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'Social movement unionism' (SMU) has been suggested as a suitable strategy for union renewal in Spain, yet the literature on union renewal and SMU has two major shortcomings: (1) a lack of bottom‐up studies, and (2) a lack of dialogue between industrial relations and social movement research. To redress these shortcomings, we make three contributions in this article: first, we provide evidence on the current opportunities for SMU in Spain's feminized precarious service sector; second, we apply a bottom‐up intersectional approach to the study of SMU; and third, we bridge the research on industrial relations and on social movements by adopting a relational framework that looks at both union and non‐union actors as key actors for union renewal. Our results show a landscape of co‐existence, conflict, cooperation and competition between union and non‐union actors, including established unions, radical grassroots unions and emerging forms of collective representation; however, if we are to develop SMU as a strategy for union renewal in post‐Great Recession Spain, then there is still room for promoting deep coalition building between unions and novel forms of worker collectivism, as well as developing intersectional politics to reach non‐traditional membership groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of July 2022, all Fortune 100 companies have made public announcements about their commitments to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI). At the same time, more universities are offering DEI certificates or degree programs. Despite this recent social movement, DEI research in decision science remains nascent. DEI can be a politically sensitive topic, but its economic and social impact on organizations and employees deserves careful examination. This article intends to engender a discussion of various DEI research opportunities for decision science researchers to explore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that the recent protests in Iran, ostensibly driven by the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, are a symbol of a far greater dissatisfaction with arbitrary rule, corruption, and incompetence. While compulsory veiling was the immediate cause, the main drivers are the ailing economy and the decline in public services. Given the depth and breadth of street protests and the ongoing civil disobedience, the Islamic Republic simply cannot return to business as usual. At the same time, the regime is incapable of reinventing itself. It faces political and socioeconomic constraints and a mix of demographic and environmental challenges, among others. As for whether outside pressure can help protesters, the West must balance its championing of the movement with its pursuit of diplomatic engagement on Iran's nuclear program. And Iran is now getting more international assistance by looking eastward to China and Russia. With the government and security forces willing to use violence against protesters, civil disobedience may be the only method to systematically challenge the ruling order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the island of Guåhan (Guam) native and endemic species are an integral part of the CHamoru language, rituals, and practices. They are interconnected with their culture and honored together with the ocean, the land, and their ancestors. Presently, this spiritual connection is being jeopardized as military expansion threatens the sacred lands of Tailalo' and Litekyan. Phylogenetic and ethnographic research, connected to the principles of environmental justice, has brought attention to the social movement to protect the last håyun lågu tree (Serianthes nelsonii) at Tailalo'. This opinion piece is a rallying cry to safeguard the last håyun lågu and to confront the U.S. National Environmental Policy Act and the U.S. Endangered Species Act, as its regulations do not mirror the island's social and cultural system and fail to incorporate Indigenous and scientific perspectives to protect Indigenous biocultural heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neurodiversity movement is a social movement that emerged among autistic self‐advocates. It has since spread and has been joined by many with diagnoses of attention‐deficit/hyperactivity disorder, dyslexia, and developmental coordination disorder among others. By reconceptualizing neurodiversity as part of biodiversity, neurodiversity proponents emphasize the need to develop an 'ecological' society that supports the conservation of neurological minorities through the construction of ecological niches—that is, making space for all. This is an alternative to the drive to eliminate diversity through attempts to 'treat' or 'cure' neurodivergence. So far, neurodiversity theory has not been formally adapted for psychotherapeutic frameworks, and it is not the role of the therapist to make systemic changes to societal organization. Still, there is room for fruitfully drawing on a neurodiversity perspective for therapists working with neurodivergent people in clinical settings. Here, we draw on the example of autism and synthesize three key themes to propose the concept of neurodivergence‐informed therapy. First, the reconceptualization of dysfunction as relational rather than individual. Second, the importance of neurodivergence acceptance and pride, and disability community and culture to emancipate neurodivergent people from neuro‐normativity. Third, the need for therapists to cultivate a relational epistemic humility regarding different experiences of neurodivergence and