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There are meaningful similarities between the two nations, including the near-parallel development of a specialized field of immigration-centered legal activism amidst the rise of immigrant social movements and restrictionist immigration policies in the early 1970s. Contesting Immigration Policy in Court: Legal Activism and Its Radiating Effects in the United States and France Leila Kawar (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015) American By Paper: How Documents Matter in Immigration Literacy Kate Vieira (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2016) When does immigration matter? Where immigration legislation is an obvious but relatively peripheral component of Vieira's work, it is central to Kawar's study of legal activists and immigration policy in the U.S. and France. Still, as Kate Vieira and Leila Kawar demonstrate, immigration - and in particular, immigration papers and immigration law - remains a site worth exploring and re-exploring. [Extracted from the article]

This commentary on Kath Browne and Catherine Nash's paper 'From hegemonic to where?', considers the 'between-ness' and precarious ephemerality of queer life at the precipice of apocalypse. Substantively, the commentary critically addresses three of Browne and Nash's key themes, which they develop according to a queer ontology. These are: (a) temporality, and the notions of nonlinearity and reversibility; (b) the unsteadiness and precarity of 'between-ness' and the radical openness it allows; and finally, (c) the complex and dynamic, sometimes contradictory, understandings and positionalities of [hetero]activism and resistances. This commentary lauds Browne and Nash's significant contribution to greater understandings of these socio-cultural complexities. The paper demonstrates poignantly how a queer framework can broaden understanding of hegemony and marginality; power, spatiality and gender; and the negotiation of intersectional identities. The commentary also offers a few provocations about just how much room the blurry 'in-between' can be given at this critical socio-political moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brand activism is a new and fragmented phenomenon that has been attracting growing attention from scholars. Research on this topic is still at an exploratory stage and in need of advancement and conceptualization. The aim of this study is to systematize the extant literature on brand activism by attempting an in‐depth exploration of the antecedents that identify the construct along with the influencing and consequence factors that will need to be tested and validated by future research. This study adopts the guidelines provided by the SPAR‐4‐SLR protocol and considers 76 papers with no time limitation. To the best of our knowledge, this seems to be the first scientific systematization of brand activism. From the in‐depth analysis of the extant literature, two conceptual frameworks were constructed that can guide both researchers, in their understanding and investigation of the phenomenon, and practitioners in their implementation strategies of brand activism. The no time restriction of the analysis has allowed an investigation of the phenomenon from its prodromes until recent years, also highlighting important gaps that will have to be filled by future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with the relationship between dissident European mayors and the migrant solidarity movement in Europe after 2015. With the case study of the coalition "From the Sea to the City", I examine how its members institutionalise mayors' dissent at a transnational level through the International Alliance of Safe Harbours. Employing primary empirical data, the study finds that coalition members create a political sequence in four ways: developing a storyline and setting up a broad coalition of migrant solidarity; referencing mayors' disruptive acts; nurturing counter‐imaginaries; and laying the foundation for further action towards transforming the instituted order of European migration politics. To conceptualise the empirical findings, I draw on concepts of political organisation. In this vein, the paper calls for an assessment of movement politics that goes beyond the belief that local disruptions will suffice to set in motion a progressive transformation of European migration politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, the UK voted to leave the European Union (EU). This outcome was not only unexpected but also had clear geographical and age‐bound divisions. While people over the age of 65 tended to vote to leave, younger voters were more likely to vote to remain a part of the EU. Reflecting on 7 years of journalism, this paper explores the ways in which young people have been represented by the news media with regards to the issue of Brexit. It analyses a database of 700 news media articles published from 2016 to 2022 across the UK, equating to 100 articles per calendar year and ranging from regional sources to those with an international reach. The paper showcases how young people occupy liminal spaces within the news media through an analysis of the language used to describe their political participation, and a focus on their role within political activism. As it is this media that dominates hegemonic narratives within traditional political spheres, the retelling and representation of young people's engagement serves, we argue, to reinforce their liminality as citizens apart. Reflecting on 7 years of journalism and analysing 700 news media articles related to Brexit and young people, this paper showcases how these media reinforce the liminal spaces occupied by this demographic in political discourse. As it is this media that dominates hegemonic narratives within traditional political spheres, the retelling and representation of young people's engagement serves, we argue, to reinforce their liminality as citizens apart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using ethnographic research from Pakistan, this paper argues that social accountability programmes that overlook the role of intermediaries in clientelistic states risk undermining the wider democratising projects they seek to support. It proposes a theory of 'isomorphic activism' that describes how these public authorities appropriate others' opportunities to participate in politics and, in the process, undermine democratic norms. Isomorphic activism is shown to be more likely when programmes are based on ideals of civil society that render activism a technical exercise, depoliticise it and blind donors to power inequalities. The challenges the paper highlights are important given calls for development programmes to change by whom and how politics is done, whilst granting local ownership to participants and demonstrating value for money. They should also be of interest to those concerned by the spread of reductive views of civil society activism within donor organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic has significantly ruptured our global society. We