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The article presents the U.S. Congressional Research Service report which provides an overview of the spread of COVID-19 in Iran, and the possible effects of U.S. policy on the capacity of Iran to cope with the outbreak. It mentions that the U.S. President Trump Administration has articulated economic sanctions on every sector or Iran's economy. It also mentions that Members of Congress have called on the Administration to support the loan and to ease other U.S. sanctions for helping Iran.

The article discusses sanctions imposed by the United Nations (UN) on Iran. Topics explored include the introduction of UN Security Council resolutions related to the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) infrastructure and nuclear program of Iran, the easing of some international sanctions under the Joint Plan of Action (JPA) and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), and the core objectives of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (CISADA).

Iran's foreign policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran's Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership's perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime's various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran's foreign policy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States, Israel, and Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for an "oppressed" underclass. Others interpret Iran's foreign policy as more practical than ideological-an attempt to protect Iran from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to change its regime. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its foreign policy. Some Iranian policy tools are similar to those used by the United States and its allies-traditional diplomacy, the promotion of Iran's values and interests in international meetings, and supporting the election or political prospects of leaders and groups friendly toward Iran. Other tools Tehran uses are more problematic to U.S. policy: Iran provides direct material support to armed groups, some of which use terrorism to intimidate or retaliate against Israel or other regional opponents of Iran. Iran's armed support to Shiite-dominated allied governments, such as those of Syria and Iraq, have aggravated challenges from Sunni insurgent groups by fueling Sunni popular resentment. Iran's foreign policy overwhelmingly focuses on the Near East region, including on U.S. operations, allies, and activities in that region. It is that region where all the various components of Iran's foreign policy interact. Iran's foreign policy also seems to be directed at influencing the policies and actions of big powers, such as those in Europe as well as Russia, that are active in the Near East-either as partners or antagonists of U.S. interests in that region. Much of Iran's foreign policy also appears intended to thwart or at least mitigate the effects of international sanctions imposed on Iran. Some aspects of Iran's foreign policy might yet shift as the July 14, 2015, nuclear agreement between Iran and the United States and its partner negotiating countries (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA) is implemented. Under the JCPOA, many of the international sanctions that have hobbled Iran's economy are to be lifted, removing at least some obstacles to finalizing a number of pending joint regional energy and transportation projects. Some experts assess that the JCPOA might cause Iran to try to put aside longstanding animosities. Iran's elected President Hassan Rouhani has stated that the JCPOA is "a beginning for creating an atmosphere of friendship and co-operation with various countries." However, some experts and officials argue that Iran's foreign policy will not change significantly, and that sanctions relief will provide Iran with more financial resources to fund policies and factions that most challenge the interests of the United States and its allies. Iran's Supreme Leader, Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamene'i, continues to assert that Iran's foreign policy must not change as a consequence of the agreement. Key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), appear to be moving to thwart any broad realignment by Iran or any compromises of its core foreign policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the broad international sanctions imposed on Iran during 2010-2013. Topics discussed include decrease in crude oil exports, decrease in the country economy, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) being finalized on July 14, 2015 to relief sanctions, suspension of the energy, financial and automotive sectors sanctions after the country' commitments with the U.S.

The article examines international sanctions on Iran's key energy and financial sectors that harmed Iran's economy, leading to Iran's acceptance of restrictions on expanding its nuclear program in exchange for modest sanctions relief. Topics discussed include the interim nuclear agreement called Joint Plan of Action (JPA) as well as sanctions and sanction exemptions to support democratic change and civil society in Iran. Also mentioned are other possible U.S. and international sanctions.

The article focuses on the implementation of the Iran-Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act under the FY1993 National Defense Authorization Act, P.L. 102-484, signed in October 1992. It mentions that the Act imposes several sanctions on Iran including the prohibition on some foreign entities to supply the country with elements that can be develope to weapons of mass destruction (WMD). It discusses the provision of the Act on Iran's acquisition of conventional weapons.

The article takes a look at the impact of sanctions on Iran beyond the expiration of the Joint Plan of Action (JPA) on November 24, 2014. It notes that Iran would have been provided with a total of 11.3 billion dollars in sanctions relief from January 20 to November 24, 2014. It also infers that by the end of the JPA term, an existing deal by Iran with the P5+1 countries could result to a broader easing of nuclear and international sanctions.