disablement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of association can include the right of labour unions to take collective action in the interest of their members. In this regard, it is presumed that unions increase worker freedom. However, there is little literature on how worker freedom as self‐actualization is linked to union collective action involving coalition‐building with civil society. This article uses the notions of freedom according to Berlin (1969) and MacCallum (1967) to assess the meaning of such coalition‐building for worker freedom. It then employs a radical democratic perspective (Laclau and Mouffe 2001) of union engagement with the Just Transition in New Zealand to explore how unions enhance worker freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantifying space use and segregation, as well as the extrinsic and intrinsic factors affecting them, is crucial to increase our knowledge of species‐specific movement ecology and to design effective management and conservation measures. This is particularly relevant in the case of species that are highly mobile and dependent on sparse and unpredictable trophic resources, such as vultures. Here, we used the GPS‐tagged data of 127 adult Griffon Vultures Gyps fulvus captured at five different breeding regions in Spain to describe the movement patterns (home‐range size and fidelity, and monthly cumulative distance). We also examined how individual sex, season, and breeding region determined the cumulative distance traveled and the size and overlap between consecutive monthly home‐ranges. Overall, Griffon Vultures exhibited very large annual home‐range sizes of 5027 ± 2123 km2, mean monthly cumulative distances of 1776 ± 1497 km, and showed a monthly home‐range fidelity of 67.8 ± 25.5%. However, individuals from northern breeding regions showed smaller home‐ranges and traveled shorter monthly distances than those from southern ones. In all cases, home‐ranges were larger in spring and summer than in winter and autumn, which could be related to difference in flying conditions and food requirements associated with reproduction. Moreover, females showed larger home‐ranges and less monthly fidelity than males, indicating that the latter tended to use the similar areas throughout the year. Overall, our results indicate that both extrinsic and intrinsic factors modulate the home‐range of the Griffon Vulture and that spatial segregation depends on sex and season at the individual level, without relevant differences between breeding regions in individual site fidelity. These results have important implications for conservation, such as identifying key threat factors necessary to improve management actions and policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Translocation of elephants is used to mitigate human‐elephant conflict in Asia and Africa. However, few studies investigate how translocations affect the movements and social behaviour of individuals following their release, which may have important implications for whether translocated animals survive and succeed. Using GPS‐tracking data, we explored movements of five translocated bull elephants (Loxodonta africana) moved to Tsavo, Kenya, and compared them with five resident bull elephants. Position data was collected hourly for 1 year (March 2018–March 2019), and analysed to investigate home range, displacement rates, problematic behaviour and group size. Of the five translocated elephants, three were illegally killed and one continued to break fences and raid crops. Only one elephant stayed away from human settlement. We found group size and composition to be significantly different, with translocated elephants observed in smaller groups with no female elephant interactions. All elephants showed variation in home ranges and displacement rates, but differences were not significant between resident and translocated elephant groups. For future translocations, we recommend careful consideration of elephant social systems, elephant age, timing, release site and proximity to human settlements that might create human‐elephant conflict. This will improve chance for success of such high‐stake and expensive translocations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper frames two generations of war resister migration from the United States to Canada and the social movements that supported them as contrapuntal histories, disparate yet woven together, and entangled across space and time. We argue that Canada has functioned at key historical moments as safe haven for war resisters from and others fleeing conflict led by the United States, but that this role was always provisional, historically contingent, and never guaranteed. It is therefore crucial to understand the social movements that arose to support the search for safe haven at different points in geopolitical relations and histories. We develop this argument with empirical research about people who migrated to Canada during wars led by the United States in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. In documenting both generations of resister migration, we move across scales to understand the highly embodied geopolitics of these journeys, which run parallel and diverge in key ways. Our analysis thus maps the shifting history of Canada as a safe haven for those seeking refuge from the violence of war and militarism in the United States. Key messages: Two generations of US war resister migrants faced disparate outcomes in their search for protection in Canada.We offer a contrapuntal history of their migrations to Canada, the enforced patriotism, masculinity, and militarism that fueled their