have seen health care systems, governments and commerce buckle under the strain of disease, lockdowns and unrest, but the rupture has also created space for radical (and anarchist) politics of mutual aid, as societal organising principles, to move into a more prominent position (and offers potential for this shift to remain after the crisis has subsided). However, in the short time since mutual aid has been thrust into the limelight, we have seen a multiplicity and spectrum of geographies, applications and approaches. Indeed, we have also seen its appropriation by government(s) that takes advantage of mutual aid's rallying cry of 'solidarity not charity'; absolving the state's responsibilities to sufficiently fund social welfare when good neighbours will do it for free. In this paper we map out how mutual aid has been enacted during the COVID‐19 pandemic by charity, contributory and radical groups to address specific and novel forms of vulnerabilities, and the opportunities and challenges this offers for the future. In particular we highlight potential tensions between the enacting of mutual aid practices and the political activism (or not) of the mutual aid actors. Our contribution is to reconceptualise mutual aid to (i) show where the real 'mutualism' of mutual aid is, and (ii) create a better understanding of how mutual aid can be mobilised in future emergencies which will inevitably arise in the current climate emergency. This paper maps out how mutual aid has been enacted during the COVID‐19 pandemic by charity, contributory and radical groups; but brings this together with a specific understanding of vulnerability as a site of possibility rather than passivity to forward a reconceptualisation of mutual aid that is based far more on solidarity, than charity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little has been written on the financial support behind Timothy Leary's unorthodox research into mind‐altering drugs like LSD and psilocybin and his subsequent psychedelic movement. Indeed several individuals and organizations helped the psychedelic cause by directly funding Leary's ventures, offering legal and logistic assistance, and organizing fund‐raising campaigns. I argue that classic philanthropic attitudes and wealthy patrons played a major supporting role for Leary's psychedelic movement in the first part of the decade and that the changes in Leary's research objectives and his transition from academic to LSD guru were accompanied by changes in the patterns of support that occurred throughout the 1960s. This paper also connects Leary's legal troubles in the second part of the decade with the rise of the movement to legalize cannabis and points to historical continuity by looking at contemporary endeavors to fund psychedelic research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diasporas play a critical role in home‐country politics by supporting social, political, and economic change therein. Yet, regimes countermobilize against activists abroad by repressing their diasporas. This paper investigates a widespread but overlooked method in the transnational repression toolkit: that of 'proxy punishment', that is, the abuse of family members at home as a means to manipulate and subjugate dissidents abroad. Using 246 original interviews with diaspora activists from Syria, Iran, Egypt, and Libya, the analysis demonstrates that regimes deployed five tactics against diaspora members' non‐activist families at home: harm and confinement, threats and harassment, forced participation in regime propaganda and slander, resource deprivation, and travel bans. We then identify the mechanisms shaping how diaspora members responded to this repertoire. The paper concludes with implications for research on transnational diaspora activism, globalized authoritarianism, and collective dimensions of the repression‐dissent nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of intra‐Asian labour migration is regulated on the basis of governing tools that aim at managing cross‐border movement of workers on a strictly temporary, employer‐tied basis. The key elements involved in the operationalization of strictly temporary migration are recruitment, remittances and return; these three 'Rs' are also central to global policy discussions around the migration‐development nexus. The core premise of this paper is that this strict framework results in a particular form of migrant precarity which in turn shapes migrant transnationality, leaving migrants with severely circumscribed labour agency. This leads to the argument that temporary migration paradigm as practiced in much of Asia constitutes involuntary transnationalism. The paper ends by arguing that based on proactive migrant rights activism, the involuntary character of transnationalism is being challenged by bringing a different set of 'Rs' into the discussion derived from global social policy and global justice perspectives: regulation, redistribution and rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores 'near‐peer' gender and sexuality workshops taking place in UK secondary schools in support of the nationally required relationships and sex education curriculum. In line with UK law, these workshops promote respect, kindness and communication in a framework that explicitly validates LGBTQI+ identities, relationships and family structures. Based on interviews with 24 gender workshop facilitators, we explore the kind of practices that are needed to create spaces in which young people can openly reflect on their views about gender and sexuality, and advance the above‐noted goals of promoting respect, kindness and empathy for people of all genders and sexualities. We argue that gender workshops constitute an important and under‐explored space of 'everyday' activism. We further argue that through practices of atmosphere curation and the near‐peer relational dynamic between facilitators and participants, these workshops create valuable spaces for young people to critically reflect on their views and attitudes about gender and sexuality in a way that does not exist elsewhere. This work extends understanding about the kinds of spatial practices that might be needed to bring forth more positive gender cultures, and deepens our understanding about the experiences and functioning of 'everyday' work for social change that takes place outside of 'high profile' activist sites such as marches, demonstrations and protests. This paper explores gender and sexuality workshops given in secondary schools in the UK as spaces of everyday gender activism. We argue that through atmosphere curation and the near‐peer relation these workshops create space for young people to explore and examine their views on sex and gender that do not exist elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE VOICES OF THIS SPECIAL ISSUE In one of the papers of this Special Issue, I Indignação and declaração corporal: Luta and artivism in Brazil during the times of the pandemic i , Yuliya Shymko, Camilla Quental, and Madeleine Navarro Mena take us to Brazil by providing a theoretically and methodologically disruptive piece that questions normative social and epistemic patterns, which the pandemic brought to the fore, in this part of the Global South. At the time of writing this editorial, it has been 2 years since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, by drawing on the work of two Brazilian activist artists, Adriana Calcanhotto and Debora Diniz, who creatively problematize social inequalities over-exposed during the Covid pandemic in Brazil, the authors discuss the potential of activist art - I artivism i - to meaningfully address instances of public shaming. [Extracted from the article]

