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This article is a partial result of the research project Racial issues and denied citizenships in the city of Londrina-PR. The article aimed to investigate whether the characterization of the self-declared black population and its condition of peripheralization attributed by the State contribute to a greater school dropout in the city of Londrina. The first part of the article sought to carry out a bibliographic survey on the history of racism in Brazil and its consequences; in addition to the importance of the non-stereotyping of the black population in textbooks and also the mandatory approach to Afro- Brazilian History and Culture; African and Indigenous. The results were obtained through questionnaires applied in two public schools in Londrina-PR with students from the 3rd year of high school. The responses were analyzed using graphics and Fonseca's categorization model (2015) based on Bardin's Content Analysis (1977). Through the responses to the questionnaires, it was possible to verify the existence of institutionalized racism and how it influences the black community present in the school environment. However, with the creation of the Law 10639/03, the debate about racism begins to permeate the classrooms. Nevertheless, the discussion must remain constant in order to achieve racial equity, not allowing racism, in this sense, to contribute to school dropout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assumes that identity policies will be necessary even when social inequalities are related to some identities. However, the notion of identity has been criticized over the years by European thought that analyzes the Modern Capitalist State, in fields of knowledge such as philosophy, psychology and psychoanalysis. This critical knowledge was colonially imported into Brazil, causing the identity guidelines of black social movements to be often disregarded by these fields, a comfortable position because it maintains the status quo of Brazilian whiteness. This article presents some contributions to the formulation of a world-system where race will not sustain social inequalities. For that, contradictorily it will be necessary to racialize those who understand themselves to be a universal model of humanity. Through a literature review, we discuss the cosmology of the private (based on European myths of origin, with an emphasis on the myth of the social contract and the myth of initial capital), and we present the proposal / response of individualistic, accumulative and selfish society forged by this cosmology. As a setback to this world logic, we propose a cosmology of the common (based on the Yoruba myths, in particular the triad Emì, Ofò, Asé) in the fight against the primacy of colonial reason, as a philosophical perspective that preserves spirituality and, above all, sustains a sharp political proposal of civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC/1995-2002) played a significant role in the consolidation of policies directed to the countryside and the agrarian reform process in Brazil. The aim of this paper was to reflect on the profile and stresses involved in agrarian reform policy of the FHC government, and the ramifications of this policy in light of the number of settled families and areas obtained for agrarian reform in Brazil. It was used as source texts of researchers who studied the ways and waywardness of the Brazilian agrarian reform and data from the "Fight for Land Database" (DATALUTA/NERA/Unesp/Presidente Prudente). It is understood that during the FHC government, despite the number of settled families and obtained areas have considerably advanced when compared to previous governments, agrarian reform was treated marginally, and the government sometimes denied the struggles and the leadership role of social movements in the countryside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This articles discusses the main features of the Francisco Campos Reform launch in 1927 by tackling the question of whether the principles embodied in New School Movement were incorporated or not. The New School Movement was seen as part of an effort to restructure Education in both the state of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. The Francisco Campos Reform was implemented to increase the number primary schools In Minas Gerais, and also to improve social control which was seen as fundamental to the formation of a controlled citizenry within the scope of ideas of state's republican elite. Therefore, we make an attempt improve the understanding the meaning of this reform to the organization of schools in Minas Gerais given that the 'mission' of these institutions was to create/recreate new individuals for the urban social context, especially within the realm of primary schools which were seen as carriers of new contents, teaching methods and pedagogical practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The visibility of workers' practices represented in oral narratives is provided. The investigation comprises the evaluations of people who lived in Uberlândia MG Brazil during the last three decades, coupled to workers' narratives involving the relationships they experienced. If the possibility of comprehending the aspects provided by workers without the mediation of the gaze of their interlocutors, hailing from other classes, within oral sources, it will be equally significant to identify the spaces of conflicts in which these subjects were the protagonists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this text is to systematize some elements which supported the founding of peasant unions in the Rio Grande do Sul State. Those are the results of a public context of great clashes between social and political groups during the 50`s and the 60`s, with a great repercussion over the Brazilian political history and the peasantry. The role of the Catholic Church through its groups of ideological and political orientation was essential for this accomplishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the communists in northern Paraná, the organization of rural workers and in the struggle for land. The political struggle in the city and the constant urban social movements are considered. An analysis is conducted political, police action and the actions of militants of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) in the region of north Paraná. The cultural-political control, repressive institution and agency law is also discussed.