flight, and the social movements that supported them.While Canada has functioned as a safe haven historically, this role is always in flux and influenced by shifts in geopolitical relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, the adoption of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB)‐inclusive practices by companies is triggered primarily by pressures from activists who base their claims on a business case rationale for diversity; this has been studied mainly from a social movement perspective. In Europe, by contrast, diverse actors—not necessarily constituting a unified social movement—make a variety of arguments for more inclusion, based on a spectrum of rationales. To account for this variety, this article adopts a stakeholder approach, identifying two processes through which 14 'pioneering' Italian business organizations have adopted such practices: a business‐driven process and an equality‐driven process. This article demonstrates how these processes are mutually exclusive, and how they differ in terms of rationales, actors involved and outcomes achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars know relatively little about the potential impact of women's movements on gender diversity in the corporate world. We aim to fill this gap in the literature by providing the first empirical analysis of the relationship between women's movements and female representation on boards of directors. Drawing on political process theory, we argue that the strength of a women's movement is positively associated with its ability to increase the number of women on corporate boards. Moreover, we posit that the effect of women's movements on female board representation is moderated by corporate opportunity structures, that is, attributes of firms that make them more or less receptive to social movement activities. Three firm characteristics are particularly relevant in the context of boardroom gender diversity: reputation‐seeking behavior, commitment to corporate social responsibility, and political orientation. Using firm‐fixed effects models to analyze data on more than 2000 companies from 10 countries over a period of 10 years, we find support for three of our four hypotheses. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reimagining Academic Activism: Learning from Feminist Anti-Violence Activists As a Pãkehã (white New Zealander) academic in Social Enterprise Management at the University of Technology Sydney, Weatherall came to the collective equipped with the academic tools of theoretical concepts, methodologies and carefully formulated research questions. I Reimagining Academic Activism: Learning from Feminist Anti-Violence Activists i is an inspiring, imaginative examination of how academia and activism are intertwined in complicated, often surprising ways. [Extracted from the article]

Global cultural heritage is a lucrative asset. It is an important industry generating millions of jobs and billions of euros in revenue yearly. However, despite the tremendous economic and socio‐cultural benefits, little attention is usually paid to its conservation and to developing innovative big‐picture strategies to modernize its professional field. This perspective aims to compile some of the relevant current global needs to explore alternative ways for shaping future steps associated with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. From this perspective, it is conceptualized how emerging artificial intelligence (AI) and digital socio‐technological models of production based on democratic Peer‐2‐Peer (P2P) interactions can represent an alternative transformative solution by going beyond the current global communication and technical limitations in the heritage conservation community, while also providing novel digital tools to conservation practitioners, which can truly revolutionize the conservation decision‐making process and improve global conservation standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the buy local movement using social interactions. Social interaction arises if some consumers have preferences for local economic output due to altruism toward local producers and/or because of local amenities that benefit the community. This introduces an incentive for some consumers to advocate for localism and convert other consumers to buy locally. However, when there are competing communities, global efforts to buy more local products leads to lower utility from consumption and, under some scenarios, no increases in local production. This paper analyzes the benefits and costs of buying locally under various types of localism and market structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coalitions within national union movements have been an enduring means by which unions pursue shared interests and policy ambitions. Drawing on social movement theory, we focus on the logics shaping union coalitions, and the conditions under which they differ, in order to gain analytical purchase on enduring debates about union behaviour in industrial relations. Taking the German case, we identify four key policy issues that have caused major divisions and competing coalitional activity between unions in the German Trade Union Confederation (DGB) over the period 1964 to 2018. Our analysis suggests that there is a degree of fluidity between instrumental and ideological logics, which relates to the evolving socio‐political contexts that shape the dynamics of union coalitions over time. In the German context, our findings indicate that the relative importance of the logics shaping coalition activity varies with the nature of the threats unions