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One common practice in talent development environments during the investment years (age 16+) and elite sport, in general, is the use of physiological testing of the athletes’ physical determinants of performance. In this article, the regime of controlling and monitoring athletes’ bodies for elite sport production through physiological testing will be examined. To this end, we explored athletes’ experiences of what has been done and why physiological tests are carried out the way they are to understand the practice of physiological testing in relation to athlete development. The material in this study is based on interviews with adult elite sport athletes (four group interviews with eight individual athletes in three different sports, four male and four female, and individual interviews with twelve female and five male football players). Schatzki's and Reckwitz's theorizing on social practices, together with Dewey's theorizing on learning from experience, are used to explore and illuminate the practice of physiological testing and what learning is enabled and constrained within that practice. The findings show that the meaning and significance of physiological testing for athletic development relates to how the tests are followed up and talked through with the athletes. The analysis shows that there exists a form of sport-wide commonality where the same understandings, rules or ends—irrespective of which sport is concerned—govern coaches’ and athletes’ behavior regarding physiological tests. The physiological testing practice articulates action intelligibility through rules and structures which emphasizes tests as isolated quantified indicators of physical status. The use of physiological tests as a part of learning or as a means for athlete development can therefore be questioned.

One common practice in talent development environments during the investment years (age 16+) and elite sport, in general, is the use of physiological testing of the athletes’ physical determinants of performance. In this article, the regime of controlling and monitoring athletes’ bodies for elite sport production through physiological testing will be examined. To this end, we explored athletes’ experiences of what has been done and why physiological tests are carried out the way they are to understand the practice of physiological testing in relation to athlete development. The material in this study is based on interviews with adult elite sport athletes (four group interviews with eight individual athletes in three different sports, four male and four female, and individual interviews with twelve female and five male football players). Schatzki's and Reckwitz's theorizing on social practices, together with Dewey's theorizing on learning from experience, are used to explore and illuminate the practice of physiological testing and what learning is enabled and constrained within that practice. The findings show that the meaning and significance of physiological testing for athletic development relates to how the tests are followed up and talked through with the athletes. The analysis shows that there exists a form of sport-wide commonality where the same understandings, rules or ends—irrespective of which sport is concerned—govern coaches’ and athletes’ behavior regarding physiological tests. The physiological testing practice articulates action intelligibility through rules and structures which emphasizes tests as isolated quantified indicators of physical status. The use of physiological tests as a part of learning or as a means for athlete development can therefore be questioned.

One common practice in talent development environments during the investment years (age 16+) and elite sport, in general, is the use of physiological testing of the athletes’ physical determinants of performance. In this article, the regime of controlling and monitoring athletes’ bodies for elite sport production through physiological testing will be examined. To this end, we explored athletes’ experiences of what has been done and why physiological tests are carried out the way they are to understand the practice of physiological testing in relation to athlete development. The material in this study is based on interviews with adult elite sport athletes (four group interviews with eight individual athletes in three different sports, four male and four female, and individual interviews with twelve female and five male football players). Schatzki's and Reckwitz's theorizing on social practices, together with Dewey's theorizing on learning from experience, are used to explore and illuminate the practice of physiological testing and what learning is enabled and constrained within that practice. The findings show that the meaning and significance of physiological testing for athletic development relates to how the tests are followed up and talked through with the athletes. The analysis shows that there exists a form of sport-wide commonality where the same understandings, rules or ends—irrespective of which sport is concerned—govern coaches’ and athletes’ behavior regarding physiological tests. The physiological testing practice articulates action intelligibility through rules and structures which emphasizes tests as isolated quantified indicators of physical status. The use of physiological tests as a part of learning or as a means for athlete development can therefore be questioned.

