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This article sheds light on the role of Āstān-e Quds-e Razavī, the Iranian foundation that manages the Imam Reza shrine, in furthering Iran's soft power. Despite the growing body of work on Iranian soft power, the role of Āstān-e Quds has not yet been adequately addressed in the literature. The article is underpinned by three theoretical observations; namely, the key elements of soft power, the soft-hard power nexus, and religious soft power. Based on these theoretical observations, the article analyzes Āstān-e Quds' contribution to Tehran's soft power influence, focusing on its activities in the three arenas of education and social services, religion, and political values. The analysis reveals that in the first two areas, Āstān-e Quds engages in various activities to increase the attractiveness of Iran and to create a positive image of the country. In the area of political values, however, Āstān-e Quds' activities at times juxtapose hard and soft power tools through establishing or strengthening connections with members of groups such as Hezbollah and Ansar Allah (known in the West as Houthis). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By developing its first Feminist International Assistance policy, Canada has positioned itself as an international feminist and diverse SOGIESC rights leader. However, the scarcity of references to sexual orientations, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) has raised questions on how these concepts were included in such a policy. This case study’s objective is to better understand how Canadian policies play a role in including and normalizing diverse SOGIESC at the global level. We used documentary research, observations, and interviews to respond to that question. An abductive analysis was conducted, integrating a socio-ecological approach with emerging themes from the data. All socio-ecological levels were mobilized by Canadian actions toward SOGIESC normalization. Public policies were informed by a human rights-based approach and inclusive language. Canadian norms toward SOGIESC rights were conveyed within international communities by building bridges, positioning Canada as a political broker, while organizational resources remained limited. Individuals and their interpersonal skills were central in creating allyship through firsthand experiences. The importance of transpartisanship and stronger coordination of soft power emerged as new and practical strategies responding to inclusion and normalization challenges. These strategies could represent important interactive spaces and leaders, in a context of rising conservative right-wing coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how diverse public authorities in Japan have committed to digital cultural policiesover the past two decades in response to the emergence of the creative economy, lockdown during the pandemic and political demands for Japan’s soft power. Drawing on the comprehensive review of policy documents and relevant media coverage with supplementary interviews with civil servants, this paper investigates cultural policies related to the digital archiving of culture and promotion of digitalised content, including funding for online streaming, digitalising museum and heritage collections, and amendments of copyright laws. It contributes to the scholarly discourse of digital cultural policy by (1) offering the first comprehensive review of digital cultural policy in Japan, (2) examining how these digital policies are shaped by institutional and historical contexts, and (3) discussing the barriers, inefficiencies, and challenges associated with these policies. By providing the first comprehensive overview of Japan’s digital cultural policy, this paper aims to advance the internationalisation and de-westernisation of the field, serving as a foundation for future scholarly dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances theoretical insights into the application of the concept of soft power within translation studies, addressing the gaps left by contemporary research on cultural diplomacy, translation, and politics. It focuses on translation as a soft-power resource and offers a critical reflection on the possibilities, utility, and challenges of this interdisciplinary approach. The first section reviews how the literature on translation and power has contributed to shaping theoretical insights in the past. The second section deepens the discussion by exploring the gaps in this state of the art – specifically, the relational nature of translation and its role in shaping collectivities, considering the interactions between state and non-state actors. We propose broadening the analysis of soft-power strategies to critically assess their effectiveness and the complex notions of success and failure often associated with them. The third section highlights promising research avenues and examines crossovers between the ten papers in this special issue. Finally, the fourth section summarizes these articles, organizing them into three thematic threads: (1) translation, soft power, and cultural diplomacy; (2) translation, soft power, and modes of consecration in the literary field; and (3) translation, soft power, and non-literary genres, and translation, soft power, and periodicals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the intersection of sociology of translation, cultural transfer studies and Cold War studies, this paper explores the role of the Hungarian Péter Kuczka in the translation of Angloamerican science fiction in Hungar between 1965 and 1989. It sheds light into the agency of Péter Kuczka, an excellent cultural mediator who applying his cultural capital, privileged position within the literary-cultural field and wide-ranging network, established and managed the genre until the collapse of the Communist rule in Hungary. His pursuits were conducive to the expansion of Anglophone soft power in an environment set against Western cultural imperialism. Both translation and entertainment were major 'weapons' used in the Cold War, consequently their study contributes to a better understanding of the interactions between actors of the two blocs. After providing the historical-cultural context, this paper presents the reach and influence of translated popular fiction in the period, followed by the position of science fiction and Kuczka's life before 1965. Next, Kuczka's multiple and overlapping roles in introducing and mediating Anglophone science fiction are analysed with particular attention to institutionalisation. The paper then concludes that Kuczka contributed to the diversification of ideology, not just the genre makeup of Hungarian literary repertoire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Cold War book programs and book diplomacy as forms of cultural diplomacy offers fertile ground for examining translation's role during the Cold War. This article focuses on the Franklin Book Programs (1952–1978), a state-sponsored initiative that employed soft