encounter. In the face of more specific and immediate threats, coalitional decision‐making was more likely to be driven by instrumental logic, prioritizing the narrower concerns of the union and its core members. However, where unions' broader social visions came under threat, self‐interest played a more modest role, and choices were more likely to be animated by ideological concerns and questions of public good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long‐term capture–mark–recapture data provide valuable information on the movements of individuals between locations, and the contemporary and/or co‐located captures of individuals can be used to approximate the social structure of populations.We introduce an r package (CMRnet) that generates social and movement networks from spatially explicit capture–mark–recapture data. It also provides functions for network and datastream permutations for these networks. Here we describe the package and key considerations for its application, providing two example case studies.The conversion of spatially explicit mark–recapture data into social and movement networks will provide insights into the interplay between demography and behaviour in wild animal populations, with important applications in their management and conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adds to the literature on system research by providing a comprehensive analysis of the immune processes for the social system of society, focusing on conflicts and law as the main components. Social systems are conceptualized as self‐reproducing units based on communication, with individuals constituting separate entities, namely, the human environment of society. Processes of social immunization concern individuals' perception of the social costs of expectations and their consequent reactions, which can give rise to ecological tensions between social systems and the human environment. Individuals' reactions to social costs are problems that social systems should deal with communicatively to guarantee their own reproduction. Conflicts contribute to immune processes by channeling the perception of social costs into specific communicative forms, such as social movements. Whereas legal procedures are the main settings in which social systems are immunized from the costly continuation of disputes, which would interfere in the social autopoiesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In enhancing a proposal by Luhmann, this contribution shows that it is possible to locate different types of systems between 'face‐to‐face‐interaction' and 'society': groups, organizations, families and protest movements. The common ground of these is that they use membership to attribute persons to the system or not. However, they differ fundamentally in regard to how they understand membership. In contrast to Luhmann's differentiation between interaction, organization and society, it is not only possible to imagine different types of interlocking systems but also coequal combinations of and transitions between the different types of social systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the call for companies to abandon current approaches to environmental management, this study adds to the environmental strategy literature and uses the evidence of competitive dynamics among companies to identify a mechanism by which companies invest in proactive environmental strategies and thereby improve the sustainability of the natural environment. An examination utilizing fixed effects regressions on a sample of large U.S.‐based companies reveal that even after controlling the number, environmental and financial performance of leading (environmental) companies, laggard (environmental) companies are more likely to invest in proactive environmental strategies when their leading peers display higher sustainability orientations. Neither the expectation of government regulation nor social movement pressure was found to be influential in this relationship. Therefore, the future dominance of companies' investments in the sustainability of the natural environment will be driven by companies themselves as long as competitive advantages are expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of technology and societal challenges is a growing area in information systems research. This paper explores how social movements can use virtual worlds to raise awareness or create safe spaces for their members. As social movements move into virtual worlds, the technical environment becomes more important. This paper presents an interpretive field study using netnographic research and empirical data from a study of a lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender social movement in World of Warcraft. This paper takes the position that an understanding of affordances is required for users to be able to create convivial outcomes to shape the use of virtual worlds for their own goals and intentions. The paper presents the concept of convivial affordances, which brings together the theories of affordances and conviviality, and suggests that social users can shape IT artefacts through a creative combination of affordances for their specific goals, and with community involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The challenges associated with climate change will require governments, citizens, and firms to work collaboratively to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, a task that requires information on companies' carbon risks, opportunities, strategies, and emission levels. This paper explores the conditions under which firms participate in this