One common practice in talent development environments during the investment years (age 16+) and elite sport, in general, is the use of physiological testing of the athletes’ physical determinants of performance. In this article, the regime of controlling and monitoring athletes’ bodies for elite sport production through physiological testing will be examined. To this end, we explored athletes’ experiences of what has been done and why physiological tests are carried out the way they are to understand the practice of physiological testing in relation to athlete development. The material in this study is based on interviews with adult elite sport athletes (four group interviews with eight individual athletes in three different sports, four male and four female, and individual interviews with twelve female and five male football players). Schatzki's and Reckwitz's theorizing on social practices, together with Dewey's theorizing on learning from experience, are used to explore and illuminate the practice of physiological testing and what learning is enabled and constrained within that practice. The findings show that the meaning and significance of physiological testing for athletic development relates to how the tests are followed up and talked through with the athletes. The analysis shows that there exists a form of sport-wide commonality where the same understandings, rules or ends—irrespective of which sport is concerned—govern coaches’ and athletes’ behavior regarding physiological tests. The physiological testing practice articulates action intelligibility through rules and structures which emphasizes tests as isolated quantified indicators of physical status. The use of physiological tests as a part of learning or as a means for athlete development can therefore be questioned.

Using questionnaire data collected from one gym in 1995, 2005, and 2015 this study examines 861 women’s and 1827 men’s training patterns and their motives for weight training. Between 1995 and 2015, the gym increased its membership, equipment, and machines. The analysis shows that the participants increased the time they trained in gyms and changed the muscle groups they prioritized. The motives to become stronger, healthier, and more fit remained stable over time, but both the men’s and women’s training de-emphasized building muscles and firmer shapes and emphasized fun, attractiveness, and endurance. The analysis suggests that how the socially constructed body should be shaped and the goal with the shaping has changed. In conclusion, the 20-year perspective captures changes that have not been reported previously and contributes to knowledge about the intersection of gyms and gender, shedding light on how gym culture has changed and the reasons for these changes.

Using questionnaire data collected from one gym in 1995, 2005, and 2015 this study examines 861 women’s and 1827 men’s training patterns and their motives for weight training. Between 1995 and 2015, the gym increased its membership, equipment, and machines. The analysis shows that the participants increased the time they trained in gyms and changed the muscle groups they prioritized. The motives to become stronger, healthier, and more fit remained stable over time, but both the men’s and women’s training de-emphasized building muscles and firmer shapes and emphasized fun, attractiveness, and endurance. The analysis suggests that how the socially constructed body should be shaped and the goal with the shaping has changed. In conclusion, the 20-year perspective captures changes that have not been reported previously and contributes to knowledge about the intersection of gyms and gender, shedding light on how gym culture has changed and the reasons for these changes.

Drawing on data from the present and former football players (N = 1026) selected to a national football talent programme at the age of 15, this study explores a model of sport specialisation. We examined three specific aspects of sport specialisation including early football specialisation, participation in youth elite football training environments (i.e. academies) and enrolment in upper secondary football specialisation schools. Antecedents of these sport specialisation factors included gender (i.e. sociocultural), grit (i.e. personality) and perceptions of family finances (i.e. social). Outcomes focused on adult football participation at the age of 21 including elite skill acquisition (i.e. playing elite football) and personal development (i.e. participation in non-elite football). Findings revealed that females were less likely to gain access to elite football training or school specialisation environments. There was also a positive association between grit and participation in elite training environments. In terms of outcomes, players, who got trained in elite training environments during adolescence, were twice as likely to play elite football at the age of 21, while those who attended football specialisation schools were more likely to participate in non-elite football at the age of 21. Early specialisation was not associated with either adult participation outcome. This is one of the few studies to date addressing diverse antecedents and outcomes of sport specialisation factors. Understanding how sport specialisation practices relate to future skill acquisition and personal development can provide guidance for maximising the benefits of youth sport programming.