power to promote American ideals and values globally through translated books, while also supporting the growth of indigenous publishing in developing countries. As a global Cold War initiative, Franklin illuminates how soft power was conceptualized, operationalized, and implemented in cultural diplomacy through translation. This article examines Franklin's operations in its key field offices in Egypt and Iran, examining its enduring yet endangered legacy. Despite challenges in assessing the effects of translation-focused cultural diplomacy, this article draws on interviews with former Franklin staff, fieldwork, archival sources, observations, and other materials to investigate the reasons behind Franklin's lasting yet precarious legacy. By juxtaposing Franklin's well-preserved legacy in Tehran with its fragmented yet resilient legacy in Cairo, the analysis reveals the complex and often contradictory dynamics of soft power and translation as they unfolded within the Cold War's contest battle for cultural dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines nine years of Pathlight: New Chinese Writing (2011–2018), the English edition of the Chinese literary magazine, People's Literature, as one of the recent instruments developed by the Chinese government to build soft power and tell the world the Chinese story. It focuses on the narratives being selected, translated, and exported into English-speaking countries via Pathlight, compares this effort at cultural diplomacy to earlier such projects in China, and sets Pathlight into President Xi's ideological focus of 'the Chinese Dream.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the function of translation support policies as instruments of soft power for Spanish-speaking Latin American countries, focusing on the translation programs of Argentina, Colombia, Chile, and Uruguay. It addresses the challenges these countries face within the global translation system, characterized by linguistic hierarchies and geopolitical constraints. Through a sociological lens, the study provides a comparative analysis of the institutional structures, objectives, operational dynamics, and the volumes and destinations of the subsidies distributed by these programs, highlighting their impact on the international visibility of national literature. Additionally, by examining the editorial profiles and translation subsidies awarded to three independent publishers, this research posits a number of hypotheses regarding the relationship between translation programs and the modalities of circulation for non-central languages and countries within various linguistic markets. Consequently, this study lays a foundation for further comparative research on the translation policies of peripheral countries and their role in enhancing cultural diplomacy across different languages and regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on national institutes' translation policies and draws on works that have recast the notion of soft power for the study of cultural production. Our goal is to analyze how Argentine literature circulates abroad, specifically through translations into hypercentral English, with subsidies from the Programa Sur de Traducciones (South Translation Program, or PROSUR). We trace the history of PROSUR – run by the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade, and Worship – and analyze statistical data from institutional databases. Likewise, we study the catalogues, collections, websites, and paratexts of the books sold by a group of publishing houses that have received PROSUR subsidies. Our article suggests that, regardless of the various traits of the titles and the specific profiles of each publishing house, we may identify common trends in relation to how the presses exercise soft power, produce meaning, and introduce Argentine literature in three main ways that we define as political resistance, Latin American literature, and women's writing. Thus, this article is a contribution to the notion of soft power by shifting the focus away from the intent around cultural policy and toward frequently overlooked considerations around the practices of the recipients of cultural policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the premise that both translations and collective bodies have historically been used to build collective identities, shape their images, and defend their interests, this article examines several projects constituting the translation policy of the Intellectual Cooperation Organization (1925–1945) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (1945–) from a soft-power perspective. In the first section, I identify several contemporary trends in translation studies that share an interest in the state, though I also delve into parallel critiques against methodological nationalism. The second section addresses states and international organizations as agents of translation that maximize the potential of translation as a soft-power resource. The third and the fourth section examine two specific translation projects as soft-power resources from the perspective of the producing end. The fifth section examines the way the press of the time covered said projects and discusses their reception in different social spaces. This case study is used as a heuristic tool to discuss states as relevant objects of study in translation studies, the multiple receptions of translations, and the consecrating power of translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the tumultuous era of the Cold War, Boris Pasternak's novel Doctor Zhivago found itself at the epicenter of an ideological battle. When the Soviet authorities deemed it an 'evil libel against the USSR' and prohibited its publication, the CIA recognized its 'great propaganda value' and spearheaded its dissemination in foreign editions, harnessing the novel as a potent soft power tool. Through an interdisciplinary approach, this paper analyzes the influence of a reverse kind of cultural diplomacy related to the translation, diffusion, and promotion of Doctor Zhivago in the West. Drawing from paratextual material in the form of press reviews in Italian, French, English and Dutch from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives, it assesses how the sense of confidence, attraction and prestige as pillars of soft power strategies are reflected in the reception of the novel's translations. The study concludes by offering a nuanced understanding of how the large-scale diffusion of the novel was perceived, highlighting that the translations played a secondary role in the strategy and served as vehicles to amplify the impact of Pasternak's Nobel Prize, thereby extending its influence globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses to what extent the change of political power in Poland affected ©Poland Translation Program, the largest public funding framework for translations from Polish, which is operated by the Book Institute, a governmental agency subject to the Ministry of Culture. The research is based on