endeavor. Building on theories of how social activists inspire changes in organizational norms, beliefs, and practices, we hypothesize that shareholder actions and regulatory threats are likely to prime firms to adopt practices consistent with the aims of a broader social movement. We find empirical evidence of direct and spillover effects. In the domain of private politics, shareholder resolutions filed against a firm and others in its industry increase a firm's propensity to engage in practices consistent with the aims of the related social movement. Similarly, in the realm of public politics, threats of state regulations targeted at a firm's industry as well as regulations targeted at other industries increase the likelihood that the firm will engage in such practices. These findings extend existing theory by showing that both activist groups and government actors can spur changes in organizational practices, and that challenges mounted against a single firm or a single industry can inspire both firm and field-level changes. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main subject is a classical one, and the overarching goal of the book is to conceive a new theory of workers' strikes as a contribution to class theory. For some time, studies in industrial relations have recognized the need to challenge established frameworks and loci of research to deal with the diversity of labour experiences worldwide, but in-depth research on the ground is not always available. Ultimately, we are told that the strikes presented in the empirical core of the book achieved limited gains, remained relatively isolated, and were followed by conservative reactions in India and Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

Introduction: The concept of "therapeutic citizenship" has drawn attention to ways in which public testimony, the "story-telling in the public sphere" undertaken by people living with HIV (PLHIV), has shaped the global response to the epidemic. This paper presents qualitative findings from two large studies in eastern Africa that reveal how the advent of population-based HIV testing campaigns and efforts to accelerate antiretroviral "treatment for all" has precipitated a rapidly expanding therapeutic citizenship "project," or social movement. The title of this paper refers to Goffman's original conceptualization of stigma as a social process through which a person's identity is rendered "spoiled.". Methods: Data were derived from qualitative studies embedded within two clinical trials, Sustainable East African Research in Community Health (SEARCH) (NCT# 01864603) in Kenya and Uganda, and START-ART (NCT# 01810289) in Uganda, which aimed to offer insights into the pathways through which outcomes across the HIV care continuum can be achieved by interventions deployed in the studies, any unanticipated consequences, and factors that influenced implementation. Qualitative indepth semi-structured interviews were conducted among cohorts of adults in 2014 through 2015; across both studies and time periods, 217 interviews were conducted with 166 individuals. Theoretically informed, team-based analytic approaches were used for the analyses. Results: Narratives from PLHIV, who have not always been conceptualized as actors but rather usually as targets of HIV interventions, revealed strongly emergent themes related to these individuals' use of HIV biomedical resources and discourses to fashion a new, empowered subjecthood. Experiencing the benefits of antiretroviral therapy (ART) emboldens many individuals to transform their "spoiled" identities to attain new, valorized identities as "advocates for ART" in their communities. We propose that the personal revelation of what some refer to as the "gospel of ARVs," the telling of personal stories about HIV in the public sphere and actions to accompany other PLHIV on their journey into care, is driven by its power to redeem the "spoiled identity:" it permits PLHIV to overcome self-stigma and regain full personhood within their communities. Conclusions: PLHIV are playing an unanticipated but vital role in the successful implementation of HIV care cascade interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the extent and intensity of human impacts on ecosystems increase and the capacity of ecosystems to absorb these impacts dwindles, unanticipated behavior in ecological systems-or surprises -is likely to become more common. The concept of ecological surprise is broadly applied but seldom explicitly developed in ecological literature and ecologists can employ diverging language, frameworks and interpretations of surprise. Here, we synthesize what ecological surprise has meant to ecologists studying these events and review the development and use of the concept in ecology. We define ecological surprise as a situation where human expectations or predictions of natural system behavior deviate from observed ecosystem behavior. This can occur when people (1) fail to anticipate change in ecosystems; (2) fail to influence ecosystem behavior as intended; or (3) discover something about an ecosystem that runs counter to accepted knowledge. We develop a conceptual model that captures the interactions between social and ecological processes that lead to these events and examine two types of drivers that contribute to surprise: underlying driving forces and proximate causes. Our definition of ecological surprise inherently acknowledges that, to be surprising, there must be human observers to the ecological occurrence who have expectations about ecosystem behavior. To explore this dimension, we draw on social science perspectives