Drawing on data from the present and former football players (N = 1026) selected to a national football talent programme at the age of 15, this study explores a model of sport specialisation. We examined three specific aspects of sport specialisation including early football specialisation, participation in youth elite football training environments (i.e. academies) and enrolment in upper secondary football specialisation schools. Antecedents of these sport specialisation factors included gender (i.e. sociocultural), grit (i.e. personality) and perceptions of family finances (i.e. social). Outcomes focused on adult football participation at the age of 21 including elite skill acquisition (i.e. playing elite football) and personal development (i.e. participation in non-elite football). Findings revealed that females were less likely to gain access to elite football training or school specialisation environments. There was also a positive association between grit and participation in elite training environments. In terms of outcomes, players, who got trained in elite training environments during adolescence, were twice as likely to play elite football at the age of 21, while those who attended football specialisation schools were more likely to participate in non-elite football at the age of 21. Early specialisation was not associated with either adult participation outcome. This is one of the few studies to date addressing diverse antecedents and outcomes of sport specialisation factors. Understanding how sport specialisation practices relate to future skill acquisition and personal development can provide guidance for maximising the benefits of youth sport programming.

Elite level achievement in football can, besides the training in the club, be advanced through elite sport schools at the upper secondary school. This systematic talent development environments are of central interest in this study. Previous research in the area have been extensive, and with a particular focus on football academies and environmental success factors (e.g., Cooper, 2021; Larsen et al, 2013). To date, research undertaken has not in any greater extent taken into consideration non-club environments such as the upper secondary school specialization in Sweden (2-3 trainings/week during school hours). A dual career program for 16-year-old ones in order to achieve international top-level in sport (Lund, 2014). Drawing on questionnaire and interview data from men and women that at the age of 15 were selected to a national talent program this study focuses on the consequences of upper secondary school specialization for elite football in adulthood. Findings from the questionnaire data showed that football specialization schools did not increase the likelihood for playing elite football at the age of 21. The analysis of players experiences of upper secondary football schools showed that the understandings of school specialization for developing as a football player can be found in the players background, present level as well as the school activities. In conclusion the findings provide insights about sport specialization within the context of football.

Drawing on data from the present and former football players (N = 1026) selected to a national football talent programme at the age of 15, this study explores a model of sport specialisation. We examined three specific aspects of sport specialisation including early football specialisation, participation in youth elite football training environments (i.e. academies) and enrolment in upper secondary football specialisation schools. Antecedents of these sport specialisation factors included gender (i.e. sociocultural), grit (i.e. personality) and perceptions of family finances (i.e. social). Outcomes focused on adult football participation at the age of 21 including elite skill acquisition (i.e. playing elite football) and personal development (i.e. participation in non-elite football). Findings revealed that females were less likely to gain access to elite football training or school specialisation environments. There was also a positive association between grit and participation in elite training environments. In terms of outcomes, players, who got trained in elite training environments during adolescence, were twice as likely to play elite football at the age of 21, while those who attended football specialisation schools were more likely to participate in non-elite football at the age of 21. Early specialisation was not associated with either adult participation outcome. This is one of the few studies to date addressing diverse antecedents and outcomes of sport specialisation factors. Understanding how sport specialisation practices relate to future skill acquisition and personal development can provide guidance for maximising the benefits of youth sport programming.

Drawing on data from the present and former football players (N = 1026) selected to a national football talent programme at the age of 15, this study explores a model of sport specialisation. We examined three specific aspects of sport specialisation including early football specialisation, participation in youth elite football training environments (i.e. academies) and enrolment in upper secondary football specialisation schools. Antecedents of these sport specialisation factors included gender (i.e. sociocultural), grit (i.e. personality) and perceptions of family finances (i.e. social). Outcomes focused on adult football participation at the age of 21 including elite skill acquisition (i.e. playing elite football) and personal development (i.e. participation in non-elite football). Findings revealed that females were less likely to gain access to elite football training or school specialisation environments. There was also a positive association between grit and participation in elite training environments. In terms of outcomes, players, who got trained in elite training environments during adolescence, were twice as likely to play elite football at the age of 21, while those who attended football specialisation schools were more likely to participate in non-elite football at the age of 21. Early specialisation was not associated with either adult participation outcome. This is one of the few studies to date addressing diverse antecedents and outcomes of sport specialisation factors. Understanding how sport specialisation practices relate to future skill acquisition and personal development can provide guidance for maximising the benefits of youth sport programming.