In this afterword to the symposium on processes of politicisation of activist struggles of undocumented migrants and their allies, I first briefly outline a number of key commonalities that run through the symposium. I subsequently explore some of the wider theoretical and practical lessons to be drawn from the arguments advanced in its papers, and suggest a number of key themes and concerns to be explored further. In particular, this afterword suggests some possible avenues to both think through the limits of and tensions within forms of undocumented migrant activism, and chart theoretical and practical trajectories to move from the limitations of "the political event" to the possibilities of "a political sequence" that may actually change the instituted order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the everyday spaces and places of disability activism for parents of disabled children in Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand. Geographers and disability scholars are yet to consider disability activism in a range of everyday child–parent spaces. Parents resist, rework, and subvert ableist structures and spaces in ways that may seem unremarkable, but that are indeed significant acts. We question the meaning of activism by examining the relationship between "activism" and "everyday family lives." Sara Ahmed's concept of "affinity of hammers" is adopted to understand how parental disability activism is enacted in health, educational, and disability spaces and places. Interviews and written responses from seven parents (five mothers and two fathers) of disabled children are analysed. Findings are divided into three themes: first, quiet, implicit forms of activism; second, fighting for rights and equitable access; and third, using personal experience to educate people about disability rights. We conclude that family disability activism – in its myriad forms – can provide leadership to other people, challenge ableism, and help geographers and others to rethink common understandings of activism. This paper considers the everyday spaces and places of disability activism for parents of disabled children in Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand. Geographers and disability scholars are yet to consider disability activism in a range of everyday child–parent spaces. Parents resist, rework, and subvert ableist structures and spaces in ways that may seem unremarkable, but that are indeed significant acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a growing interest within analytic philosophy in addressing political and social issues, which has been referred to as the "political turn" in the discipline. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, it discusses the very characterization of the political turn. In particular, it introduces the definition proposed by Bordonaba‐Plou, Fernández‐Castro, and Torices, suggests that we should not consider the turn a form of activism, and explores an additional benefit of the ideal/nonideal distinction for characterizing the turn. Second, it addresses the concern of what attitude we should take in the face of the different sensitivities we might have with respect to what constitutes an injustice. Which philosophical works should count as part of the political turn? The paper explores three different attitudes toward this dilemma, and favors what it calls the revisionist attitude, which emphasizes the fact that our perception of injustice is subject to error. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the life of Christian Socialist Kim Chang‐joon and explores the themes of independence, liberation, reunification, and peace between both Koreas. It divides Kim's life into four stages: his participation in the March First Movement, his involvement in Christian socialism, his practice of social thought in Manchuria, and his activities toward reunifying the two Koreas after liberation from Japanese colonial rule. In the first phase, Kim became an active nationalist. His national consciousness developed into Christian socialism through his pastoral work. When he experienced Japanese colonial oppression while working with this ministry, he abandoned religious life and focused on socio‐political activism in Manchuria. He founded the Christian Democratic Alliance and participated in the Democratic National Front to reunite the two Koreas after liberation. This article demonstrates how Kim set an example for how churches and Christians can strive for and attain liberation, reunification, and peace in the Korean context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper foregrounds the centrality of reproductive politics in constituting the spaces of migrant activism. Addressing social reproductive issues as racial issues, it exposes how "premature death" and questions of survival shape migrants' lives throughout the uneven geographies of racial capitalism. Drawing on the political experiences of the "No Evictions Network"—a migrant and activist‐led group campaigning for asylum seekers' rights in Glasgow (Scotland)—the paper suggests the concept of "political reproduction", grasping the interchange between care, trust, empowerment, political subjectivation, and the overcoming of barriers towards political action that take place within spaces of migrant activism. Building upon migrant voices and Black and Brown histories of organising, the paper explores the racialised, gendered, and classed character of reproductive activist labour in these spaces, evidencing the ways the notion of "political reproduction" breaks racialised and gendered constructions of political work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores people's acts of disengagement from activist campaign and group spaces in the context of border struggle activism in Germany and the UK as fugitive practices of refusal. These acts of disengagement took the form of remaining silent or intentionally distracted, sleeping during activist meetings, distancing oneself from activist groups during conversations, or completely withdrawing from these spaces. The paper approaches these acts, first, as practices of refusal that expose notions of the political rooted in liberal struggles over power and freedom as not only risky but also inherently self‐defeating and, second, as radically optimistic and vitalising practices of recovery and care that insist on alternative modes of thinking, practising, and experiencing sociality and the political that can inspire us to consider