to understand the ways in which human expectations of ecosystems are influenced by social networks, heuristics and mental models. We use a case study to demonstrate how our integrated conceptualization of ecological surprise provides a systematic way of examining these events. Our integration of these perspectives enables us to better synthesize social and ecological knowledge of these events and encourages ecologists to critically reflect on how they, as scientists, formulate and reformulate expectations of ecosystem behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary radical right-wing populism is generally associated with nativism, usually defined as an intense hostility to anything deemed alien and threatening to national cohesion. This article explores the origins and evolution of nativism in three major nineteenth-century populist movements - antebellum Know Nothingism and post-civil-war agrarian populism in the United States and late nineteenth-century Boulangism in France. All of them advanced nativist propositions to bolster their populist agenda, yet not of the same nature and to the same extent. These differences can largely be explained by the targets of populist mobilization and the constituency at which it was aimed. The cases suggest that nativism plays an important role in populist mobilization, not least because it allows populist movements to transcend differences between social groups and gives them an opportunity to promote themselves as the champions of collective identity - a concern central to the contemporary radical populist right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on social movement theory, this study assesses the influence of social media activism on the stock market performance of targeted firms. We focus on information published on Twitter by two critical stakeholders: consumer associations and trade unions. To the extent that social media represent a valid medium to mobilize stakeholders' activism, protests on Twitter may damage firm reputation, leading to capital market reactions. Using a corpus of over 1.5 million tweets referring to Spanish listed banks, we study the impact of activism by looking at targeted firms' abnormal variations in price and trading volume. Our findings suggest that the Twitter activism of key stakeholders has a significant impact on investors' decisions. Further, our empirical analyses indicate that the mechanisms affecting investors' behavior differ depending on the characteristics of the stakeholder group. Hence, this study contributes to understanding how social movements influence corporate behavior via social media. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several scholars have pointed to a gap between the social movement and policy literatures, and argue that the failure of each field to incorporate the other creates a missing link in our understanding of how social movements and policy shape each other. This study provides an opportunity to make these links by applying John Kingdon’s multiple streams framework of agenda setting to the marijuana movement in Texas. Texas, an unlikely candidate for marijuana reform, was the site of sustained efforts to change marijuana laws during the 2015 legislative session. This research offers evidence about the ways in which social movements influence the policy process, and how the policy process responds to activist efforts. We find that despite well-organized movement efforts, political influence was limited. We argue that the reform movement’s inability to control activist participation presents additional challenges in a nonballot initiative state such as Texas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of aging European conservation institutions rewilding has emerged as a popular and scientific expression of new directions in ecology and conservation management associated with the restoration of ecosystem function through reassembly of trophic levels involving the reintroduction of large mammals. It introduces a radical new natural archetype that evokes a positive environmentalism. The Oostvaardersplassen experiment in the Netherlands demonstrates the agency of rewilding for nature development and engaging diverse publics in debates on what is natural and the future of conservation policy. If conservation is to retain its cultural and policy visibility and influence in a 21st century multi-cultural Europe, our conservation institutions and the natures we value must adapt. In this forum I frame rewilding as an asset for institutional adaptation that is being constrained by substantive institutional and societal resistance. I argue the need for strategic investment in a European network of experimental rewilding sites. These would bring rewilding into densely populated areas, develop the science and practice of ecosystem restoration, and promote public debate on nature conservation futures. The 'Fitness check' of European nature conservation legislation mandated in 2014 is a case of high politics. In this situation, compromise and negotiation is inevitable and the environmental lobby needs something to advocate as well as defend. A rewilding agenda could fulfil this need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a theoretical and methodological approach to studying how philanthropic power is maintained through the process of negotiating consensus between greatly unequal partners such as wealthy funders and social movement leaders. It is proposed that grant agreements between private foundations and social movement organizations construct idealized spaces of public participation and discursive theories of