Using questionnaire data collected from one gym in 1995, 2005, and 2015 this study examines 861 women’s and 1827 men’s training patterns and their motives for weight training. Between 1995 and 2015, the gym increased its membership, equipment, and machines. The analysis shows that the participants increased the time they trained in gyms and changed the muscle groups they prioritized. The motives to become stronger, healthier, and more fit remained stable over time, but both the men’s and women’s training de-emphasized building muscles and firmer shapes and emphasized fun, attractiveness, and endurance. The analysis suggests that how the socially constructed body should be shaped and the goal with the shaping has changed. In conclusion, the 20-year perspective captures changes that have not been reported previously and contributes to knowledge about the intersection of gyms and gender, shedding light on how gym culture has changed and the reasons for these changes.

Using questionnaire data collected from one gym in 1995, 2005, and 2015 this study examines 861 women’s and 1827 men’s training patterns and their motives for weight training. Between 1995 and 2015, the gym increased its membership, equipment, and machines. The analysis shows that the participants increased the time they trained in gyms and changed the muscle groups they prioritized. The motives to become stronger, healthier, and more fit remained stable over time, but both the men’s and women’s training de-emphasized building muscles and firmer shapes and emphasized fun, attractiveness, and endurance. The analysis suggests that how the socially constructed body should be shaped and the goal with the shaping has changed. In conclusion, the 20-year perspective captures changes that have not been reported previously and contributes to knowledge about the intersection of gyms and gender, shedding light on how gym culture has changed and the reasons for these changes.

This study investigates players who have been selected to a district team in the Swedish Football Association U15 talent programme. Using register data on all selected 15-year-old boy and girl district team players (3943 boys and 4056 girls born between 1986 and 1996) from Sweden’s 24 football districts, we analysed the relationships between club affiliation at age 15, the player population of the district, date of birth, and continuation with football and competitive level as young adults. The results show that a higher percentage of boys than girls continued playing football into young adulthood and that continuation is related to district size. Belonging to an elite club at age 15 reduces the likelihood of girls playing football at age 21, but it has no effect on the likelihood of boys playing football at age 21. In addition, 15-year-old boys and girls from larger districts who played on an elite club at age 15 were more likely to play elite football at age 21. In sum, the study shows that football district size and club affiliation at age 15 affect whether boys and girls continue to play football and whether they play at an elite level as young adults.

This study investigates players who have been selected to a district team in the Swedish Football Association U15 talent programme. Using register data on all selected 15-year-old boy and girl district team players (3943 boys and 4056 girls born between 1986 and 1996) from Sweden’s 24 football districts, we analysed the relationships between club affiliation at age 15, the player population of the district, date of birth, and continuation with football and competitive level as young adults. The results show that a higher percentage of boys than girls continued playing football into young adulthood and that continuation is related to district size. Belonging to an elite club at age 15 reduces the likelihood of girls playing football at age 21, but it has no effect on the likelihood of boys playing football at age 21. In addition, 15-year-old boys and girls from larger districts who played on an elite club at age 15 were more likely to play elite football at age 21. In sum, the study shows that football district size and club affiliation at age 15 affect whether boys and girls continue to play football and whether they play at an elite level as young adults.

This study investigates players who have been selected to a district team in the Swedish Football Association U15 talent programme. Using register data on all selected 15-year-old boy and girl district team players (3943 boys and 4056 girls born between 1986 and 1996) from Sweden’s 24 football districts, we analysed the relationships between club affiliation at age 15, the player population of the district, date of birth, and continuation with football and competitive level as young adults. The results show that a higher percentage of boys than girls continued playing football into young adulthood and that continuation is related to district size. Belonging to an elite club at age 15 reduces the likelihood of girls playing football at age 21, but it has no effect on the likelihood of boys playing football at age 21. In addition, 15-year-old boys and girls from larger districts who played on an elite club at age 15 were more likely to play elite football at age 21. In sum, the study shows that football district size and club affiliation at age 15 affect whether boys and girls continue to play football and whether they play at an elite level as young adults.