The article discusses the extent of legal and administrative actions to impose energy and economic sanctions against Iran. It notes the intended effect of the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) imposed since 1996 to weaken Iran's economy, oil sector, and financial capacity for nuclear and terrorist-support programs. It mentions several acts that constitute violation of the ISA such as investing to develop Iran's oil and gas sector, and sales of technology for weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

The article presents a U.S. Congressional Research Service report on international sanctions against Iran.Topics include the argument that Iran's acceptance of the Joint Plan of Action on November 24, 2013 meant that strict sanctions targeted Iran's energy sector and its access to global financial system are harming Iran's economy, sanctions slowing Iran's nuclear and missile program, a weapon reducing the country's military power by blocking its acquisition of foreign technology and weaponry.

The article assesses the effectiveness of sanctions against Iran based on various criteria and goals. Topics addressed include the sanctions' effect on Iran's nuclear program decisions and capabilities, their impact on Iran's nuclear and strategic programs and regional influence, and their political and human rights-related effects. Also mentioned are the sanctions' impact on Iran's economy, Iran's efforts to mitigate sanctions' economic effect, and ramifications for the Iranian energy sector.

The article discusses energy and other sector sanctions imposed by the U.S. against Iran since 1996. Topics addressed include the U.S. Iran Sanctions Act (ISA), related laws and executive orders. Also mentioned are the aim of denying Iran the financial resources to advance its weapons of mass destruction and nuclear programs and support terrorists, the petroleum industry's contribution to the Iranian economy, and ISA sanctions to firms or persons selling weapons-related technology to Iran.

The article discusses the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) that has been expanded to sanction other Iranian economic sectors dealings. It says that a "buy-back" investment program has been used by Iran to accommodate a retaining control of the country's national resources. It mentions a bill introduced by U.S. Senator Alfonse D'Amato which sanctions foreign firms exporting energy technology to Iran.

The article focuses on the report "Iran Sanctions" by the Congressional Research Service, a public policy research arm of the U.S. Congress as of May 31, 2013. It discusses the effect of implementing the U.S. and international sanctions on human rights, nuclear program and economic conditions. Other topics discussed include the Iran-Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act, the Iran-North Korea-Syria Nonproliferation Act and the Iran Sanctions Act.

The article discusses efforts of an international coalition to impost strict economic sanctions on Iran's oil export lifeline to compel Iran to confine its nuclear program to peaceful uses. It cites Iran's worsening economic situation due to a European Union embargo on purchases of Iranian crude oil effective July 1, 2012 and a reduction of Iranian oil exports. The 112th Congress passed an extensive Iran sanctions bill making additional forms of foreign energy dealings with Iran sanctionable.

The article focuses on the report released by Congressional Research Service for Congress titled "Iran Sanctions" on September 13, 2012. Topics include strict economic sanctions on Iran's oil export lifeline producing increasingly severe effects on Iran's economy, many international firms have left the Iran market due to inflation and banking provisions by Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (CISADA).

The article discusses the provisions, interpretations, implementations and effects of various sanctions against Iran. First, it explores the Iran Sanctions Act and its changes under the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act (CISADA). It then examines the international implementation and compliance of United Nations (UN) sanctions. In addition, it looks at the effects of sanctions on Iranian economy, politics, nuclear weapon negotiations and counter-proliferation.

