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Whilst the link between young people's well‐being and the creative arts is strengthening, there is a lack of research which focuses on the roles that artists play to help teachers and parents engage young people in the creative arts. This paper explores the benefits of and barriers to artists working in education in six European countries (England, Iceland, Germany, Greece, Italy and Austria). Using the '5A's model of creativity' and a view of professional development taking place within 'landscapes of practice', the data were analysed in order to explain how creativity is operationalised in the different contexts. Our study highlights the need for policy at a national and transnational level to value the creative arts in order to help teachers cross boundaries and utilise the full potential of the creative arts in schools. Our study also highlights that further research is needed into how artists shape teaching and curriculum and how schools engage parents in the creative arts in order to build an evidence‐base relating to young people's positive mental health that can affect policy at these levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greece is the country hit hardest by the crisis and subsequent fiscal consolidation strategies, suffering a cumulative output loss of about 30 percent since 2008. The present paper presents evidence that along with declining average living standards, consumption inequality has seriously grown, fueled primarily by a disproportionate drop in the consumption levels of what can be considered the middle class. Although poverty has not significantly risen in relative terms, it climbs to around 45 percent once the poverty threshold is anchored to pre‐crisis levels. Furthermore, significant indirect tax hikes have further increased inequality in consumption expenditure. The paper also shows that several reforms launched in the name of reducing labor costs, broadening the tax base or rationalizing the targeting of social benefits have had detrimental effects on one of the most vulnerable population groups, namely families with children, thus implying that the social consequences of the crisis will be long‐lasting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks into the dynamics of information society policy and its implementation in the Greek context. It argues that information society development is a contested process, influenced by pre-existing state, economy and society relations. Based on this, it looks into the different aspects of the idiosyncratic path which the evolution of the Greek information society has followed, particularly after 2000. Using Bob Jessop's strategic-relational approach (SRA) to the state as an analytical framework and drawing on a number of in-depth interviews with relevant political actors, it provides insights into policy implementation by examining: the public management of information technology projects, how such projects were received in bureaucratic structures and practices, as well as the relationship between the state and the information and communication technology (ICT) sector in public procurement processes. The emphasis is on the period 2000-2008, during which a major operational programme on the information society in Greece was put into effect. The paper also touches upon the post-2008 experience, suggesting that information society developments might include dynamics operating independently and even in contradiction to the state agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyse discourses about Europe in Greek debates about immigration and citizenship and highlight the complexities of 'Europeanness' as a symbolic resource for argumentation in these debates. Our data consist of lay discourses from 2 rounds of online public deliberation (2009-2010 and 2015) about a controversial new citizenship law in Greece. Our analysis shows that Europe is an ambivalent category. On the one hand, Europe symbolises progress, but, on the other hand, it is also constructed in terms of decline and 'contamination' by multiculturalism. Further, our analysis shows that the category of Europe can be mobilised in contradictory ways, in order to support arguments for and against citizenship rights for migrants. The paper concludes with a discussion of the ways in which constructions of Europe are implicated in processes of othering and inclusion in the context of current immigration debates. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The marginal role of social assistance and the absence of minimum income programmes have long been thought to constitute defining characteristics of the southern European model of welfare. Nevertheless, over the 1990s significant innovations in this field have taken place. The paper aims to contribute to the analysis of recent developments by critically examining the experience of anti-poverty policies in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. It is argued that the “patchiness” of safety nets in southern Europe is due to a unique set of constraints, the most relevant of which are the role of families and the “softness” of state institutions. A review of national profiles reveals that new policies introduced in all four countries mark progress towards redressing some of the historical imbalances of that welfare model. In particular, fully fledged minimum income schemes now operate in Portugal and in certain Spanish regions, while an experiment involving a number of Italian municipalities is still in progress. In spite of this, the paper concludes that social safety nets in southern Europe remain frail in terms of institutional design as well as political support and legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper adopts a historical institutionalist approach to Europeanization and argues that policy change is facilitated by three factors. First, it is driven by 'soft' mechanisms of Europeanization such as policy transfer. The EU provides the framework for reform and functions as a platform of best practices. Policy transfer mechanisms are implemented in order for member states to pick and choose institutions. Second, domestic mediating factors such as policy preferences are as important as EU obligations. The introduction of the Ombudsman to Greece, Cyprus and Malta demonstrates that hard mechanisms of Europeanization (for example, directives) are not always necessary for change to occur. Soft mechanisms can be equally effective, as long as the political leadership prioritizes the reform. Third, policy change depends on time. Member states adjust their policies and institutions over time. The most common outcome of this adjustment is inertia or incremental change rather than convergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the increasing pressure from the European Union, in the last decade the waste management landscape in Greece has been going through drastic changes, especially regarding policies and legislation. Shifts in management practices, however, have been considerably slower. A major component of this shift is the requirement by the Landfill Directive (LD) to divert increasing quantities of biodegradable municipal waste (BMW) from landfilling. Making use of the four-year extension allowed to countries heavily reliant on landfills, Greece will have to achieve the LD diversion targets in the period 2010–2020. In this paper the main aspects of the LD are outlined and critically placed in the context of the EU waste policy and the priorities of the new Waste Directive. The current state of waste management in Greece is presented with the main