliamentary and public scrutiny of European affairs, provides us with such a case, allowing a view through the looking glass on whether and how national political parties Europeanise in a Europeanisation-friendly context. This article finds that Danish parties Europeanise rather differently from what has previously been found elsewhere, focusing strongly on internal cohesion, to the detriment of transnational cooperation. As such, empirically scrutinising a long-standing theoretical argument, this article adds much-needed nuance to the debate on party Europeanisation, its causes and relevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction to the special issue on 'The Europeanisation of identities through everyday practices', we argue for a more thorough shift towards everyday practices, lifeworlds and leisure-time activities as important terrains for research into (ultimately also politically relevant) identifications among Europeans. Doing so entails the idea that the Europeanisation of identities might unfold in a more subliminal manner, and might hence be anchored less in policy changes and people's positionings towards political issues in a narrower sense. In contrast, mindsets, aspirations and frames of reference might undo a more unconscious transformation due to various activities in lifeworldly, cultural, leisure time-related, and even private spheres. Drawing on a multitude of fields (e.g. cultural heritage, university cooperation, everyday routines in the border region, arts, sports and gaming) as well as varying approaches and different methodologies, this Special Issue aims at demonstrating that ever more Europeanised identities might emerge from multiple sources and activities, which are not obviously tied to political agendas and frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the impact of European Union (EU) funds on corruption in the EU ex-communist countries by following a panel Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) approach. The panel includes 10 former EU communist countries, over 2007–2019. The key findings reveal that an improvement in the EU funds paid and their rate of absorption can reduce the level of corruption in the long-run in the recipient EU ex-communist countries. This is due to better monitoring of EU funds paid compared with national resources, and a more efficient and fairer channel of EU funds absorption. In parallel with the EU funds, corruption can be controlled in certain conditions by the degree of economic development, size of government, level of democratisation and religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses attitudes around the projection of the EU among Latin American elites, namely the determinants of support for a Free Trade Agreement between the two regions and the trustworthiness of the EU government. We take as data elite surveys conducted in 15 Latin American countries (2014–2019) and consider sociodemographics, ideology, support for democracy, views of foreign powers, exports to the EU, and electoral democracy. Results show that ideology and support for democracy are key determinants of support for an interregional FTA, and that the trustworthiness of governments in the US, China, and Spain covary with attitudes toward the EU. The latter (trust in the government in Spain) proves to be the main driver and, furthermore, its impact is conditional on the economic strength (observed as exports) of the EU: wherever the EU is not a strong economic actor in Latin America, trust in the Spanish government does nothing but improve the image of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which factors influence bilateral counterterrorism (CT) cooperation between EU Member States? Although scholars have studied European CT, the question still needs to be answered. This paper addresses the issue by introducing a new theoretical framework that combines CT and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) literature. As citizens' threat perception increases, governments are pressed to act. Overall, centrist cabinets tend to rely more on cooperation agreements; likewise, pushed by threat perception, left-wing executives also recourse to international cooperation. I tested this framework on a newly collected dataset, which comprehends bilateral CT agreements signed among EU Members from 2002 to 2017. As such, this paper fosters studies on EU CT, focusing on a less debated issue: bilateral cooperation between EU Member States. The results support the initial hypotheses, disclosing a robust influence of threat perception and cabinet ideology on the number of bilateral CT agreements signed. Furthermore, they show that the perception of the threat is more influential on cooperation than the actual impact of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a bottom-up perspective, cleavage theory links the socio-economic trends existing in the political community with the shape acquired by party politics. Globalization and European integration impacted European society, creating novel socio-economic divides and bringing new social, cultural and economic issues into the political discussion. The impact of the novel cleavage over the pre-existent societal socio-political fractures acquires a central role in the study of European Union politicization. Deploying critical discourse analysis (CDA) and discourse-historical approach (DHA), this study aims to comprehend how the emergence of a novel cleavage has influenced the discourse of the mainstream European parties. The manifestos of the European Christian democratic, socialist and liberal parties from the last three European Parliament elections are analyzed to assess the contemporary relevance of the left-right political competition in a scenario characterized by the salience gained by transnational issues and the electoral success of populist elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The agreements on Next