change that draw attention away from structural inequality and antagonism, ultimately generating consent. Drawing upon archival and ethnographic research on philanthropic investments in addressing migrant poverty in California's Central Valley, the article shows how consensus between foundation staff and farmworker and immigrant organizers promote funding frameworks that exclude questions that challenge relationships of power and systems of agricultural production that contribute to enduring poverty across the region. The Gramscian conceptual frames of 'discursive power,' 'hegemony as politics,' and 'strategic articulation' are presented as a theoretical framework from which to understand the power of private philanthropy as consensus broker during historical moments of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As ongoing state-sanctioned violence proceeds, visual public lynchings in the form of viral state-sanctioned murders, counterinsurgency, surveillance, mass caging, and spatial governance of Black, Indigenous, Latinx, and other minority groups continue at a relentless and devastating pace. The state-sanctioned criminalization produced by digital computing demands a "viral abolitionist" framework towards the knowledges, institutions, logistics, and infrastructures which co-constitute the apparatuses of racial punishment. Digital technologies such as geographic information systems (GIS) enabled the criminal justice system to enter the domain of racial governance through the spatial rendering of racialized data regimes. [Extracted from the article]

Against the background of decline in traditional industrial relations institutions in post-Fordist economies, the authors review the patterns of counter-movement to globalization that are emerging in the defence of workers in developing countries, with a particular focus on Asia. From the Marxian struggle they identify in China to the widely varied forms of protest and representational organization they observe in India, they argue for a more inclusive approach to industrial relations, both in practice and in research. The future, they suggest, will be shaped by the interplay of reform from above and the social movements spontaneously filling today's representational vacuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on flexible work practices has focused primarily on social relationships, individual identity, work/work-life balance experience and performance. This paper aims to add another dimension by focusing on space and, specifically, the performance of space by professional flexworkers as they reorder their home and work lives through the process of becoming flexworkers. Drawing on Law's 'modes of ordering' and Latourian actor network theory, as well as on Beyes and Steyaert's recent contribution on 'performing space', the paper considers how flexworkers themselves reorganize space(s) as an ongoing accomplishment. The purpose and contribution is to offer an alternative to the view that the home and work are rigid containers fixed in social structure, to one that views them as self-referential space(s), reordered by flexworkers as they seek to 'keep the social moving'. The paper is based on an empirical study of employees in a Canadian subsidiary of a large hi-tech multinational corporation. It examines organizational policy documents and interviews with managerial and non-managerial flexworkers to identify how social and spatial relations are reordered and performed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quality of collective intelligence flowing in and across systems communities of various disciplines, and the fragmentation or connectedness of their mental models of the world, shape their capacity to assist decision-makers and social movements in defining, mapping, and addressing the world problematique, by identifying policy options and anticipating their outcomes. In their current state of fragmentation, the systems sciences' epistemic communities cannot provide that assistance. Upgrading their collective intelligence is a vital imperative. This paper is suggest the prototyping of a Collective Intelligence Enhancement Lab and describes its core idea as a platform with an innovation architecture that integrates social, electronic, cognitive, and inner technologies and processes. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine the process of incorporating gender equality into a higher education institution as it evolves into a managerial university. The case illustrates the ongoing processes between structure, activism and features of gender equality, and provides insights into how activists adapt to changes in governance and influence managerial responses to equality. Tracing the interaction of employee activism with new managerialism over nearly two decades, four phases of change are identified. These provide a basis for generating two concepts - managerial recalibration and individual activism - while challenging the social abeyance hypothesis of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Euromaidan protests on Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square) in Kyiv, or Kiev, Ukraine from November 2013 through January 2014. The role that student protesters played in the Euromaidan protests, including in regard to their putative desire that the Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych sign the Association Agreement with the European Union (EU), is discussed. An overview of the social movement behind the Euromaidan protests, including its representation of civil society groups, the political opposition, scholars and activists, is provided.