Drawing on data from the present and former football players (N = 1026) selected to a national football talent programme at the age of 15, this study explores a model of sport specialisation. We examined three specific aspects of sport specialisation including early football specialisation, participation in youth elite football training environments (i.e. academies) and enrolment in upper secondary football specialisation schools. Antecedents of these sport specialisation factors included gender (i.e. sociocultural), grit (i.e. personality) and perceptions of family finances (i.e. social). Outcomes focused on adult football participation at the age of 21 including elite skill acquisition (i.e. playing elite football) and personal development (i.e. participation in non-elite football). Findings revealed that females were less likely to gain access to elite football training or school specialisation environments. There was also a positive association between grit and participation in elite training environments. In terms of outcomes, players, who got trained in elite training environments during adolescence, were twice as likely to play elite football at the age of 21, while those who attended football specialisation schools were more likely to participate in non-elite football at the age of 21. Early specialisation was not associated with either adult participation outcome. This is one of the few studies to date addressing diverse antecedents and outcomes of sport specialisation factors. Understanding how sport specialisation practices relate to future skill acquisition and personal development can provide guidance for maximising the benefits of youth sport programming. Highlights Girls had less opportunity to participate in elite training environments and school football classes. Early specialisation was unrelated to elite football participation at the age of 21. Participation in youth elite training increased the likelihood of elite status as an adult. Need for clo

Adult football success in Sweden can, besides the training in the club, be advanced through the Swedish football associations regional (U15-17) and national (U15-U21/23) team systems or through elite sport schools at the upper secondary school. These systematic talent development environments are of central interest in this study. Research on talent development environments has had a focus on football academies and environmental success factors (e.g., Cooper, 2021; Larsen et al, 2013). However, to date, research undertaken has not in any greater extent taken into consideration non-club environments and athletes views on how useful those environments have been for their development into elite football players. Thus, in this paper the aim is to explore the meaning and significance of non-club talent development environments by scrutinizing elite football players experiences of participating in such environments and their importance for their development as football players. The material in this study is based on interviews with 13 male and 12 female present and former elite football players. The results showed that being selected at age 15 as one of 16 players in one of the 24 district squads (a two-year process) is, for both women and men, mostly a question of being confirmed and has little or no importance with respect to their football development. The analysis of players experiences of upper secondary elite sport schools (2-3 trainings/week) revealed a more mixed picture. Half of the men and women considered it, although they trained more hours, of little importance for their development. However, those players who have participated in elite sport schools organized by an elite club highlighted to a greater extent the importance of the school environment. The players perceived the national team activities (foremost U15-U19) as professional and serious, but since most players club environment had the same or better quality it had little significance for their develo, Oral presentations: 134. Psychology, Social Sciences & Humanities [OP-SH14], Youth development

Studies on talent identification "the process of recognizing current participants with the potential to become elite players" (Williams & Reilly, 2000, p.658), has predominately focused upon on coaches identification practice (e.g., Cushion & Jones, 2006) or on finding out what qualities that can predict talent (e.g., Vaeyens et al., 2008), and especially with a focus on boys. To date, research undertaken in the field has also neglected elite football player's perspectives on ways of seeing and defining talent. Thus, in this paper the aim is to explore female and male elite football players' perception of what to look for when selecting a talented 14-year-old football player. The material in this study is based on interviews with football players (12 women and 13 men) that at the age of 15 were selected to a district squad and made it all the way to elite football in adulthood. The results show that the dominant view among the women is that attitude and curiosity, the willingness to learn and get better would be decisive in their identification process. However, although a majority of the men also emphasize those factors, the dominant view among men when selecting a talented 14-year old football player is game understanding i.e., how to perceive and understand the game and how to move and act in relation to "what's going on" on the pitch. In conclusion, the question can be asked whether the gender differences shown in the study reflect the different conditions that surround women's and men's football.