Generation EU (NGEU) and the Multiannual Financial Framework 2021–2027 (MFF 2021–2027) are extraordinary milestones for the EU integration process. Not only do both regulations have important redistributive effects within a defined timeframe, but both regulations shape the hierarchy of objectives and instruments of EU budgetary policies. This is particularly true for cohesion policy, which has been characterised as the model of EU multilevel governance (MLG). Drawing on historical institutionalism and Peter Hall's classification of policy change, this text examines the dynamics of change in MLG. In particular, this research looks at the timing and scope of changes in EU cohesion policy since the 1980s. We ask whether or not the adoption of NGEU and the MFF 2021–2027 is likely to represent a critical juncture for the MLG and to what extent both regulations modify objectives and instruments of cohesion policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Euroscepticism tends to portray parties opposing European integration or criticising the European Union (EU) as a family of Eurosceptic parties (either hard or soft). Recent literature, however, offers empirical evidence on the ambivalence and diversity of the EU critique. What is still unclear are the reasons behind the chameleonic nature of Euroscepticism and the implications that this may have for the EU critique and the changes proposed about EU policy or institutions. The present article addresses this question exploring the role of EU crises to capture the changing nature of Euroscepticism and suggests that it is related to contextual pressures on the political debate around the EU. The paper develops this argument and illustrates it through the analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, covering the EU crises of the last decade, including the recent period of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine invasion. Drawing on a corpus of party manifestos and speeches between 2013 and 2022, this study shows that there are three main frames used by the party to criticise the EU. It also concludes that these frames involve distinct political implications for the EU critique and the alternative proposals presented by the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), despite being regarded as the most developed integration project in the post-Soviet area, has faced different hurdles in acquiring international recognition. Especially, the EU, the EAEU's Significant Other, has been reluctant to formally recognize it, in spite of close ties with EAEU member states as well as of its own self-image as a supporter of regional integrations. This paper focuses on this puzzle and examines how the EU has been discursively explaining its non-recognition of the EAEU at the institutional level. Based on the analysis of EU-articulated narratives since 2010, the paper reveals three dominant representations of the EAEU in the EU discourse: (1) Russia's geopolitical project; (2) a protectionist union; and (3) a dysfunctional union. These narratives have been used by Brussels to create the EAEU's image as a threatening Other, thus justifying why the EU cannot formally recognize the EAEU and officially engage with it. The paper also identifies five different stages of the EU's discursive representation of the EAEU since 2010, when its tone and content varied. The paper concludes that such non-recognition from the Significant Other still limits the EAEU's international agency despite its increasing interest in cooperation with non-Western actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has developed cultural policy initiatives that seek to promote cultural Europeanization with the purpose of constructing European identity narratives and facilitating citizens' sense of belonging to Europe and the EU. The article focuses on the citizens' perspective to cultural Europeanization through ethnographic research on one central action in the EU cultural policy, European Heritage Label (EHL). We analyse the interviews conducted in selected EHL sites with Central and East European (CEE) citizens who were visiting the sites as well as with cultural heritage practitioners working at three EHL sites located in CEE countries. We ask how the practitioners and the visitors engage with European identity narratives and elaborate their European belonging. We especially scrutinize how everyday encounters and experiences, such as mobility, shape identifications with 'Europe' and perceptions of what is 'European'. The interviews are interpreted in the theoretical framework of 'being' and 'becoming' European. This framework indicates a centuries-long liminal position of the Central and Eastern Europe. It enables us to scrutinize CEE citizens' sense of belonging to Europe in an intersection of dual Europeanization, i.e. cultural Europeanization and 'Europeanization' of the CEE countries to overcome this liminal position and become 'true' Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How has the Europeanisation of football at the level of governance (due to for example the effects of the Bosman ruling and the formation of the UEFA Champions League) – influenced the identities of football fans? This paper explores how such structural Europeanisation in football is influencing identifications among fans. Based on an analysis of articulations in selected online message boards, we distil the positioning of fans towards 'Europe' in football, and the factors which shape it. We control for three main avenues of impact: the club level, the league level, and the societal context. Our inquiry is based on a set of paired comparisons of fan scenes for football clubs in four different European countries. Results show that the factor carrying the most explanatory power is the club's participation in European-level competition. Although this broadly confirms a 'contact hypothesis' – according to which the more fans are