political agency in relation to wider abolitionist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainable entrepreneurs operating in protected areas face distinctive barriers that place additional emphasis on the need to build legitimacy. To date, how they do this has not been entirely explored. This paper addresses this need through an exploratory study of sustainable entrepreneurs in a transnational protected area. The results indicate that sustainable entrepreneurs in protected areas face barriers that can be broadly classified as cognition spanning, locale and sector‐related barriers. The findings highlight that a key way sustainable entrepreneurs overcome these distinctive barriers is by building legitimacy through activism. Activism became instrumental in building legitimacy with varied stakeholders and actors. This is all geared towards overcoming barriers during the sustainable entrepreneurship process. The findings add to existing literature on the role of legitimacy building in sustainable entrepreneurship by detailing the different forms of legitimacy and how they are built through activism. The paper concludes with propositions about the conditions necessary for sustainable entrepreneurs to build legitimacy in fragile socioecological contexts through activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of community food spaces in processes of social change and reproduction. I investigate the mechanisms by which these groups reproduce, exacerbate, or dismantle power relations and socio‐environmental injustices. I systematically examine exclusion and inclusion dynamics and assess what shapes diversity of participation and representation. Contending that diversity is not a sufficient indicator of social equity and may overshadow forms of injustice, I unpack the interlocking workings of privilege and power in place and examine innovative ways of developing emancipatory food politics. Drawing upon activist ethnography among community gardens, people's kitchens, and co‐operative projects in Berlin, I expose the complex, dual nature of its food activist landscape, characterised by the coexistence of experienced, locally rooted, and openly political projects, and more recent, outsider‐led sustainability‐ and consumption‐orientated projects—together embodying the variegated and shifting politics of socio‐environmental change in the city and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children learn through interaction with their surroundings, meaning that their experiences of place directly contribute to their personal development. Despite this, the needs of the youth are rarely factored into development plans. This is a major obstacle to the sustainable and inclusive development of places. Examining potential pathways to correct this issue, this paper presents the findings of research conducted with young people from the Market area of Belfast. The research engaged with two groups (n = 11) in a participatory investigation of how young people engage with the built environment. Using several participatory methods, including narrative walkabouts, mapping exercises and semi‐structured group interviews, the children engaged as co‐researchers. We link to idea of 'third places' to frame our analysis, demonstrating how children in the Market community have strong opinions of how space is, and should be, designed and managed. We reveal interesting dynamics regarding the children's perceived exclusion from the city centre and concerns about how poor planning is harming their community's public health. We conclude by reflecting upon some of the children's proposed solutions, as well as by presenting two outcomes of our study that hint at the potential future role of young people in co‐designing the built environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although great strides have been made toward gender equality in the United States, continued progress is needed. The current paper adapts bystander intervention theory to delineate which individuals are more likely to engage in gender equality activism. We postulated that individuals who identify that systemic sexism causes gender inequalities (i.e., systemic sexism recognition) and who feel personally responsible for advocating against these inequities (i.e., high antisexism) should be most likely to engage in gender equality activism. Cross‐sectional data (Studies 1 and 2) supported that systemic sexism recognition and antisexism were strong predictors of activism intent. Two experiments further demonstrated that exposure to educational paradigms designed to heighten these factors increased systemic sexism recognition (Study 3) and antisexism (Study 4), which were subsequently associated with greater gender equality activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the nature of climate change education-related policy influence in England at a time when public consciousness about the need to accelerate climate change action was heightened, and as the 2018 climate strikes gathered momentum around the world. Informed by Foucault's concept of 'governmentalities', and using data generated through 24 exploratory interviews and reflexive thematic analysis, we examine the extent to which influential individuals were advocating for policy change. We discuss the nature of policy influence with particular reference to the 'stances' that individuals adopted relative to climate change education policy influence and noting a common tendency exhibited amongst participants which was a tendency towards 'deference'. Coupling our insights with theorisations of dissent, we consider how 'infra-political dissent' could support key individuals to 'step up' and influence for more effective policy relative to climate change education, and to other areas of education or environment policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a closer look at diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) in the context of German Studies and the language classroom in the United States. The first part of the article examines the terminology, provides a general history of DEI/DEIA in higher education in the United States, and traces the development of DEI practices and language to include accessibility, belonging, and anti‐racism. The second part of the article focuses on the scholarly collective Diversity, Decolonization, and the German Curriculum and its self‐reflective and self‐critical stance toward our field, solidarity efforts to create networks of tangible support and empowerment, and its foregrounding of activism. This leads to a discussion of the intersections between current political events and classroom practices. Finally, the last section details three DEIA practices in the classroom—positionality, social justice framework, and antiracism—as well as resources for their implementation. It also points to new promising developments, for example, new outcomes and assessments for the language and culture classroom and pedagogy of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The changing geographies of irregular migration require new methodological approaches