a comparative quantitative analysis of 2,410 bibliographic records – published books that received funding in 2008–2015 and in 2016–2022, i.e., under different managements appointed by different Polish governments – and supplemented by selected qualitative close-ups. The statistics do not confirm the common public sentiment that in the latter period, under the right-wing government of the Law and Justice party, ©Poland took a political turn, promoting historical writing that glorifies Polish past. Authors opposing the government were not discriminated against, and funding was allocated for translations into the same target languages as before. However, there was a noticeable trend in promoting contemporary right-wing non-fiction with an anti-liberal agenda (politically engaged journalistic reportage and socio-philosophical essay) in Central and Eastern Europe, especially Hungary. The results are discussed in terms of soft power, linking translation flows with international political relations, and the limits of quantitative analysis are problematized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of soft power is visible in many forms. According to Nye, the use of rhetoric is the resource found at the basis of soft power, thus projecting the development of a specific kind of narrative in a given setting. Hence, this article will focus on the context of the twentieth century Estado Novo dictatorship in the period from 1933 to the aftermath of the second World War in Portugal. This regime employed soft power practices through the systematic publication of political texts, more concretely of the speeches written and delivered by dictator Oliveira Salazar, which were translated into several foreign languages. This work will provide insight into the case of the translation of Salazar's speeches into English as a means to influence international relations with a specific target audience in mind. It will also exemplify the kind of message the regime wanted to disseminate according to a specific target audience. A close reading of two speeches will therefore provide further insight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated at the intersection of international relations, the sociology of literature, translation studies, textual analysis, and global literary studies, this article focuses on Restless Books' consecratory practices (publication of translated literature and prizing) to shift the directionality of traditional soft power studies and draw attention to the role of literature in shaping political discourses. The article highlights the agency of non-state actors and independent presses such as Restless Books in co-opting national discourse and putting forward more inclusive notions of cultural and linguistic identity. Restless Books is a US-based independent, nonprofit publisher of international literature in English and the organizer of the Prize for New Immigrant Writing, one of the few awards in the US to specifically recognize emerging writers with an immigrant background. Through the publication of translations and the promotion of marginalized voices, Restless Books brings more diversity to the cultural field and questions national values and foreign policies. By examining the publisher's editorial policy and consecratory practices and linking them to innovations at the textual level through a close reading of Rajiv Hohabir's Antiman: A Hybrid Memoir, one of the prize-winning books, we demonstrate the necessity of interdisciplinary approaches to literature, soft power, and translation that link text and context in more direct ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 crisis, the European Parliament (EP) had an opportunity to shape Europe's economic recovery and strengthen its institutional prerogatives through the establishment of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). Despite influencing policies and securing soft account-holding powers, the EP failed to assert itself as a budgetary authority in the RRF implementation process. Budgetary authority is a fundamental element in democratic governance as it allows elected representatives to supervise the allocation of public funds and enforce accountability for government spending choices. This article explains the EP's failure to maximise its budgetary powers and argues that the urgency of the crisis and the strategic use of norm-based arguments inadvertently undermined its bargaining position. The EP's entrapment in its own rhetorical action is proposed as the main explanation for this outcome. The EP had long emphasised key aspects of the RRF, such as financing through common European debt issuance. As even the most hesitant member states eventually agreed on many of these issues, the EP could not obstruct or delay negotiations without being publicly exposed for inconsistencies between its past rhetoric and present actions. Consequently, it risked being shamed for prioritising its institutional ego over the common European interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the institutional transformation of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (TMFA) and its changing position in foreign policy decision-making under the rule of the Justice and Development Party. Through a qualitative multi-method approach, including elite interviews and focus group discussion, the paper argues that the TMFA’s restructuring was driven by domestic political factors but closely correlated to shifts in foreign policy behavioural attitudes, such as that from soft power to hard power. The study examines three critical periods: 2009–2014, marked by TMFA’s capacity-building under Ahmet Davutoğlu; 2014–2018, a phase of sidelining following Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s presidency and weakening because of purges; and 2018–2023, when the TMFA was relegated to an implementor role under Turkey’s presidential system. The analysis shows how these institutional changes mirrored and shaped Turkey’s proactive, security-focused, and pragmatic foreign policies and how important the foreign minister was throughout this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines China's recent economic and political progress under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, focusing on the opportunities and problems faced. It also explores the concept of the "China dream" and its impact from the perspective of Indonesia. This research is an analysis of the perceptions of Indonesia's elite and the general public on Chinese political influence and economic cooperation. Multiple discussions will be examined. Firstly, it outlines the characteristics of China's global development plan, which encompasses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Global Development Initiatives. What is the impact of Chinese development policies on the ASEAN Outlook of Indo-Pacific (AOIP) suggested by Indonesia? Furthermore, Indonesia, as the longstanding dominant force in Southeast Asia, plays a pivotal role in upholding regional stability and the important