Why might social movements be highly contentious at one point in time and demobilize shortly after? Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines the dynamics of demobilization of popular movements in a context of patronage politics. I argue that demobilization in these contexts results from relational processes creating a 'dual pressure' stemming 'from below' and 'from above.' In social environments where patronage is pervasive, poor people develop survival strategies relying on clientelistic arrangements. They participate in a social movement organization ( SMO) to voice their rights, but also to address pressing survival needs by gaining access to resources. These expectations of constituents create a pressure 'from below' on leaders of an SMO, which respond by securing resources obtained through alliances with national political actors. In turn, these alliances create a pressure 'from above,' because local leaders reciprocate this national support by eschewing the organization of collective actions. Drawing on data culled from 12 months of fieldwork on an Argentine peasant movement, this article inspects the interconnections between popular movements and patronage politics to refine our understanding of demobilization processes; contribute to discussions regarding the role of culture on contentious politics; and shed light on current demobilization trends in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The publication of John Kelly's Rethinking Industrial Relations in 1998 spawned a growing interest among researchers in exploring how social movement ( SM) theory can be used to inform union research, particularly in the context of revitalization/renewal debates. Our starting proposition is that this approach can be extended through an engagement with the larger corpus of SM theory. We focus in particular on the 'collective action frame' concept. Drawing on examples used by SM scholars, we illustrate how these concepts can be used to extend and enrich union theory and pose new questions concerning the role of unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we compare recent innovative union campaigns: the ' sans papiers' campaign in France and the 'Justice for Cleaners' campaign in the United Kingdom, both based on a sustained grass-roots mobilization of immigrant workers. Rather than focusing on the 'usual suspect' explanatory factors, such as contrasting national settings, union power structures or traditions, our cross-national comparison highlights important underlying similarities in unions' strategic responses to a growing precarious immigrant workforce. In the absence of established channels of representation, both unions decided to act like social movements fighting for social protection. Using Polanyi's framework, we view both case studies as examples of countermovements against heightened levels of global liberalization and precarious employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite years of accumulating scientific evidence that fire is critical for maintaining the structure and function of grassland ecosystems in the US Great Plains, fire has not been restored as a fundamental grassland process across broad landscapes. The result has been widespread juniper encroachment and the degradation of the multiple valuable ecosystem services provided by grasslands. Here, we review the social-ecological causes and consequences of the transformation of grasslands to juniper woodlands and synthesize the recent emergence of prescribed burn cooperatives, an extensive societal movement by private citizens to restore fire to the Great Plains biome. We discuss how burn cooperatives have helped citizens overcome dominant social constraints that limit the application of prescribed fire to improve management of encroaching woody plants in grasslands. These constraints include the generally held assumptions and political impositions that all fires should be eliminated when wildfire danger increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The task to reshape governments in the countries confronted with the Arab Spring prompts the question whether there are necessary conditions to realize a stable society that simultaneously seeks to eliminate the elements that have led to the uprisings. Acknowledging some constitutional rights seems indispensable in such a process. I argue that such a state of affairs is indeed the case, at least now that the 'old' justifications to differentiate between people do not suffice anymore. That is not to say that the countries involved will have identical laws in each respect, but merely that a common basis has to be realized, manifested in political and legal equality, so this given does not derogate from the fact that each country's specific legislation needs to be shaped in the light of its own history. Such a basis has no 'moral' character, but is a necessary condition to prevent sedition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examines the association between the U.S. democracy promotion (DP) and the democratization in Arab countries. The study uses the cases of Jordan, Egypt, and Syria to determine the effectiveness of DP policies and their link to the protests, strikes, and other social movements in the area. Results show that the U.S. has no connection with the grassroots activism of the protest movements of the Arab Spring.

In France, in 2009-2010, on several occasions, managers announcing redundancies were held hostage by workers. Public opinion polls show widespread support for the 'bossnappers', while the State did not taken action against them. Employing the insights of new institutionalism and social movement theory, this article explains the legitimization of such radical, illegal action through the notion of a permissive ideational environment resulting from a tradition of trade union militancy, pre-existing concerns over globalization and more recent fears of, and government and trade union responses to, globalization and the current economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]