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The COVID‐19 pandemic has had a disproportionate impact on the health of Black Americans, Latinx or Hispanic Americans, and American Indians. These disparities are deeply unjust, in part, because they are the causal result of racism at both the interpersonal and structural levels. This paper argues, however, that establishing a causal connection between racism and health disparities is not the only way to explain the injustice of these disparities. The COVID‐19 health disparities are arguably unjust because health equity is a "free‐standing" demand of justice, an obligation of reparative justice, a remedy to structural injustice, and part of dismantling pernicious racial concepts. Identifying multiple accounts of injustice may lower the evidentiary bar for our normative claims and help us to identify alternative policy pathways for ending health inequity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy PointsPolicies that increase county income levels, particularly for middle‐income households, may reduce low birth weight rates and shrink disparities between Black and White infants.Given the role of aggregate maternal characteristics in predicting low birth weight rates, policies that increase human capital investments (e.g., funding for higher education, job training) could lead to higher income levels while improving population birth outcomes.The association between county income levels and racial disparities in low birth weight is independent of disparities in maternal risks, and thus a broad set of policies aimed at increasing income levels (e.g., income supplements, labor protections) may be warranted. Context: Low birth weight (LBW; <2,500 grams) and infant mortality rates vary among place and racial group in the United States, with economic resources being a likely fundamental contributor to these disparities. The goals of this study were to examine time‐varying county median income as a predictor of LBW rates and Black‐White LBW disparities and to test county prevalence and racial disparities in maternal sociodemographic and health risk factors as mediators. Methods: Using national birth records for 1992–2014 from the National Center for Health Statistics, a total of approximately 27.4 million singleton births to non‐Hispanic Black and White mothers were included. Data were aggregated in three‐year county‐period observations for 868 US counties meeting eligibility requirements (n = 3,723 observations). Sociodemographic factors included rates of low maternal education, nonmarital childbearing, teenage pregnancy, and advanced‐age pregnancy; and health factors included rates of smoking during pregnancy and inadequate prenatal care. Among other covariates, linear models included county and period fixed effects and unemployment, poverty, and income inequality. Findings: An increase of $10,000 in county median income was associated with 0.34 fewer LBW cases per 100 live births and smaller Black‐White LBW disparities of 0.58 per 100 births. Time‐varying county rates of maternal sociodemographic and health risks mediated the association between median income and LBW, accounting for 65% and 25% of this estimate, respectively, but racial disparities in risk factors did not mediate the income association with Black‐White LBW disparities. Similarly, county median income was associated with very low birth weight rates and related Black‐White disparities. Conclusions: Efforts to increase income levels—for example, through investing in human capital, enacting labor union protections, or attracting well‐paying employment—have broad potential to influence population reproductive health. Higher income levels may reduce LBW rates and lead to more equitable outcomes between Black and White mothers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context: This article explores the relationship between metropolitan fragmentation, as defined by the total number of governmental units within a metropolitan statistical area (local municipalities, special service districts, and school districts), and racial disparities in mortality among blacks and whites in the 1990s. The presence of numerous governmental jurisdictions in large metropolitan areas in the United States can shape the geography of opportunity, with adverse consequences for health. Methods: We conducted a regression analysis using U.S. Census of Government data and Compressed Mortality File data for the country's largest 171 metropolitan statistical areas. Findings: We found a link between increased metropolitan area fragmentation and greater racial differences in mortality between blacks and whites for both children and working-age adults. Although increasing fragmentation is associated with a higher mortality rate for blacks, it is not associated with a higher mortality rate for whites. These findings suggest that research is needed to understand how governance can positively or negatively influence a population's health and create conditions that generate or exacerbate health disparities. Conclusions: We need to understand the extent to which metropolitan fragmentation contributes to racial segregation, whether racism contributes to both, and the role of poverty and antipoverty policies in reducing or exacerbating the consequences of metropolitan fragmentation. The exact pathways by which metropolitan fragmentation contributes to differences between blacks' and whites' mortality rates are unknown. Uncovering how institutions influence the social, economic, and environmental conditions, which in turn contribute to the current racial and ethnic health disparities in the largest metropolitan areas, is key. Understanding these 'upstream' determinants of a population's health and the disparities in health between subgroups in the overall population must be at the core of any attempt to reduce disparities in health. Building bridges between urban planning and public health can be critical to these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]