and modes of researcher engagement. In and around Europe, migrants are increasingly residing in unconventional, dynamic, and diverse spaces such as informal transit camps. Along the Balkan Route, these temporary, makeshift encampments are emerging as a result of the EU's crackdown on border controls, tightening restrictions on asylum legislation and aid provision, and increasingly long, difficult, and fragmented migratory journeys. Across cities, border‐zones, and at strategic transit hubs, immobilised migrants have established informal transit camps where they may temporarily reside and access services, information, and smugglers before their next clandestine attempt to cross into the EU. Due to transit state policies that effectively ignore these transit camps and ban larger NGOs from operating there, the majority of services and humanitarian aid is provided by small, grassroots organisations and unpaid volunteers. The proliferation of informal transit camps, and the particular social constellations of actors who reside and operate in these spaces, call for further scholarly attention. In this paper, we reflect on the challenges and opportunities of taking on a role as a volunteer while conducting research among migrants in informal transit camps. By considering the acute conditions of informality, vulnerability, and precariousness, this paper illustrates how volunteering in this context is a way of gaining access to the site, establishing rapport and legitimacy, and fostering reciprocity among migrant subjects. Drawing from fieldwork along the Balkan Route as a volunteer‐researcher, this paper examines methodology, best practices, positionality, and the ethical benefits and limitations of highly participatory, engagement‐driven research in informal transit camps at Europe's periphery. The changing geographies of irregular migration and the proliferation of informal transit camps in and around Europe call for new methodological approaches and modes of researcher engagement. In this paper, we consider the acute conditions of vulnerability, transience, and precariousness of informal transit camps, and reflect on the challenges and opportunities of taking on a role as a volunteer while conducting research among migrants in this context. Drawing from fieldwork along the Balkan Route as a volunteer‐researcher, this paper examines methodology, best practices, positionality, and the ethical benefits and limitations of highly participatory, engagement‐driven research in informal transit camps at Europe's periphery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the significance of unorthodox territorial activisms through the study of Anti‐Fascist Action (AFA), a militant anti‐fascist organisation in the United Kingdom and Ireland that operated at its height between 1989 and 1996. In the literature on activist territorialities, little has been written on practices that confront other non‐state territorialities. Likewise, despite a small but growing geographical literature on far right populism, anti‐fascism is under‐researched. Through archival materials and interviews with former activists, I argue that geographers can understand AFA's militant anti‐fascism as transversal, following Félix Guattari's theorisation of the term. AFA operated beyond state‐centric modes of territoriality, creating malleable pathways between different operational logics, cross‐cutting state and non‐state forms. Thinking transversally about territory helps to disembed epistemic and ontological framings from dominant statist logics and assumptions, opening up new ways of understanding how movements operate territorially. The paper concludes with reflections for contemporary antifascisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many of our theories and models within social psychology implicitly refer to 'types' or subgroups of people who engage in collective action (activists, protestors), or do not (sympathisers, bystanders). Other frameworks differentiate between actors based on their adoption of tactics (benevolents, activists, radicals). How, empirically, do we distinguish sympathisers from activists? Activists from radicals? This paper describes recent research that adopts person‐centred statistical approaches (e.g., latent profile analysis, latent transition analysis, latent growth mixture models) to address three contemporary puzzles of collective action research. We present research showing that the methods are useful in identifying and explaining sub‐groups of people who seek to bring about change in qualitatively different ways. The methods are also useful for understanding volatility in collective action as well as identifying and understanding variation in how people sustain, increase, or diminish their commitment over time. There is nothing so practical as a good method and person‐centred statistical approaches are an important complement to variable‐centred approaches in social psychological research on collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A description of partnership between a school of psychology and a human rights organization that offers asylum services is used as a basis for probing the ethical complexity of activism. "Doing good" is complicated by the insertion of asylum evaluation services into the reductionist and metrics‐based evaluative mechanisms utilized in conventional psychological services and demanded by U.S. and European immigration proceedings. Conceptualization of migration through the lenses of decoloniality, necropolitics, and critical refugee studies lays bare the extraordinary complexity of the journey of involuntary migrants. Some consequences of the imperative to reduce such complex suffering to simple psychometric parameters and medicalized diagnoses are explored, and the paper ends with a plea for a situated, culturally sensitive, and clinically complex understanding of the human suffering entailed by involuntary migration. Activism, it is suggested, is best practiced within complex ethical frameworks that ensure that, at a minimum, we do no harm to those we seek to serve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, after George Floyd's murder and with the mobilisation of Black Lives Matter activism, many UK institutions announced social media pledges to tackle racism. The cultural sector promised honest conversations about race, racism and whiteness and offered hope for social justice. However, not long after claims of imminent change on the part of cultural organisations, it went quiet. Conversations about race, racism and whiteness, once again, were not a priority. Rightly, young activists question the performative nature of cultural institutions expressing anti‐racist commitment and social justice values. Drawing upon the experiences of museum education, engagement and activism, the key question addressed in this paper by the author and members of the Our Shared Cultural Heritage Young Collective is: How do young people understand and experience the processes of engaging in education and activism in what they perceive to be overwhelmingly white middle‐class cultural