position of ASEAN in relation to China. This research examines the historical and contemporary strategic cooperation and growth between Indonesia and China, as well as the chances and difficulties that China's third term under Xi Jinping presents for Indonesia's development. Additionally, this analysis will examine the fundamental strategic decision that Indonesia must make in response to China's influence through the Belt and Road Initiative. Indonesia will strategically hedge its position toward China's rising power while leveraging China's ongoing soft power to preserve its prominent role in ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the budding Sino-African relations has drawn enormous attention in the media and the academia, there is little empirical understanding about the acculturation of Chinese values and the effectiveness of China’s soft power in Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria. This article investigates the cognitive, affective, and behavioural intentions of Lagos residents (Lagosians) towards China. Based on Nye’s conceptualisation of soft power, a theoretical model was developed to explore how engagement with China’s soft power instruments and media exposure to Sino-African-related information influence Lagosians’ attitudes towards China on the three attitudinal levels. Findings from a clustered random survey (n = 624) drawn from Lagos residents reveal that their attitudes and behavioural intentions towards China are multidimensional and majorly predicted by their personal experience (engagement with China’s presence) and their second-hand experience (exposure to China-related news in local media), rather than by the intensity and tenacity of China’s diplomatic strategies in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Spatial Mapping, History, and the Witch in Winterson’s The Daylight Gate" explores the evolving representation of witches in literature, focusing on gender, power, and identity. It discusses how the novel uses liminal identities to critique historical power dynamics and societal norms. By blending historical events with Gothic fiction, the author challenges readers to reconsider societal structures and power dynamics. The article also delves into themes of monstrosity, resistance, illness, and queerness in the novel, highlighting how space is used as a narrative tool to critique historical memory and societal oppression. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a response to the interregnum between old and new global powers, aiming to establish a new standard of civilization. The BRI involves infrastructure projects, loans, and investments in partner countries, creating economic dependencies and opportunities for China. The initiative has faced scrutiny for alleged predatory lending practices and geopolitical implications, with scholars debating its impact on global governance norms and debt crises. The article also explores Chinese perspectives on the BRI's expansion and the critical roles of local governments in its success, offering insights into the geopolitical and geo-economic impacts of the initiative. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores why China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has not significantly increased its appeal in East Asia over the past decade, focusing on Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia. Despite substantial investments and strategic use of hard and soft power, China has not won the hearts of East Asian people. In Southeast Asia, while countries acknowledge China's growing influence, concerns persist among intellectuals, the public, and the media, with assertive Chinese actions often generating negative perceptions. In Northeast Asia, anti-China sentiments are the highest globally, exacerbated by rising nationalism in Korea, Japan, and China. Despite China's assertive behaviour, particularly in security, heightening anti-China sentiments, South Korean youth show more flexibility and interest in China despite overall negativity. China's BRI strategies face challenges due to negative perceptions of its system. As Nye suggests, 'soft power cannot be bought; it must be earned'. For the BRI to succeed, China needs a more inclusive, multilateral approach, transforming the Chinese Dream into an Asian Dream to enhance regional cooperation and appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout its history, Hagia Sophia has been used as an Orthodox church, a Roman Catholic church, a mosque, and a museum. After a controversial decision in 2020, Hagia Sophia was converted back into a mosque. This article shows that Hagia Sophia's conversion into a mosque is more than a juridical action. By adopting a performative approach, it is argued that, through the conversion, the ruling Justice and Development Party seeks to achieve its two-fold agenda. Firstly, while reflecting the party's Islamic political vision that situates religion as an integral part of everyday life, this move reaffirms the JDP's position as the ultimate political authority that shapes Turkey's sovereign space. Secondly, the conversion fits into and perpetuates the JDP's instrumentalization of religion as a political tool to increase its power in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in line with its neo-Ottomanist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese popular culture (pop culture) has penetrated and influenced foreign cultural markets through various means. Japanese city pop music, popular from the 1970s through the 1980s, has charted a new trajectory in this transnational cultural spillover. The attractiveness of the city pop genre was rediscovered abroad; the hit songs were disseminated through social media, which eventually led to a revival of this genre's popularity in Japan. This study refers to this phenomenon as cultural re-importation and proposes some theoretical deliberations to capture it. It recognises that the complex process of re-importation is mediated by digital means of communication, such as social media platforms YouTube and TikTok. This study employs three theoretical perspectives on the cultural spillover mechanism, namely, Japan's soft power, transnational cultural flows, and digital influence. To elucidate these processes empirically, we analysed data from in-depth interviews with 35 young people from Malaysia, Indonesia, and Japan. Secondary data were collected as well, including online news and media releases. Based on the interview findings, this study posits that cultural re-importation is a complex interplay of several factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foregrounding the Korean Wave in storylines, there have been notable co-productions that have cinematically addressed the Southeast Asian fan of "K-Dramas" and her travels to South Korea. By analyzing Ultimate Oppa (2022), I align with a decolonial impulse to study a regional Asian co-production that excludes the usual analysis of the dominant European-U.S. film axis. I argue that intra-Asian co-productions produce