exposed to cross-border contacts, the less relevance they attribute to aspects of national belonging – significant variations of how frequent exposure to European-level competition translates into more Europeanised perceptions do exist. For European identity studies, the work corroborates that a lifeworld arena such as football can foster Europeanised identifications, albeit not in a uniform manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I discuss Lithuanian LGBQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual and queer) people's views on belonging to the West/EUrope. I will argue that the research participants' age group, location of residence, their (not)involvement with LGBTQ+ leisure culture and/or their migrant status made a significant impact towards forming their subjective sense of (not) belonging to the West, when they discussed their personal experiences of spending time abroad. When belonging to the West/EUrope was discussed against the backdrop of national belonging, the research participants syncretised the elements of the dominant nationalistic narrative, and the Rainbow Europe narrative in order to homosexualise the national canon and to construct an accommodating version of Lithuania as the Rainbow Nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-border regions are often deemed laboratories for initiatives to increase Europeanization. Our paper examines the German-speaking Community of Belgium in the Euregio Maas-Rhine to assess the relevance of everyday cross-border activities to the perception that living in a border region presents a unique opportunity to feel and think as a European. Departing from the assumptions of both Deutsch's transaction theory and Allport's contact hypothesis, we analyze Eurobarometer data (population-level surveys) and use data from focus groups with regional MPs. Results from quantitative data analysis suggest that perceptions of life in cross-border regions are positively influenced by frequent cross-border movement (functional dimension) as well as general trust in other people (emotional dimension). Our qualitative data from focus groups support the findings from the quantitative analysis and demonstrate further that it is not merely the quantity but the quality of contacts that contribute to a gradual 'growing together'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Turkey Statement and Action Plan concerning the concept of hegemony, Europeanization, and migration diplomacy. In contrast to the mainstream literature, which exclusively concentrates on the idea of the Europeanization process and balance politics in its analysis of the deal, this study explains the deal with the perspective of hegemony and hegemonic stability theory, along with mentioning discourses of Turkey and EU officials. In other words, the Europeanization process with the migration crisis in 2016 led to—especially economic—hegemony, which resulted by consent, not coercion, in the relationship between Turkey and the EU. Based on the deal, externalization, trade relations and rhetoric of Turkey and the EU, the article concludes that the migration crisis established a based hegemony between Turkey and the EU on the subject of the migration crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses commuting by elderly Ukrainian passengers on tramways and trolleybuses as a symbiosis between human bodies and public electric vehicles. First, aging is presented as an important part of the socio-material order of Ukrainian cities. Then, using ethnographic methods, the research traces how elderly, mostly female, bodies and aging vehicles are singled out as a symbiotic assemblage formed under rigid social assistance policies. Mutual dependencies between bodies and vehicles help them both remain in the city. In the discussion, this symbiotic assemblage is connected to the larger policy and political context of Ukraine in terms of Europeanization. Using assemblage thinking and the notion of symbiosis allows us to see elderly commuters on Ukrainian tram and trolleybuses not as mere end-users of the city but as co-creators of urban space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the processes and consequences of markets reaching deeper into social reproduction? How do these developments, in the context of Europeanisation underpinned by neoliberalisation and transnationalisation, compel labour mobility? To consider these questions we apply social reproduction theory and the framework of uneven and combined accumulation of capital in Europe to the analysis of the UK, Poland and Ukraine and their food production, housing construction and care provision sectors. We explore how transformations, in these three countries interconnected by labour mobilities and in these three domains key to social reproduction, not only affect the industries that supply food, housing and care, but, crucially, redraw the contours of social reproduction. Theorising social reproduction as a continuum of market, state and household provisioning, we outline its transformation within the specific constellation of Europeanisation and delineate how mobility is both propelled by and advances market-reach into food, housing and care. We argue that market-driven transnational social reproduction is constituted by contradictions stemming from the deepening subordination of reproductive labour to the law of value, progressively depriving households of the promise of prosperity - a complex process that is made visible by our feminist critique of political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Movements on the Right and Left have long contested EU politics and policy choices. By analysing public opinion data and the positions of right- and left-wing movements, the article highlights increasing criticism of European integration on the Right, and a persistent critical vision on the Left which challenges the content of EU policies rather than the existence