institutions? The authors argue that museums can be useful, relevant and interesting to young people if museum staff actively seek to learn from them through participatory action research. The authors share some highlights, challenges and complexities of our 'youth‐led' work in the heritage sector, in the hope that museums and galleries, as well as other arts and cultural organisations, might learn and benefit from our experiences and knowledge of young people's activism in the heritage sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informal waste management (IWM) has over the years been a contentious issue in urban development policy in Africa. Surprisingly, knowledge contributions on the subject have remained somewhat poorly assessed by urban development researchers throughout the continent. This paper reviews developments in IWM in Africa, drawing from lessons learned over a decade of research and activism in Nigerian cities. The aim is to evaluate the scholarship impact of Nigerian informal garbage geographies and to accentuate emerging innovations in IWM research and activism in the country. The paper first contextualizes IWM in Africa, zeroing in on Egypt and South Africa, two countries with widely acknowledged systems. Next, it draws attention to some unique developments in the Nigerian system while also linking the Nigerian case study to broader literatures on Africa. On the basis of a critical sub-sectoral review of African literature and a comparative analysis of research and activism in Nigeria, the paper argues that research on Nigerian IWM has seemingly enjoyed a modicum of international acceptability and recognition as evidenced by the involvement of reputable Afro-oriented institutions and associations and the high quality of the resultant publications. The paper avers that in the absence of sustainable solutions from the formal sector, IWM appears to have carved a niche through innovations and inserted itself into the solid waste governance and development paradigm in many Nigerian cities. Emerging innovations in research and activism in Nigerian IWM are examined while their public policy relevance in Africa is highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether and how mutual fund activism affects corporate innovation. Using a patent‐based innovation dataset from 2006 to 2017, our finding, which is inconsistent with the managerial myopia hypothesis, reveals that mutual fund intervention is associated with corporate innovation. We propose that mutual fund intervention promotes corporate innovation, proxied by invention patents. In addition, the effect of mutual fund intervention on corporate innovation is more pronounced for non‐state‐owned enterprises (non‐SOEs) than for state‐owned enterprises (SOEs), and that mutual fund intervention is likely to increase firms' portfolio R&D expenditures. Finally, we offer robustness checks and address possible endogeneity concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black women in the United States continue to be disproportionately affected by the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) epidemic. HIV/AIDS activism among Black women for Black women may be one solution to reduce the disparate rates of HIV/AIDS among Black women. However, little is known about what processes and experiences prompt Black women to participate in HIV/AIDS activism. In this paper, I aim to identify mechanisms of empowerment for Black women to engage in HIV/AIDS activism. I draw upon empowerment theory as a theoretical framework to guide analysis of the literature and to offer a strengths‐based perspective on Black women's efforts to reduce the spread of HIV/AIDS. An extensive literature search was conducted to identify studies of Black women's participation in HIV/AIDS activism. The search yielded 11 studies that were included for review. Synthesis of the literature indicated the following analytic themes as mechanisms of empowerment for Black women to participate in HIV/AIDS activism: relationships and interactions with others, critical awareness, self‐reflection, and spirituality. Article limitations, suggestions for future research, and implications for social change are also discussed. Overall, findings from this study suggest that there are unique mechanisms that facilitate psychological empowerment and prompt Black women's entry into HIV/AIDS activism. Highlights: A comprehensive review of 11 articles on Black women's participation in Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) activism. Explores how Black women become psychologically empowered to become HIV/AIDS activists. Many mechanisms of empowerment for Black women engaged in HIV/AIDS activism are communal. Emphasizes psychological empowerment as not only an intrapsychic process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies methodological relationalism, leaning on a pragmatist theory of action of classical Deweyan origin, supplemented among other things with Alva Noë's enactivism, to analyze the development of communication technologies as a part of human cultural evolution. Tool‐use and technologies are understood as skillful human activities that form hubs of organized activity in developed human communities. Appreciating the quite slow pace of evolution, the article adopts, all told, a two million year time frame. Six epochs of cultural evolution are distinguished, linked to the introduction of communication tools and technologies as skillful human activities that serve the members of growing communities in the ecological niche at hand. The first two epochs arose from forms of communication serving local, small‐sized hunter‐gatherer bands; the second couple arose with technologies apt for building nation‐wide communities and culture; and the latest two have been propelled by global communication networks, having an impact on billions of people. Finally, certain peculiarities of the presently unfolding World Wide Web epoch, connected in particular to this era's exceptionally efficient behavior modification, are compared with earlier epochs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyses the socio‐political dynamics after the financial crash in two countries governed by the left, Argentina and Brazil. Whilst the economic crisis had an effect on the general distributive capacity of leftwing coalitions, it remains unclear why the political resolution of such a crisis adopted anti‐regime features in Brazil and the form of an institutional alternation of power in Argentina. Our aim is to understand the new socio‐political dynamics and their implications in the crisis of the left turn, especially the relationship between social mobilization and political change in the context of Argentina and Brazil. In doing so, the paper contributes to the growing body of literature interested in the intersections between social movements and the state. Based on the analysis of original qualitative and quantitative data on social protests events in both countries 2011–2015, the paper suggests that the complexity of changes in the socio‐political dynamics can be captured by looking