ideological asymmetries in these arrangements. In Ultimate Oppa, the relationship between the Philippines and Korea is set against the macro-level influences of unequal "soft power" between Korean and Philippine media, producing visible dialectical tensions. As such, this essay argues that Ultimate Oppa ambivalently presents a cross-national romantic fantasy that reifies regional hierarchies, which are made more palatable through ideological dialectics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the potential for Palestine, a nation that has long fought for visibility, recognition, and independence, to use music for identifying itself within the broader contexts of nation branding and soft power. For Palestine, nation branding initiatives have been largely organic, driven by the cultural and artistic expressions of its people rather than a cohesive and strategic approach from the authorities. This article investigates how Palestinian musicians contribute to their nation branding. We use interpretive analysis to examine four documentaries and five feature stories produced by global mainstream media organizations, including Al Jazeera English, BBC, CNN, AFP, France 24 English, and PBS. The findings show that Palestinian musicians can add substantial value to the branding of Palestine. Their focus on identity, resistance, and freedom allows them to use music effectively to connect with and communicate a positive image to a global audience. The challenges for Palestinian musicians remain the capacity to break through the digital noise in the ever-increasing competition for online attention, and the capacity of the Palestinian authorities and civil society to allocate resources to support and promote Palestinian cultural initiatives within a long-term nation branding strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost twenty years after the adoption of the Hague Choice of Court Convention 2005, it may be an appropriate moment to reflect on and assess its legacy to date. This article, part of an issue paying tribute to the work of Professor Trevor Hartley, notes a number of different ways in which the legacy of the Convention may be evaluated, particularly appreciating the important role of the Explanatory Report co-authored by Professor Hartley. It argues that the Convention should not be judged merely based on the (admittedly limited, but perhaps growing) number of state parties, but also taking into account its wider influence in a number of different respects which may cast a more positive light on its achievement. These include the importance of the Convention to the Hague Conference on Private International Law, the soft power of the Convention, and the role of the Convention in preserving the enforceability of UK judgments based on exclusive jurisdiction agreements in European Union Member States notwithstanding Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article's aim is to illustrate the intersection of Sport Diplomacy and Sport for Development approaches. The value of exploring this relationship is to realise the potential contribution of sport diplomacy to the practitioners and policy makers within the sportscape, including those addressing Sport for Development SfD, in providing the skills and tools to critically reflect on their own practices and more effectively operate in the diplomatic realm. Sport diplomacy provides a set of navigation skills to enhance practitioner's abilities to operate across the sportscape. The practice of sport diplomacy aggregates different stakeholders and their non-aligned goals into contextually defined and aligned purposes. It recognises simultaneous relationships across several realms, and provides a principal explanatory tool for previously unrealized discourses across a network of networks. The article's analysis demonstrates the coexistence of complimentary and conflictual interests and practices: challenges arise, as well as opportunities for future alignments and complimentary practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, the interplay between sport, global politics, and diplomacy appears increasingly prominent. This is because the world has been witnessing a few notable political shifts: the domination of the liberal international order, the rise of non-Westen powers, and the return of geopolitics. First, within the liberalist world order, non-conventional diplomatic conducts such as public exchanges play an important role in the relationship amongst the nations. Understandably, sport emerges as a useful diplomatic instrument. Second, the rise of non-Western nations further strengthens the position of sport in a foreign policy program. These countries employ sport actively to maximize their diplomatic gains. Third, the escalating geopolitical tensions make us reconsider the sport-diplomacy nexus. In this situation, diplomatic and military confrontations turn the international sporting arenas into areas of political disputation. At this juncture, this special issue presents a selection of essays that investigate this volatile interface of sport, diplomacy and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contribution of soft power and sports to foreign policy has been an expanding area of research and yet a relative silence exists on the making of effective cultural relations through sport. Revisionist accounts of sport, soft power and diplomacy have provided a refreshing impetus that has enabled sport to have a 21st century voice in national conversations around foreign policy and international relations. An opportunity exists to make the case that sport is part of the essential toolbox for anyone involved in contemporary cultural relations. That sport can contribute to the common good. The purpose of this article is to make such a case. What is cultural relations and why is it needed now as a soft critique of soft power and diplomacy and the role of sport in making the art of the possible, possible? 摘要 软实力和体育两大要素对于外交政策的贡献向来广为研究, 然而, 通过体育建立有效的文化关系的相关研究却相对鲜少。对体育、软实力和外交的修正主义论述足够提供了一种令人耳目一新的动力, 也使体育在外交政策和国际关系的对话中拥有一定的话语权。这足以证明, , 体育是维系当代文化关系的其中的重要工具。这篇文章的核心要旨在于, 体育可以为公共利益做出贡献。本文探讨什么是文化关系, 为什么需要将体育作为软实力和外交的评鉴要素？体育如何践行使可能的艺术成为可能？ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this conceptual paper was to identify the profiles of countries using a strategy of place branding through sport and group them into clusters. As detailed in the methods section, the focus was voluntarily set on countries from regions which are active in this regard. Three clusters have emerged following the analysis: "diplomacy branding," "balanced structure" and "economic legacy." Two strategies of place branding through sport were identified: pursuing a socio-economic legacy or utilizing sport diplomacy to build a soft power. Admittedly, China is asserting itself on the world stage. Meanwhile, countries and territories such as Australia, Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan, are making a case for themselves. Truly, adaptability and vision can lead to a successful place branding strategy through sport. This is in line with previous research, helping extend the body of knowledge, especially as far as sport diplomacy and soft power are concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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AbstractThis paper investigates the burgeoning role of video games as a strategic instrument of soft power, with a particular focus on China’s utilization of the gaming industry to extend its cultural and political influence on a global scale. Through a comprehensive analysis of Chinese gaming giant Tencent, the study reveals how these companies embed Chinese cultural elements and narratives within their games, effectively turning them into vehicles for cultural exchange and soft power projection. The paper categorizes video games as an emerging source of soft power by examining the strategies of Chinese video games and their impact on global gaming trends. It further explores the symbiotic relationship between these gaming strategies and China’s broader soft power objectives under the Digital Silk Road initiative, illustrating how digital entertainment mediums can contribute to the country’s international diplomacy efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from an analysis of media coverage of the Olympics from 2012 to 2022, the study posits that international media outfits tend to underreport the performance of non-democratic states despite considerable medal success, and overreport the sporting activities of democracies even if they underperform. We argue that this is due to the international media's normative bias towards a world order that privileges liberal democracy and its adjacent values. Our findings indicate strong support for our hypothesis that the media is not a level playing field in the coverage of sporting events, and that it pays to be a democracy when it comes to soft power gains. Overall, the study contributes to the growing body of literature examining sports as an arena of political contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a remarkable confidence in Irish culture right now. In the decade to 2024, Ireland successfully emerged from a devastating recession while overseeing significant investment by the State in the arts. A new generation of artists are shaping Irish identity, forged in the heat of a rapidly growing multicultural population, to construct a new national narrative of Ireland. This paper examines the instrumentalisation of artists in Ireland’s nation brand. Based on interviews with renowned Irish artists, the author applies an autoethnographic approach to capture specific insights from these elite expert informants. The study establishes that artists are complicit in their use of the arts as a tool of soft power. It confirms their unique role in building a nation’s reputation, and engaging international publics with the multiplicity of narratives, within an evolving Irish identity. It calls for a conceptual repositioning of artists as critical co-authors in effective nation branding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to invigorate research on state power and influence by focusing on external perceptions. To this end, we quantitatively operationalised a refined theoretical model indicating the potential factors that determine a state's perceived power and influence in two steps. First, we constructed a model based on a six-factor index comprising both hard and soft resources of power. Second, we applied this factorial taxonomy to our country case study—Romania—to test empirically whether our model holds, using original surveys conducted in two neighbouring countries, Ukraine and Moldova. We sought to learn which of these factors is the most impactful and found that a hierarchy of these factors could be established, which varied depending on each country-to-country interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn a manner almost reminiscent of the Ottoman Empire’s frantic search (late nineteenth to early twentieth century) for müstemlekat (colonies) in Africa, modern Turkey seems to have revived its imperialist dreams in contemporary Africa. Following the elaboration of a proactive African foreign policy strategy, Turkey declared 2005 the Year of Africa, and established diplomatic relations with a raft of Muslim-majority African countries (MMACs). While Ghana is not an MMAC, Turkey re-established diplomatic ties with Accra in 2010, heralding a burgeoning relationship. Drawing on the theory of sub-­imperialism in tandem with the diplomacy of architecture (DoA) framework, this work will argue that Turkey has cleverly utilised the symbolism and siting of the Ghana National Mosque Complex (GNMC) to make the most visible and audacious broadcast yet of its imperial intentions in Africa, and in record time. In unpacking the argument my primary interest will be to canvass the view that architectural imprints have become a powerful cultural weapon in the geostrategic soft-power arsenal of recent rising powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite extensive studies on China’s soft power assets and strategies, the role of symphonic music within its cultural statecraft remains underexplored. This paper introduces the notion of ‘symphonic statecraft’ to examine the targeted and context-specific nature of China’s cultural efforts, focusing on how China adapts this globally recognized art form for its nation-building project. Using mixed methods, the study analyses awards from national composition contests between 1978 and 2012 and the programming choices of the China National Symphony Orchestra from 2006 to 2023 to reveal an environment shaped by selective state sponsorship that allows for artistic autonomy. The findings demonstrate a nuanced interplay between global influences and local interpretations, illustrating how China crafts narratives that interweave its enduring civilizational essence with contemporary aspirations. This evolving strategy absorbs increasingly diverse themes and moves beyond surface-level propaganda while maintaining strategic boundaries, reflecting the process of selective openness in China’s symphonic identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran’s contemporary transnational connection with Turkish Alevis and Shiites has been a curious case. This study examines the perceptions of Alevi, Shiite, and Mutashayyi (converted Shiite) religious minorities in Turkey towards the Islamic Republic of Iran, shedding light on the complex interplay between denominational public opinion and international politics. The research unveils divergent perspectives held by these minority groups through semi-structured face-to-face interviews with the ‘opinion-maker’ religious elites. While Alevis, motivated by secularist concerns, shows political opposition to the Iranian regime despite the common religious symbolisms, Shiites and Mutashayyis demonstrate different degrees of sympathy or allegiance towards Iran. The study elucidates the complexities of multi-layered identities and their possible