of a European polity. Far-Right movements have moved from Euroscepticism to radical EU-refusal, while the Left has remained anchored in critical Europeanism. We present how these debates are linked with public opinion before looking in some depth at frames in Left and far-Right social movements. We then reflect on how these frames have targeted or reconfigured the meanings attributed to EU responsibility. While addressing how social movements voice and bring citizens' opinions into the policy-making process (responsiveness), our research illustrates the contested nature and construction of the idea of 'responsible government'. We find a clear line of demarcation between the Left and the Right concerning the legitimate territorial scale of the EU's responsibility: while the Left calls for responsibility to expand beyond the continent to the global scale, the Right criticises the intrusion of the EU into national policy making as illegitimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on international business presents 'liability of foreignness' as a key factor in a Multinational Enterprise's (MNE's) operations, but it has not addressed 'foreignness' as a complex and dynamic phenomenon. Adopting an identity work perspective, this article examines 'foreignness' as social construct, studying how a Chinese MNE manoeuvres the local economic and political contexts. We also shift the focus from 'liability of foreignness' to 'liability of origin', as elements associated with the home country can also implicate liability. We discuss the market entry of a private Chinese manufacturing company in Hungary and the Netherlands as a proxy for Europeanization, analysing regional and local strategies pursued by the company in organizing its business and representing its corporate identity when dealing with divergent European contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academic scrutiny of the EU’s engagement in contested states focuses predominantly on purposeful aims disregarding collateral outcomes that still occur despite the EU’s desire or willingness to pursue them. Aimed at unfolding a whole new layer of latent dependencies, this research draws on the concept of unintended consequences in order to address the ‘what’, ‘why’ and ‘how’ of such outcomes on the EU’s external action in contested states. In particular, taking stock of the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ contested statehood, this article exhibits unintended and/or unexpected outcomes with significant reverberations on the EU’s broader engagement in Cyprus. Largely, it is argued that the EU membership of the RoC institutionalized asymmetry of power, thus reinforcing partition. In turn, that nurtured a grim consequence for the EU and its aspiration to utilize EU prospect as a catalyst for reunification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pressures to comply with EU rules have allegedly eroded opportunities for national governments to adopt policies that they support. Conversely, research into differentiated implementation underlines that governments use their discretion to tailor supranational policies to national contexts. This study addresses these competing arguments using unique data on the implementation of EU migration issues. On the one hand, compliance with EU rules is expected to compel governments to transpose liberal migration policies, even when they favour restrictive measures. However, increased politicisation and differentiated integration are likely to increase governments' autonomy to pursue restrictive policy preferences during transposition. The findings suggest that the constraining effect of EU policies is conditional on the importance that governments place on immigration issues and differentiated participation in the EU. Thus, it is important to consider both domestic and supranational conditions to understand fully the impact of external constraints on government policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue analyses the patterns, causes and consequences of Differentiated Policy Implementation (DPI) in the European Union (EU). DPI is an umbrella term for the diversity in the presence and use of discretion during legal and practical policy implementation processes and outcomes in the EU. The emergent DPI research agenda emphasises differentiation in EU policy implementation beyond mere legal compliance, which is more widespread, and its role in the broader political and policy processes of EU multilevel governance. The contributions highlight anticipated implementation as one dimension of DPI, as well as legal and practical implementation. DPI serves as an alternative to differentiated integration (DI), accommodating heterogeneous national preferences, capacities and conditions, and feeding back into EU policy-making. The impact of DPI on the EU's output legitimacy and effectiveness depends on scope conditions that require more scholarly attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the meaning of the Western Balkans concept in the European Union (EU) political discourse through the prism of the constructivist approach of International Relations (IR). This term was conceived and institutionalized to designate more precisely the countries included in the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP). This article shows that the Western Balkans concept, as a political and social construct, is used strategically by the EU and leads to exclusion rather than inclusion. The countries that are or that become EU member states are no longer qualified as Balkan but as European, while those left outside the gates are categorized as Western Balkans, which are often associated with the pejorative concept of balkanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional cooperation has become paramount in the modern interdependent and globalized world, especially for smaller states. Facing the EU enlargement