at three dimensions of the problem: grammar of mobilization, social imaginaries, and political representation. The main argument is that the different types of left turn strategy developed in both countries affected in turn the responses to the economic crisis and the new cycle of mobilization. The kirchnerist's movimentista strategy in Argentina contrasted with the demobilizing strategy of the PT in Brazil. Whilst the former contributed to channel the high and polarized levels of activism within the polity, the latter resulted in the crisis of the long cycle of political representation opened with the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Workers' experiences in Italian social cooperatives expose the tension between the goal of desirable change that these social economy organisations pursue and the demanding working conditions shouldered by staff. Born from the radical movements of the 1970s, social cooperatives deliver care and community services that seek to counter inequalities and marginalisation. This important work fuses employment with activism. Yet, cooperatives often rely on casualised labour practices that normalise overwork. A noble mission does not guarantee cooperatives will also be sustainable work environments. Based on extensive qualitative research conducted in Milan, this paper explores how, since 2013, a collective of social economy workers has been mobilising to challenge poor working conditions, query the ways workers participate in them, and connect labour demands with broader struggles against austerity and impoverishment. These organising efforts pursue social recomposition: a form of labour struggle that exceeds the workplace and embraces the sphere of social reproduction. Combining a workerist framework of class composition with feminist insights, this paper invites attention to the ways workers inhabit and struggle within, against and beyond their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the vertices of Jung's, Anzaldúa's and Benjamin's distinct ontologies and the way in which they connect in the shared recognition that what has been estranged in human history is enigmatically lodged in the world's fabric today. Cultural distress, in other words, is the outcome of what has become repudiated in the self and the collective across time. From this perspective, the paper argues that we have a collective responsibility to listen to the claims of the dead laid bare in moments of contemporary real‐world danger and it elaborates the psychical dimensions of being that are cultivated in times of danger. The author contends that these psychical presences are the dead of human history including our ancestral heritage that linger and possibly may penetrate our awareness. They haunt and hold a potential to animate our movement towards a sublimatory process that can be seen as a precursor to social responsiveness and action. The author explores this through her own experience with an example of the spawning of spiritual activism within the socio‐political maelstrom of AIDS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid expansion of oil palm plantations in Indonesia has generated a large and growing number of conflicts between rural communities and palm oil companies over, mainly, access to land. Employing a detailed documentation of 150 such conflicts in four Indonesian provinces, this paper assesses and evaluates how local, national and international NGOs help communities address their grievances. We find that rights‐based activism characterises only a small portion of NGOs working on land conflicts, as a more common strategy revolves around political brokerage. NGOs generally fail to achieve significant impact, with the partial exception of (those connected with) international NGOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Algorithms are seen as effective for managing workers. Literature focuses mainly on the functioning and impact of algorithmic control on workers' experiences and conditions. The ways in which platform workers have organised collectively to regain control have received far less scholarly attention. This paper addresses this gap by making sense of the mobilisation dynamics of two platform‐work categories: crowdwork (Amazon Mechanical Turk) and work on‐demand (food‐delivery couriers). These are salient mobilisation cases, as these workers have resisted algorithmic control by adopting specific organising modes, action repertoires and collective solidarities. By analysing a combination of extant literature and policy reports concerning each category of mobilisation forms at a global level over 5 years, the study elucidates why and how these workers were able to act without the involvement of traditional trade unions by showing that specific supportive communities and political activism traditions were crucial in the rise and variety of mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The precarious labour geography of shaping political left histories is raised in this paper to engage with and deepen accounts of the archive within geography and beyond. The focus of the paper is on the provision of radical history in Glasgow through two archive collections within the city. The analysis raises the politics of archival research practices and is positioned within a context of increasingly difficult economic circumstances for libraries, archives and museums. The insights emerging from interviews with archive representatives reveal multiple issues relating to the provision of usable pasts and asserts the continued importance of archives within places such as Glasgow. In this regard, the archive is positioned as a place of collaboration, labour and activism to suggest an alternative understanding of archival practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a comparative study of political activism in Millers Point, Dawes Point, and The Rocks in Sydney from 1971 to 1974 and from 2014 to 2017, this paper examines the more‐than‐human force of bodies and buildings in redemocratising cities. The paper brings theoretical insights from urban assemblage and Deleuzian scholarship into dialogue with post‐political theory. In doing so, it shifts the focus in urban political geography from a concern with diverse social groups to the political potential in more‐than‐human assemblages. Through a re‐reading of Sydney's Green Bans in Millers Point, Dawes Point, and The Rocks, the paper first shows how the withdrawal of labour and stilled building sites comprise informal pathways of planning rejection that centralise social and ecological concerns in decision‐making in urban development. That first case is then contrasted with the contemporary case of privatisation and displacement at the same sites, showing how aged bodies can energise latent deliberative spaces across diverse (if repressed) institutions in liberal democracies. Given the capacities of materials and bodies to produce planning outcomes, the paper conceptualises planning as a more‐than‐human process enhanced by immersion in the experimental materialism of political movements—and this materialism is