planning for new BMW treatment infrastructure. The complex and multifaceted barriers to successful implementation of waste policies in Greece are discussed using the case study of the LD, in an effort to draw lessons for the New Member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study examines the discourse of the then Greek Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, following the 2018 July wildfire disaster in the Eastern Attica suburbs including Mati to reveal the frames employed by the main protagonist utilizing existing framing models while also incorporating the notions of ethic of care and strategic ambiguity. The then government received extensive criticism by the media and political opponents in regard to the management and communication responses of the then Prime Minister. A content analysis was conducted to the statements made by the then Prime Minister. Findings indicate that Tsipras during the initial stages of the crisis acknowledged the extent of crisis while also emphasizing the successful crisis response efforts. Moreover, strategic ambiguity along with low levels of "caring" were important elements of Tsipras' narrative at the initial stage. As the public outrage and criticism intensified, Tsipras incorporated a more caring profile and presented the disaster as a "critical opportunity" by shifting the blame to previous governments and proposing policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the ways in which constructions of immigrants' illegality and accounts on the meaning of naturalization and citizenship serve as argumentative resources against a particular immigration law in Greece. Data consisted of transcripts of parliamentary speeches by political party leaders who opposed the law. Analysis used the tools and concepts of discursive and rhetorical social psychology and identified three main lines of arguing. The first set clear boundaries between 'legal' and 'illegal' immigration and constructed immigrants' (il)legal entry as a category defining criterion. The second represented legal status as subject to change and constructed immigrants as 'legalized', in order to argue against their entitlement to citizenship. Finally, in another sort of accounting, regularization and naturalization procedures were trivialized, as the speakers negotiated the necessary, and also the ideal conditions of co-existence and participation in a nation-state. The findings are discussed in relation to their potential contribution (i) to the existing literature on the constituted and constitutive nature of the category of illegal immigration and (ii) to a social psychological approach to citizenship. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interest in sustainability is increasing as a result of the stress placed by a growing global population on resources. Marketers are well positioned to understand the adoption of sustainable consumption. The influence of religiosity on sustainability has been studied although the findings are mixed. Our research aims to address that discrepancy and provide a better understanding of the role of religiosity in sustainable behaviors. Religiosity is influenced by cultural factors espoused by society at large. To gain insight into the relationship between religiosity and sustainability we utilized a mixed‐method approach to examine the dynamics of these relationships in three national contexts: The United States, Turkey, and Greece. We found that religiosity has a significant influence on sustainable behavior in cultures that are collectivist with a long‐term orientation. We also found that this effect is mediated by individuals' long‐term orientation. Our findings provide important theoretical contributions and help inform public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors explain the persistence of emotion in public policy? Applying the multiple streams framework, it is hypothesised in this article that the more intense the fear and the longer it persists under high salience, task unfamiliarity and complexity, and inconsistent preferences, the less likely it is for policy to change. The study examines the Greek attempt to block international recognition of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (1990-1993) and finds the power to build coalitions through emotional arousal that in the short run helps reframe losses and paradoxically undermines political support in the long run. Illuminating the emotional endowment effect within the logic of appropriateness, the article concludes that policy is made under certain conditions on the basis of validating emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses and evaluates the Hungarian Presidency of the European Union (EU) during the first half of 2011. According to the article, economic crisis in Greece prompted the marginalization of the rotating presidency during this period, and the Hungarian presidency should be assessed apart from the European Union as a whole. Topics include the European Commission, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the Eastern Partnership (EaP), and the Lisbon Treaty (LT). Crisis management is emphasized.

This article analyses recent changes in the Greek and Spanish national health services. The aim is to assess how the period of austerity and further recovery during the 1990s and early 2000s impacted on them in terms of equity and efficiency. This is of interest because of the closeness in time between the universalizing reform laws and the arrival of the conditions for economic convergence established in the Maastricht Treaty. The analysis is also attractive because it deals with the transformation of already mature health insurance systems into national health services, a transformation that is novel in European welfare history. The article addresses the questions of whether austerity has hindered full implementation of the reform laws enacted in the early to mid-1980s, examining reform trajectories and financing and expenditure trends. Furthermore, it considers the impact on access, understood in terms of population coverage, the array of services provided, waiting lists, and territorial inequalities. Finally, it discusses the introduction of new managerial formulas and attempts at enhancing efficiency. The concluding section states that divergent trajectories have occurred, thus rendering the definition of a ‘Southern model of health care’ difficult. It also provides explanations of the trajectories followed in both national cases and informs on prospects for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The factors underlying patterns of partisan preference in Greece have been the subject of fairly little systematic analysis. This article uses data from a 1980 Euro-Barometer survey, the first to include a Greek sample. to outline the structure of the Greek partisan universe. A number of demographic variables - age, family income, education. occupation, sex, size of community, and household status - together with attitudinal variables regarding both foreign and domestic policy issues are tested as predictors of party identification. The multivariate statistical technique of discriminant analysis is used to measure the relative importance of these predictor variables in influencing the direction of party preferences. The findings show that attitudinal factors for the most part are more important than demographic traits. A stepwise analysis provides a rankordering of the strongest explanatory variables. The impact of recent political and historical developments on the party system in Greece is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]