ramifications for international relations. Furthermore, the findings provide insights into the Iranian regime’s soft power potential and dynamics through religious diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022 the Confucius Institute (CI), part of China's cultural outreach around the world, found itself at the centre of intense debate in the United Kingdom (UK). Its 30 branches on British university campuses became a symbol of a changed attitude towards a country that had been regarded as a partner, but was increasingly seen as a systemic challenge, or even a threat to national security. In this article, I posit the CI as the bellwether of the bilateral relationship over the past decade (2013–2022), contrasting its images as reflecting the dynamics in the British political environment and the UK's standing in a post-Brexit context. Via content analysis of British media representation of the CI, I interpret China's soft power through the lens of cultural diplomacy and analyse the emerging themes in the stories about CIs in the UK. I highlight the political divergence over attitudes towards the CIs' presence between England and Scotland and examine evidence of their influence in public life and among their target audiences. While CIs in the UK resisted threats of closure, the introduction of new policies in England prompted some distancing from these controversial outposts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the geo-economic implications of China's mass tourism strategy in Indonesia, particularly in Bali and Manado, since 2017. The interplay between China's economic and political interests and Indonesia's tourism development is evident. However, the unique China-style tourism approach, guided by non-resident local actors as cultural brokers, raises concerns about cultural mismatch. Our central argument emphasizes the crucial role of 'people-to-people bonds' in building meaningful connections between Chinese tourists and local actors in frequented areas. Fieldwork in Bali and Manado reveals that neglecting genuine affinity in people-to-people connectivity can create a diplomatic gap, potentially leading to negative responses from the Indonesian populace over time. The article highlights the need for a nuanced and culturally sensitive approach to mass tourism to ensure the sustainability of the China–Indonesia tourism partnership. While economic and political advantages are evident, overlooking the importance of authentic connections risks straining diplomatic relations and jeopardizing the long-term success of tourism initiatives. Prioritizing people-to-people exchange is a crucial factor in bridging cultural gaps and fostering a positive relationship between Chinese tourists and the Indonesian population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the use of intangible cultural heritage as a vehicle for soft power in the service of geostrategic competitions between Iran and Turkey, two regional powers in West Asia. We focus on two significant trans-regional instances of intangible cultural heritage relevant to both countries: the mystic poet Rumi and the New Year's celebration of Nowruz. We draw on theories in political science and cultrual heritage as well as a host of sources in Persian, Turkish, and Azerbaijani, to demonstrate how heritage is mobilised concurrently as a nation-building device and a tool for soft power in international relations. We conclude by suggesting that, despite strong grounds for its claims, Iran's response in this competition has been reactive rather than proactive. Overall, the paper contributes to the scholarship on soft power and heritage diplomacy by presenting the first comparative analysis of cases of shared intangible heritage in West Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2017, Denmark and China signed a film co-production agreement, marking Denmark as the first and only Nordic country to establish such a treaty with China. Taking two recent China-Denmark film co-productions as examples, Bille August's The Chinese Widow (2017) and Lin Jianjie's Brief History of a Family (2024), this paper investigates why China chose to sign a film agreement with Denmark and vice versa. It also examines the cultural and film policies that catalysed the emergence and development of this new co-production partnership. This paper aims to address two emergent trends in transnational screen studies: conceptual engagement with soft power and transnational talent development. It discusses how cinema serves as an instrument for states, institutions, and corporations to mediate diplomatic and political goals, generate soft power, and engage in nation branding. This paper argues that the transformation in geopolitical relationships between these two countries and their respective film and cultural policies over the past decade has led to this new collaborative partnership. Furthermore, it suggests that the latest European cultural policies supporting Sino-European co-production and transnational talent development have facilitated Sino-Danish film co-production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the shift from the first phase to the second phase of transnational cinema studies, this volume examines a set of practices of transnational cinema that have been taking place between China and its counterparts. In exploring transnational cinema activities in the form of film collaborations and co-productions, this volume puts the spotlight on critical trends in transnational cinemas that are not limited to Western spheres of influence. Focusing on practical applications of case studies between China, Arab countries, Denmark and the U.S. it contributes to the debates on the definition and practical applications for research on film collaboration and co-production and transnational cinema studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe Confucius Institute (CI), as China’s flagship soft power initiative, experienced rapid development in its early years, reaching 500 centres worldwide in just over a decade. However, the past few years have seen a wave of CI closures, especially in the US, where more than 100 CIs have been closed, problematising China’s soft power efforts. In response, China revised its international language and culture promotion (ILCP) strategy in mid-2020 by abolishing the CI Headquarters/Hanban and creating two sperate organisations: the Chinese International Education Foundation (CIEF) and the Centre for Language Education and Cooperation (CLEC). This shift demonstrates a decentralising trend across three dimensions: administrative, political, and fiscal. This article explores the reasons behind the CI’s rapid development and recent setbacks, examines the details of China’s decentralised ILCP strategy, and finds that the positive effects of this strategy are yet to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies advocate expanding the concept of soft power from the nation to city context and emphasize the importance of culture in building urban soft power. The