inherently geographical. The paper concludes with my reflecting on whether the proximity of workers and residents to the materials of the built environment in social movement activism of the 1970s intensified the reach of the event compared with the uncertain struggle over Millers Point today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special section builds on Planning the Post‐Political City—Part 1 to examine if and how planning is showing signs of a post‐democratic turn taking place in Australian cities. In Part 1, we presented a collection of papers examining Australia as a post‐political landscape, exploring the new ways in which Australian publics are resisting dominant neoliberal practices and logics of growth and, in doing so, are intervening in decision‐making practices to assert new forms of power and participation. In Part 2, we show how participatory practices continue to evolve. We use this brief editorial to ask a foundational question: have those implicated in the governance and management of Australian cities embarked on a post‐democratic path? As they are presented with new exclusionary and managerial governance systems, the public's participation suggests at the very least that post‐political and post‐democratic conditions are neither immutable nor inevitable. However, more democratic forms of governance rely on a rich array of activist types and approaches requiring greater institutional support in order to challenge Australia's post‐political condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Black artists, activists, and residents describe their sense of place as part of efforts to claim community space in the midst of racialised dispossession in Oakland, California. “Vibe” is a term used to describe this relationship. The author explains the term by drawing on ethnographic and archival data from research conducted in Oakland between 2019 and 2020. This paper explores vibe as the means by which black life is emotionally, relationally, and geographically made possible in the midst of structural racial violence. The author breaks vibe down into three modalities, or structures of relation, through which vibe is commonly evoked: hustle, care, and openness. These forms of relation are unpacked using the story of one local Black business owner. Vibe, thus, is more than a description, but an expression of relation that is politically, culturally, and economically central to Black geographic imaginaries and struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the US–Mexico borderlands, coalitions have formed to successfully thwart attempted amplification of militarisation in the region. However, in the borderlands, where migrants are criminalised and the colonisation of Indigenous lands and life is ongoing, coalition building is complicated due to the distinct positionalities of anti‐militarisation activists. This paper analyses solidarity from the perspective of anti‐militarisation organisations and activists in Southern Arizona/on occupied O'odham lands. I contend that desires for solidarity built around the worker, despite the recognition of unique struggles, reveal certain tendencies in activism remain bound to settler colonial ways of relating and understanding. Nonetheless, I argue that ongoing resistance to settler colonial terms of condition may motivate moves to refuse colonial forms of solidarity by reimagining coalition building as transpiring through reciprocal exchange of (hi)stories between differently positioned activists, rather than seeking a struggle that is common to all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the long‐term effect of hedge fund activism on distressed firms by tracing the post‐emergence performance of firms that successfully resolved distress. We find that the firms restructured with hedge funds' intervention, compared to their counterparts that emerged without such intervention, are more likely to lose their public status, enjoy higher financial stability, and invest more. Notably, the gap in financial strength lasts at least 3 years after emergence. These findings suggest that the efficiency gains brought by hedge fund activism during the restructuring process tend to positively impact the restructured firms' financial soundness in the post‐intervention period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces what I term the affective activism of volunteers, civil society organizations, and lorry drivers engaged in relief work to assist stranded migrant workers wanting to travel home during the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic and national lockdown in India. I define affective activism as an archival practice that is driven by relief figures' affects of fear, anger, and aspirations—in this instance, toward their legal and administrative accountability to funders. Drawing on my ethnographic work in a relief network and using independent interviews I conducted, this article critically compares two modalities of digital archiving conducted by relief figures: collecting migrant workers' Aadhaar—unique biometric number identifiers issued to Indians—and digitally archiving their relief efforts through videos, voice‐notes, and WhatsApp Messenger screenshots. I argue that relief figures expressed their anxieties in the form of talismanic beliefs that records of Aadhaar and their material infrastructure would keep safe the migrant workers they were trying to help. Alternately, and sometimes, concomitantly, they performatively deployed Whatsapp artifacts to support their accountability in the face of bureaucratic and political specters. Both forms highlight the desire of relief figures to exceed paper forms and state practices in their archival impulses. [affective activism, India relief work, Covid‐19 lockdown, migrant workers, digital archiving, and visual politics] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the uneven geographies of politicisation through the case of the undocumented immigrant youth movement in the United States, known as the Dreamers. Engaging the "urban political" literature, the paper maintains that politicisation involves the constitution of a subject that disrupts the order through claims for equality. The paper identifies the process of transforming highly marginalised and repressed people into an actual disruptive political subject. It suggests a three‐stage, spatially mediated process. First, "free spaces" are frontline sites that allow marginalised and risk‐averse groups like undocumented immigrants to meet with others, forge emotional bonds, and construct transgressive collective identities. Second, the potential of free spaces to politicise marginalised groups varies by geographical setting. Geographical settings, like large central cities, with high levels of organisational density and some ideological support facilitate politicisation more than settings with low organisational density and high hostility. Third, the uneven geographies of politicisation results in a political subject that is constituted and divided by core–periphery relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]