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Examines the dynamic at work in public opinion on environmental issues in Australia. Shifts in patterns of concern accompanying changes in forms of public expression; Diffusion of concerns; Basic conception and dimensions of routinization of environmental concerns; Environmentalism in the country.

Changing configurations of national elites are shaping the prospects for democracy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. There are three broad possibilities: (1) increasingly unchecked and violent power struggles between elites, with regimes oscillating between democratic and authoritarian forms; (2) restrained elite competitions in accordance with democratic game rules and tacit accommodations, with regimes gradually becoming stable democracies; (3) takeovers by ultra-nationalist elites through coups or plebiscitary victories, with regimes becoming state-corporatist in form and quasi-fascist in operation. Crucial questions are the extent and nature of elite unity and differentiation. This article identifies elite configurations and the most likely regime outcomes in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, and Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from the 1990 and 1993 Australian Electoral Studies are used to investigate whether public concern about the environment has declined in Australia over recent years. Questions of the ranking and structure of environmental concerns and of levels of support for environmental organisations are addressed. The data show that public concern about the environment remains high on an 'agenda of long-term issues', that environmental concerns form two distinct clusters (termed 'brown' and 'green') and that active support for environmental organisations correlates only with the green cluster. It is argued that these findings give no more than partial support to the 'organisational', 'postmaterialist' and 'risk society' perspectives on environmental issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The external and internal causes, elite-mass dynamics, and elite-level changes that appear, respectively, to have preceded, accompanied, and followed the revolutionary upheavals in Eastern Europe between 1989-1991 are examined comparatively. Particular attention is paid to the possible emergence of national elites that share a consensus on rules of the game and that are unified in defence of democratic institutions. Prospects for such elites are judged to be best in Poland and Hungary. less good in Czechoslovakia, poor in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania, and virtually nonexistent in the Yugoslav republics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An unexpectedly swift collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe amidst flares of mass dissent raises doubts about the accuracy of explanations of the persistence of these regimes in terms of 'legitimacy' and their fall in terms of 'legitimacy crisis'. Such explanations are criticised and rejected as theoretically inadequate and lacking empirical support. It is argued that East European regimes had never developed mass legitimacy, and that even before the current upheavals they showed clear symptoms of non-legitimate domination. In order to suggest an alternative interpretation of their persistence and fall, the paper clarifies the meaning of the term 'legitimacy', suggests reasons for the popularity of 'legitimacy interpretations', and critically assesses the empirical evidence for the alleged legitimacy and 'legitimacy crises'. The concluding section outlines the bases of (non-legitimate) communist domination and looks at the problems of (re-)establishing legitimate authority by the post-communist East European regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that the development of citizenship rights in advanced societies has been cumulative but uneven. The extension of social/welfare rights has been arrested. Propelled by the claims formulated by some activists of new social movements, citizenship rights are currently expanding towards a new domain of cultural rights that involve the right to symbolic presence, dignifying representation, propagation of identity and maintenance of lifestyles. This reflects the crisis of welfarism, the 'shrinking of the state', and the expansion of the public spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]