fatigue, several local initiatives have been launched to bridge the wide gap between the realities and the expectations for the European future of the Western Balkans. In 2019, three Western Balkans countries – Albania, North Macedonia, and Serbia launched an indigenous regional cooperation project – the Open Balkan initiative (OBI), to expand and expedite regional cooperation in several areas. This study analyzes the main themes and actors embedded in the official declarations of the initiative and assesses their conformity and interrelatedness with the processes of regional European integration. The findings show that the OBI represents a partial upgrade of existing regional initiatives, whose contents mostly emulate the activities of EU-led projects and where economic dimensions dominate. As such, it largely conforms to the goals and objectives of regional European integration. Nevertheless, the OBI does not represent anything revolutionary or at least fundamentally new regarding its ideas, proclaimed goals, and actors involved. Even if wholly implemented, its effects will only be marginal, given that it presently encompasses only three Western Balkans countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores Jewish-Israeli cultures through the innovative prism of creolization, defined here as the contingent and dynamic process of transculturation between European Jews, Middle Eastern Jews and Palestinian Arabs. Similar to the history of ethnogenesis in the Caribbean, Israeli society emerged from a process of colonization and immigration in a setting of geographic isolation, resulting in a contested process of ethnicization and indigenization. Based on case studies of Jewish-Israeli cultures (including food, language, and religious practices), the article argues for a periodization of Jewish-Israeli creolization. After a long period of intense interaction and creolization between Ashkenazi settler-immigrants and native Palestinian Arabs under Ottoman and British rule, Israel's state-founding elites aimed at top-down Europeanization and decreolization after 1948. Since the rise of country's right in the 1970s, Israeli society has been undergoing a process of renewed creolization between Ashkenazi Israeli and Mizrahi Israeli elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Parliament (EP) has seen a gradual increase in its powers since the introduction of direct elections in 1979. Scholars have focused on both individual-level and aggregate factors to explain turnout rates in EP elections over time, including increased levels of EU politicization and the rise in support for Eurosceptic parties. However, one strand of analysis seems to partially have been overlooked: Some earlier research on EP election turnout claimed that absolute turnout rates across the EU should be used with care, as a number of 'structural factors' influences these shares and with this, affects estimates of actual voter turnout. Are such structural variables still relevant in a time where European politics are becoming increasingly salient among the wider public, pro- and anti-EU sentiments may increase citizens' inclination to vote and trust in EU institutions may be getting increasingly important? Based on various estimates, we find that structural factors can still be characterized as determinants in EP elections, but that the power of structural factors to explain turnout at the EU level, compared to non-structural factors, has decreased. Nonetheless, EU-wide (average) EP turnout rates, as widely reported, are not likely to be good reflections of actual trends in EP turnout over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Have attitudes towards welfare deservingness changed over time across the EU? This article investigates aggregate and individual-level preferences towards welfare exclusionary policies, by evaluating antecedents of welfare deservingness in different contexts: in 1992, before the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, and in 2016, in the aftermath of the great recession, of the Eurozone and Schengen crises, and the Brexit referendum. Based on Eurobarometer and the 'Reconciling Economic and Social Europe' (REScEU) survey data collected in five EU countries, the article shows that unconditional transnational solidarity was weaker in 2016 compared to 1992. Contrary to expectations, cross-border welfare rights were already politicised in most countries prior to the Maastricht Treaty. Findings suggest that EU identity could have become the main criterion to define who deserves to have access to social security benefits, and in this sense, it is proposed that deservingness may have become 'Europeanised'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The security of Europe’s gas supply has been the subject of much debate. The focus, however, is often on technical or economical considerations. This article is the first to provide a comprehensive overview and analysis of legislative aspects of the security of gas supply to Europe. It uses the three core components of energy security – availability, reliability and affordability – as a tool to shed light on the historical development of gas security legislation in Europe. Starting with the late 1960s, the article distinguishes three broad phases of legislative activities over the last several decades, namely an early phase, a consolidation phase and a third phase of increasing Europeanisation and oversight. The article concludes with some recommendations, amongst them an increased focus of future legislative activities in the field on affordability of the gas supply for all European consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explores the divergence in data protection enforcement strategies among national agencies. Whereas the literature on cross-national enforcement practices is scarce, this study develops a scale for data protection enforcement strategies and measures and compares