existing research neglects the role of classical music on urban cultural soft power and reflects the necessity to explore long-term musical projects that are beneficial to residents. By analyzing the case study of a classical-music-educational-based public services project, the Guangzhou Youth Symphony Orchestra (GYSO), this research finds that public cultural services can continuously improve urban cultural soft power through the triple model of "contractor-cultural policies-public participation". This research argues that although the In Harmony and the EI Sistema projects are also public cultural services of classical music, the triple model of GYSO has multi-faceted impacts on urban development, including cultivating creative class, enhancing residents' cultural tastes, promoting social cohesion, integrating cultural resources and establishing city branding. This triple mechanism is a model with Chinese characteristics that combines the arm's length principle with the cultural exception policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptualisation and popularisation of soft power have spurred nation-states to establish and operate international institutions of cultural diplomacy (ICD) to exert global influence through cultural activities. The uniqueness of ICD lies in its many multiplicities: multi-national operation, multi-level coordination, and multi-actor participation. Such multiplicities challenge the understanding, policy design, and assessment of ICD. In response to this compounding challenge, this article constructs a transformational governance framework with a focus on the dynamic relationship between governing decisions (measured by the dimensions of structure and process) and institutional capacities including legitimacy, efficiency, flexibility, and sustainability. The utilities, benefits, and limitations of the framework as a policy and research tool are discussed through the case of the Chinese Confucius Institute (the CI). We argue that the CI's top-down decisions are shaped by international political discourse and target legitimacy as the institutional capacity, whereas the CI's street-level governance is largely driven by the considerations of efficiency and sustainability as the institutional capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2019, The Shenzhen Model City Initiative was released in which the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) announced its decision to support Shenzhen, the long-standing poster city for China's economic reform, in building a demonstration pilot zone for Chinese socialism with a particular emphasis on further developing the city's technological prowess. What are the ideological implications of the latest model-making of Shenzhen? And how does the city's innovative turn relate to its role as the nation's perceived civilizational front line? This study explores the continuities and evolution of contemporary Chinese governance by considering the reinvention of the "Shenzhen Model" in relation to processes of urbanization, globalization and industrial upgrading. Drawing upon Tim Oakes's theory of the "urban" as an ideological device, it examines the (re)making of the "Shenzhen Model" through different discourses, apparatuses and policies related to the city's technological innovation and entrepreneurship. Situating the "Shenzhen Model" at a time of precarity and uncertainty amidst economic growth slowdown, the China-United States trade war and the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates how the state mobilizes narratives and practices pertinent to technological innovation and entrepreneurship to enhance its political influence and thus sheds light on the latest developments in urban governance during China's post-industrial turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine has demonstrated Russia's incapacity to implement a foreign policy strategy without resorting to hard power means, exposing the limits in its soft power capacity to 'attract' and 'persuade'. Specifically, Russian soft power in Ukraine built around the model of the 'Russian world' (Russkiy Mir) was unable to persuade Kyiv to align with Moscow through peaceable means. Simultaneously, EU-inspired soft power based on the idea of 'Greater Europe' and Ukrainian 'Europeanness' conceived through the normative prism of liberal-democratic values and the potential of higher levels of economic development, limited the impact of Russia's soft power in Ukraine. Russian soft power in Ukraine was not inspired by the idea of attraction but conceived as a propagandistic means to justify expansionist policies, merging de facto with hard power. After the 2022 invasion, in the occupied regions, Moscow's influence could only be imposed coercively as an ancillary tool of hard power through a unique combination of smart and sharp power. Overall, a comparison of the influence of Russian and EU soft power in Ukraine highlights that the latter proved to be generally more persuasive, leading Moscow to resort to military force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clint Eastwood's American Sniper (2014) and Alba Sotorra's Game Over (2015) explore the inculcating pull of pop myths on soldiers. Eastwood's biopic focuses on Chris Kyle, American military history's most lethal sniper. Sotorra's documentary Game Over considers Djalal, an Iranian Catalan youth who moves from being an America-idolizing gamer to a sniper in Afghanistan. Initially, they see themselves as Western cowboys and perfect soldiers. War, however, leaves them disillusioned and traumatized. Via distinct generic formats (documentary v. feature film) and nationally determined political frameworks (US v. Spain), they ask: can mythologies fueling the post-9/11 war machine empty it of its force? Mobilizing postcolonial, disability, and trauma studies, this comparative analysis theorizes how objects of soft power can both harden a soldier's mind and liberate it from the battlefield's thrall. Ultimately, the article reveals contrasting, potentially limited strategies subjects across cultures deploy to break the hold of American visions of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the European Union's response to Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine in the field of migration, arguing that EU visa and refugee policies encompassed a distinctive foreign policy and soft power dimension. On one hand, by restricting visa policy for Russia, the EU signalled the delegitimization and isolation of the Kremlin. On the other hand, by adopting temporary protection for Ukrainians, it sent a clear message of support to Ukraine, while also portraying the EU as the defender of freedom and democracy. Through an analysis of EU documents released in the first month of the war, the article thus posits that both visa and refugee measures were employed as soft power tools, contributing to the juxtaposition of an aggressive and isolated Russia, against a responsible and united EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]