This study investigates players who have been selected to a district team in the Swedish Football Association U15 talent programme. Using register data on all selected 15-year-old boy and girl district team players (3943 boys and 4056 girls born between 1986 and 1996) from Sweden’s 24 football districts, we analysed the relationships between club affiliation at age 15, the player population of the district, date of birth, and continuation with football and competitive level as young adults. The results show that a higher percentage of boys than girls continued playing football into young adulthood and that continuation is related to district size. Belonging to an elite club at age 15 reduces the likelihood of girls playing football at age 21, but it has no effect on the likelihood of boys playing football at age 21. In addition, 15-year-old boys and girls from larger districts who played on an elite club at age 15 were more likely to play elite football at age 21. In sum, the study shows that football district size and club affiliation at age 15 affect whether boys and girls continue to play football and whether they play at an elite level as young adults.

This study investigates players who have been selected to a district team in the Swedish Football Association U15 talent programme. Using register data on all selected 15-year-old boy and girl district team players (3943 boys and 4056 girls born between 1986 and 1996) from Sweden’s 24 football districts, we analysed the relationships between club affiliation at age 15, the player population of the district, date of birth, and continuation with football and competitive level as young adults. The results show that a higher percentage of boys than girls continued playing football into young adulthood and that continuation is related to district size. Belonging to an elite club at age 15 reduces the likelihood of girls playing football at age 21, but it has no effect on the likelihood of boys playing football at age 21. In addition, 15-year-old boys and girls from larger districts who played on an elite club at age 15 were more likely to play elite football at age 21. In sum, the study shows that football district size and club affiliation at age 15 affect whether boys and girls continue to play football and whether they play at an elite level as young adults.

Background: Anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) ruptures are common in soccer players, and reconstructive surgery is often performed to restore knee stability and enable a return to play. Purpose: To investigate whether an ACL reconstruction for talented youth soccer players affects their potential to become elite players at the senior level. Study Design: Cohort study; Level of evidence, 3. Methods: All soccer players who participated in the Swedish National Elite Camp for 15-year-old players between 2005 and 2011 (N = 5285 players; 2631 boys and 2654 girls) were matched with the Swedish National Knee Ligament Registry to identify the players who had undergone ACL reconstruction. Information on player participation in Swedish league games and level of play was collected from the Swedish Football Association’s administrative data system. The players with an ACL reconstruction who were injured at the ages of 15 to 19 years were compared with the rest of the players who participated in the National Elite Camp to see whether an early ACL reconstruction affected whether they remained active as soccer players and their chance to play at the elite level as seniors. Results: A total of 524 (9.9%) players had undergone an ACL reconstruction, and 292 (5.5%; 75 male and 217 female) had sustained their injury at age 15 to 19 years. During the follow-up period, 122 (23.3%) players underwent ACL reconstruction: revision (11.5%; n = 60) or contralateral (11.8%; n = 62). Male and female soccer players undergoing an ACL reconstruction at age 15 to 19 years experienced no significant effect on being active or playing at the elite level in the season that they turned 21 years old. Of the youth players who underwent ACL reconstruction, 12% of the male players and 11.5% of the female players progressed to the elite level at the age of 21 years compared with 10.3% of the men and 11.1% of the women among the uninjured players. Conclusion: ACL reconstructive surgery in talented youth soccer

Using questionnaire data collected from one gym in 1995, 2005, and 2015 this study examines 861 women’s and 1827 men’s training patterns and their motives for weight training. Between 1995 and 2015, the gym increased its membership, equipment, and machines. The analysis shows that the participants increased the time they trained in gyms and changed the muscle groups they prioritized. The motives to become stronger, healthier, and more fit remained stable over time, but both the men’s and women’s training de-emphasized building muscles and firmer shapes and emphasized fun, attractiveness, and endurance. The analysis suggests that how the socially constructed body should be shaped and the goal with the shaping has changed. In conclusion, the 20-year perspective captures changes that have not been reported previously and contributes to knowledge about the intersection of gyms and gender, shedding light on how gym culture has changed and the reasons for these changes.