The article discusses the three-decade mistrust between the Islamic regime of Iran and the U.S. as to their common interest of keeping Persian Gulf and South Asian stability with the view of a better U.S.-Iran relationship. It cites the economic profile of Iran including its economic growth, oil production and major export and import markets as well as its trade with the U.S. and its public debt. It also presents the map of Iran and the organizational structure of the government.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, a resource-rich and labor-rich country in the Middle East, is a central focus of U.S. national security policy. The United States asserts that Iran is a state sponsor of terrorism and that Iran's uranium enrichment activities are for the development of nuclear weapons. To the extent that U.S. sanctions and other efforts to change Iranian state policy target aspects of Iran's economy as a means of influence, it is important to evaluate Iran's economic structure, strengths, and vulnerabilities. Since 2000, Iran has enjoyed broad-based economic growth. However, strong economic performance has been hindered by high levels of inflation and unemployment and low levels of foreign investment. Some contend that President Ahmadinejad's expansionary monetary and fiscal policies have worsened unemployment, inflation, and poverty in Iran. With the onset of the global economic downturn, Iran's economic growth was expected to slow in 2009 and through 2010. Iran has long been subject to U.S. economic sanctions, and more recently, to United Nations sanctions, over its uranium enrichment program and purported support for terror activities. Such sanctions are believed by some analysts to contribute to Iran's growing international trade and financial isolation. Iran's economy is highly dependent on the production and export of crude oil to finance government spending, and consequently is vulnerable to fluctuations in international oil prices. Although Iran has vast petroleum reserves, the country lacks adequate refining capacity and imports gasoline to meet domestic energy needs. Iran is seeking foreign investment to develop its petroleum sector. While some deals have been finalized, reputational and financial risks may have limited other foreign companies' willingness to finalize deals. While Iran-U.S. economic relations are limited, the United States has a key interest in Iran's relations with other countries. As some European countries have curbed trade and investment dealings with Iran, other countries, such as China and Russia, have emerged as increasingly important economic partners. Iran also has focused more heavily on regional trade opportunities, such as with the United Arab Emirates. High oil prices have increased Iran's leverage in dealing with international issues, but the country's dependence on oil and other weak spots in the economy have to come to light by the 2008 international financial crisis, which may portend a slowing down of Iran's economy. Members of Congress are divided about the proper course of action in respect to Iran. Some advocate a hard line, while others contend that sanctions are ineffective at promoting policy change in Iran and hurt the U.S. economy. In the 110th Congress, several bills were introduced that reflect both perspectives. Policies toward Iran remain a key issue for the 111th Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on report titled "Iran's Economic Conditions: U.S. Policy Issues" released by Congressional Research Service for U.S. Congress on April 22, 2010. Topics include Iran's economy comprising macroeconomic trends, policy reforms and international trade patterns and sources of foreign exchange, U.S. economic sanctions imposed for national security and foreign policy reasons and congressional issues and options comprising impact of sanctions on Iran's economy and policy.

The article focuses on the report issued by the U.S. Congressional Research Service on the economic conditions in Iran as of June 15, 2009. Topics discussed include several economic sector of Iran for contributing in the gross domestic product (GDP) including oil and natural gases, crude oil export and food products, international trade of Iran and the U.S. and the economic policy of Iran. Also mentions an overview on the trade liberalization in Iran.

The article presents a report related to the U.S. policy towards Iran's economic conditions, released by the U.S. Congressional Research Service as of January 15, 2009. Topics discussed include issues for the U.S. to tackle with such as terrorism and nuclear weapons development in Iran, several issues including inflation, unemployment and low levels of foreign investment hindering the economy of Iran and Iran-U.S. economic relations.

The article focuses on the international concerns regarding the nuclear program in Iran which causes pressure to the country's economy and diplomacy. Topics discussed include the move of Iran to signed the Additional Protocol and the Paris Agreement for the suspension of uranium enrichment, the sanctions imposed by the United Nations (UN) Security Council on Iran, and the negotiation called Permanent Five Plus 1 (P5+1).

The article focuses on a report released by the U.S. Congressional Research Service (CSR) for the U.S. Congress as of August 22, 2008 on economic conditions of Iran. Topics discussed include economic policy and reform efforts of Iran, economic growth and inflation in Iran, and the foreign involvement in the development of the oil and natural gas sector in Iran.

The article focuses on a report released by the U.S. Congressional Research Service (CSR) for the U.S. Congress as of August 7, 2008 on economic conditions of China. Topics discussed include role of foreign investments and trade in the economic development of China, growth rate of real gross domestic product (GDP) of China, and harmful economic policies of China that are harmful to economic interests of the U.S.

The article focuses on Section 504 of the Iran Threat Reduction Act (ITRSHRA). It mentions that the provision requires that any funds owed to Iran resulting from exempted transactions including oil purchases be credit to an account within the country with primary jurisdiction over the foreign bank that make the transaction. It adds that the provision locked up foreign exchanges earned by Iran in foreign banks.

The article reports on the executive orders and laws aimed to prohibit Iran from obtaining U.S. or other technology that can be used for weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

The article focuses on the decline of percentage of Iran's gross domestic products (GDP), foreign exchange earnings, and government revenue since the country diversified its economy as a response to sanctions imposed to its energy sector.

The article focuses on ideology as one of the foreign policy motivators of Iran. Topics discussed include the continuous influence of the 1979 Islamic revolution to the country's foreign policy, the suppression of its clergy and Islam, the establishment of clergy regime, and the distortion of the economics and politics of the Middle East.

The article discusses the worsening economic situation in Iran brought about by the strict economic sanctions imposed on it by an international coalition. It notes how the sanctions have reduced Iranian oil exports to 1.4 million barrels a day as of late August 2012 and forced the nation to trade through barter arrangements after being cut off from the international banking system. Some members of U.S. Congress believe that economic pressure on Iran has to increase further and faster.