Self-injury, also known in the literature as non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI), self-mutilation, parasuicide and deliberate self-harm, occurs when an individual causes intentional harm to self without the intent to end their life, most commonly by cutting (Hawton Rodham, Evans & Weatherall, 2002). The United Kingdom (UK) has had the highest rate of self-injury in Europe, with an estimate of 400 in 100,000 people engaging in self-harm (Horrocks, House & Owens, 2002). Self-injury is an ongoing concern and remains prevalent, particularly amongst young people. There are many reasons why someone may self-injure, and for those who repeatedly use self-injury the reasons (and methods) may be different each time (Horrocks, Price, House & Owens, 2003). Adverse life events are considered to play a key role in self-injury. For example, past trauma (e.g. sexual abuse) may be an important reason why someone starts to self-injure and adverse life events (e.g. relationship breakdowns) may precipitate further acts of self-injury (Haw & Hawton, 2008). De Leo and colleagues (1999) also found a relationship between physical illness and increased self-injury. Other risk factors include disadvantaged socioeconomic status, mental health diagnoses, substance use, sexual orientation, ethnicity and gender such as Asian females, poor problem solving skills and learning disabilities (NICE, 2012). Chapter one presents a systematic review of the quantitative literature available from searching databases using key terms relating to self-injury and attachment. A key aim of chapter one is to establish whether there is a relationship between insecure attachment and non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) in adults. Synthesising the relevant research in this way aims to provide additional insight and value to existing literature, as the findings of this review indicate there may be a relationship between experiences of insecure attachment and self-injury. Additionally, research has identified that early trauma, abuse and emotional neglect are risk factors for self-harm, shame, self-criticism and fear of compassion (Gilbert, 1992, 2005, 2007; Andrews, 1998), concepts which are examined in Chapter 2. Attachment can be defined as the biological bond between a child and caregiver, which is fundamental to survival and development. Attachment theory highlights the importance of the quality of the relationship a baby and/or young child has with their primary care giver and the long lasting effects that these relationships can have upon the individual's future mental health and adult relationships. Severe disruptions in the attachment relationship have been considered as a form of 'trauma' (Allen, 2013). Attachment trauma is defined as the disruption in the important bonding process between child and caregiver; for example following abuse, neglect, lack of affection and absence of care (BrightQuest, 2019). These early relationship experiences can be distressing for a young child and are found to play an important role in the underdevelopment of skills relating to emotion regulation, problem solving and mentalizing (Fonagy & Bateman, 2007; Fonagy, Gergely, Jurist & Target, 2002). These are areas that individuals who self-injure often experience difficulties with (Bateman & Fonagy, 2004; Walker, Hirsch, Chang & Jeglic, 2017). Research has however found that people who self-injure tend to use this coping method for a limited period of time, with the majority spontaneously stopping by early adulthood (Moran et al., 2012). The act of self-injury may be time limited, however the physical scars associated with self-injury are often permanent and may have a significant ongoing impact on an individual's life. The majority of research and clinical guidelines in this area focus on current self-injury and risk, rather than potential resulting longer term difficulties. Research on the impact of self-injury scarring is somewhat limited. For example, the National Institute for Heath and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines for the short-term management of self-harm in over 8 years does mention the importance of minimising scaring (p. 25; NICE, 2004). However scar minimisation is not mentioned at all in the long term management of selfharm, with the focus on monitoring and treatment to reduce or stop self-injury (NICE, 2011). Chapter two therefore aims to provide insight and additional research into the longer-term impact of self-injury, by exploring the psychological and social factors in individuals who have physical scars as a result of previous self-injury. Previous studies by Gilbert and colleagues (Gilbert et al., 2010 and Gilbert, McEwan, Matos & Rivis, 2011) identified that individuals who self-injure report high levels of shame, self-criticism and a fear of engagement in compassionate behaviours, often as a result of early childhood experiences. It has also been suggested that when scars result in feelings of anxiety and shame the NSSI recovery process can be hindered (Lewis, 2016). Shame has been defined as the painful feelings of humiliation or distress, often caused by the consciousness of wrong or foolish behaviour (Oxford, 2019). Shame can be experienced both externally when an individual believes or experiences a negative view of themselves in the minds of others and internally when an individual has negative self-evaluations (Gilbert et al., 2010). When facing adversity, individuals can become either self-critical or self-reassuring (Gilbert, Clarke, Hempel, Miles & Irons, 2004). Individuals who are self-critical can believe that they are inadequate and inferior, and/or they can feel self-disgust and self-hatred. This can be for two reasons, to be either self-corrective or self-punishing (Gilbert et al., 2004). The Cambridge Dictionary (2019) defines compassion as a strong feeling of sympathy and sadness for the suffering or bad luck of others and a wish to help them. It captures attributes of kindness, care, empathy and non-judgement, which can be directed towards (or from) others and for ourselves in times of difficulty (Gilbert et al., 2011). However, some individuals have difficulty in developing or expressing compassion due to avoidance or fear reactions (Gilbert, 2010). In the current study, a series of measures were used to determine which factors relating to shame, selfcriticism and fear of compassion contributed to psychosocial adjustment scores in individuals who no longer self-harm but still have scarring. Findings indicated that a number of significant predictors helped to explain or contribute to psychosocial adjustment in these individuals. For example: a) depression, b) the age an individual stops self-injuring, c) the individual's overall opinion of the scars in comparison to normal skin (severity), d) the individuals current age and e) the fear of expressing compassion to others scores explained 42% of the social factors (such as employment, leisure activities and close relationships) relating to adjustment. From a psychological perspective: a) level of depression, b) anxiety, c) the number of years an individual has self-injured, d) current age, e) whether an individual feels ashamed about specific personal characteristics not related to body or behaviour (characterological shame), f) whether an individual can be self-reassuring (by having the ability to focus on positives and reassure themselves when things do not go right), and g) whether someone is able to express kindness and compassion to themselves explained 75.2% of the psychological factors (such as thoughts and feelings about life). It is hoped that the results of the study will inform clinical practice by identifying which key predictor variables contribute to psychosocial adjustment in individuals who have scars as a result of previous self-injury.