enforcement choices across agencies. Based on survey responses from 18 DPAs, interviews with DPA employees, and secondary sources on GPDR enforcement, the paper clusters DPAs based on enforcement strategies, analyzes cross-national variations, and investigates misalignments between strategy and actions. Using Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, the paper tests how bureaucratic and political contexts – organizational capacities, budget sources, and issue saliency – impact enforcement choices. Almost half of the studied DPAs reflect high deterrence by their strategy, but for many of them, lack of resources and expertise inhibits the translation of strategy into practice. This study provides a starting point for understanding the national impacts of Europeanization post-GDPR, adding empirical support for theorizing about enforcement across the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Cyprus is a small EU member state, whose domestic structures replicate a durable tradition of centralisation, limiting the overall role of local government. This work employs the vertical research dimension of top-down Europeanisation to investigate the influence of European Integration vis-à-vis the promotion of gender equality at the municipal level. It adopts a local government comparative viewpoint to analyse the adoption of the European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life by the Cypriot Municipalities (2011–present). This work utilises specific analytical frameworks (Europeanisation and Historical Institutionalism) to provide a theoretically and empirically informed analysis based on empirical data resulting from three field studies (2013, 2019 and 2021) and respective electoral data. Our research results suggest that the effects of Europeanisation, in terms of promoting gender equality, have been limited due to long-lasting formal and informal institutional restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant response to the urban experience of Istanbul in the early decades of Republican Turkish literature (1923–1950s), is the expression of pride for the past. Pride, during this era of change, indicated an individual's coming to terms with the loss of the empire and its prosperous days. As the profile of Istanbul changed with the demolition of old buildings and Europeanization, prominent flâneur figures, who were intellectuals familiar with European culture, appeared in canonical Turkish writing. Contemporary criticism interpreted their search for an idealized past in the city as an attempt to assert an original voice. This article examines a different flâneur; one with distinctive affective responses that are not pride. Reading a late-Ottoman panhandler as flâneur figure in Reşat Nuri Güntekin's Miskinler Tekkesi (1946) shows how the character undermines pride by emphasizing his inability to acknowledge the loss of the empire, manifested in the feature of hüzün. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to study the evolution of Britain's involvement in the EU's foreign and security policy in order to highlight the reasons that led the issue to be left out of talks on the post-Brexit future relation. The paper argues Europeanisation or de-Europeanisation largely depends on the degree of politicisation of issues both in the EU, the EU-27 and in the UK. As long as foreign and security issues remained relatively low key, the UK was able to enjoy the magnifying effect of its participation in the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and contributed to the decision-making process in order to successfully influence EU policies. Politicisation of foreign and security issues was due both to developments in EU-led or national initiatives and to the reaction they provoked in the UK. The EU insisted the UK was to be considered as a 'third country' and stressed the need for future cooperation to be institutionalised. On the contrary, in the UK, public distrust against a putative European 'super state', led successive governments to avoid any formal commitment to new EU initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey has been on the path of EU membership since the 2000s, and the democratization process was well underway during the initial years of its candidacy. However, this trend was reversed substantially, with Turkey growing increasingly authoritarian during the 2010s. This substantial democratic backsliding has led to increasing authoritarian cooperation with the authoritarian powers on the rise, one of which is China, whose increasing engagement and cooperation with Turkey marked an alternative gravity centre for Turkey to be pulled by. This article argues that Turkey, in line with the worsening domestic authoritarianism, has been engaging with the authoritarian powers for survival rather than engaging with the EU, which provided legitimacy to the rule of the AKP during the initial years of its rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine has exposed a rift between Serbia and the Brussels administration. Serbia has been accused of aligning itself with Russia as opposed to the strictly pro-Ukrainian EU. While Serbian foreign policy can be argued to be primarily influenced by Belgrade's pan-Slavic relationship with Moscow, or authoritarian solidarity due to Serbia's own semi-authoritarian character, this study argues that Serbia's foreign policy reflects the current setting and the opportunities created by the major power rivalry. We reflect on the inefficiency of the EU norm and value promotion, and the rising influence of Russia and China in the Western Balkan region, which has been undermining the EU's push for democratization and Europeanization. We argue that the Serbian foreign policy aims to maintain the domestic regime's power and maximize benefits by exploiting the escalating rivalry between the two blocs rather than to pose a direct normative challenge to the established EU standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connected by a shared endeavour to enhance understanding of the forces that shape contestation toward the EU in its peripheries and unprohibited in approach, this special section explores the concepts of contestation and periphery. Using various methodological approaches, the section showcases a series of overlapping and cross-cutting themes which contextually strengthen the phenomenon and experiences of contestation in peripheral states. In aggregating these themes, the authors attribute contestation to the growing 'absence' of the EU's normative interest in peripheral states and the growing transactional/functional features that define peripheral state relationships with the EU. The authors draw attention to the opportunities for regional rivals, such as Russia and China to capitalize on the absence of the EU's transformative power in peripheral states, the role of domestic forces in utilizing contestation as a means to preserve regime type and satisfy sovereignty concerns, and the incidences of peripheral states in shaping/reshaping their foreign policy positions in response to the Russia-Ukraine war. Taken together, our special section shows that contestation in Europe's periphery is less an overt normative resistance against the EU and more an absence of EU normative efforts in peripheral states and the increasingly functional features which define peripheral states' relationships with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europeanisation situates local governments in a constantly changing environment, bringing challenges, opportunities, and constraints. These circumstances raise the question, how local authorities adapt to the process of European integration, face its challenges, and use its diverse opportunity structures. The article explores four dimensions, through which Europeanisation hits the ground of local government: downloading, uploading, dissemination, and horizontal networking. It examines the distribution of different types of Europe-related activities at the local level using data from a survey sent to all 396 independent cities, towns, and municipalities in the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Our empirical analysis provides an overview of the most and least frequent Europe-related activities within the different types of local authorities. The findings of our multivariate analysis shows that next to the direct affectedness by Europeanisation, the municipalities' capacities in terms of financial and institutional resources have a major influence on their efforts towards Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to explain the changing dynamics of property restitution to historical Hungarian churches in Romania. While in the early 2000s most claims by these churches were approved, after 2010 most of their petitions were denied when the courts started questioning these churches' historical property rights. It is argued here that this jurisprudential shift can be explained by the changing political environment after Romania's EU accession, when the courts deferred to the prevailing social consensus, reflecting the unpopularity of restitution to minority churches amongst the Romanian public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition policy has been at the core of the European integration project from its very inception. The United Kingdom (UK) played a truly pivotal role in the development of European Union (EU) competition policy with the policy long presenting one of the best illustrations of Europeanisation. The public vote for Brexit in 2016 pushed the reset button for the UK's engagement with the EU and saw successive UK governments all pursuing a de-Europeanisation trajectory as part of their objective of 'taking back control'. State aid emerged as a contentious issue during the Brexit negotiations. The UK government hailed its new Subsidy Control Act (2023) as a clear departure from the EU state aid regime, but is this a case of de-Europeanisation or partial de-Europeanisation? This article argues that the UK has still not entirely broken free from EU's state aid regime and finds itself in a state of orbiting Europeanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the relationship of planning systems and related processes of institutional change. It evaluates the persistence and change of the German planning system with a focus on recent impacts of Europeanisation. It shows that the ability to transform institutional patterns of spatial planning in Germany is rather limited. The German planning system has not undergone revolutionary shifts during the last five decades, but it is 'by-passed' by a new and mostly informal planning sphere recently. The latter is triggered by financial incentives bound to European structural funds and characterized by a strong focus on experimental spatial development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the temporalities of EU investments into Southeast European (SEE) roads. Road construction and maintenance and related institutional frameworks, regulation, and project planning signify different modes of infrastructural time. Roads carry narratives of development and progress, but they also confront visions of desired futures with ruins of forgotten pasts. Promises of infrastructural potential intersect with project cycles, financial flows, and construction timelines, and work delays and material malfunctions. As such, infrastructures are a productive entry point to understanding how Europeanisation works through different temporalizing practices and techniques. The paper maps complex temporalities and temporal politics that shape infrastructural development and showcases how Europeanisation works also outside of promises of linear progress to EU membership on the one hand and corresponding classifications of absent futures on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]