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Objectives: Social movement theory argues that activist movements emerge when the political opportunity structure is favorable. This article contributes to the literature on social movements and minority activism by showing that individual‐level activism happens even without a favorable opportunity structure. Methods: The legal journal Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht (Case Law on Reparations Legislation), published from 1949 to 1981, reported on West German courts' decisions about reparations claims appeals. All issues were examined for decisions on reparations claims appeals that Romani Germans submitted regarding West Germany's 1953 federal reparations law, despite the unfavorable political opportunity structure. The number of these appeals is reported, and select cases are discussed. Results: Every time a Romani claimant appealed a denied reparations claim, they were, according to feminist definitions of everyday activism, committing an act of activism. Such appeals appear repeatedly in the Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht, demonstrating that if scholars look for activism at an individual level, not a group level, evidence shows that members of marginalized minority groups engage in activism regardless of the political opportunity structure. Conclusions: These findings show that, if individual‐level activism is included in scholarly analyses, it becomes apparent that minority activism occurs even when the political opportunity structure is unfavorable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, scholars have investigated how alliances begin and end, paying particular attention to factors that facilitate the emergence of movement and campaign coalitions. However, the issue of maintaining co‐resistance among distinct activist groups that lasts over time is still understudied. This contribution aims to fill this gap. Through an in‐depth empirical study of the long‐lasting cooperation of Israeli‐Palestinian activist organizations in the Palestinian region of the South Hebron Hills, this article singles out various factors that allowed this alliance to survive intense repression and change in political opportunities. Methodologically, a Protest Event Analysis was carried out after 2 months of preliminary fieldwork in Palestine (2019). It was followed by another 3 months of fieldwork in spring 2022 spent living with the community of Susiya and joining their everyday life and activism. Twenty‐three interviews with activists from both communities were conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An organized response to sexual harassment (SH) in K‐12 schools in the US traces its development as a social movement to the larger women's rights movement in the late 1970s. It was an outgrowth of the social movement of feminist activists who protested and filed lawsuits to draw attention to SH in the workplace to gain recognition for the problem as one of equity for working women. The focus on SH in K‐12 schools did not begin as an academic pursuit or with an emphasis on research – rather shares its origins as an activist movement to rectify injustices. Authors document the unwritten history of this social movement, by examining the early roots to address and prevent SH in K‐12 schools. The authors review survey and intervention research from the initial movement through the past couple of decades, noting limitations and challenges for future efforts to prevent and eliminate SH in K‐12 schools. The role of youth activism in advancing the movement against SH in schools represents hope of a renewal of activism with a robust gendered perspective. Authors provide next steps for research and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past years, activist movements have increasingly turned to social media to raise awareness and critically discuss current development and future scenarios. As a contribution to the discussion of new social movements and activism in the digital age, this study aims to explore and critically discuss how environmental risks and crisis are visually communicated in activism campaigns on Instagram, through a case study on Extinction Rebellion Sweden (XRsv). The study is delimited to the first 334 posts on XRsv's Instagram between November 14, 2018 and March 1, 2020. Methods used are interview and content analysis. In conclusion, XRsv has adopted aspects of design activism including visual tactics of Informing, Activating and Explaining. These three visual aspects are used by XRsv in an online context enabling interactivity and participatory actions, which in turn forms the core of design activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines my environmental health work for nearly four decades with many environmental activists and organizations, as well as scientists and government officials. I discuss how I have merged research and advocacy, while mentoring many students and colleagues on how to do that. I discuss my efforts to conduct transdisciplinary work that crosses social sciences, environmental health science, environmental justice, social movement studies, and science and technology studies, while centering that work on community‐based participatory research. I examine my ability to do the practical work of serving public health and the broader social good, while also developing theoretical and analytical concepts along the way. I discuss the importance of continually being reflective about these many areas of work, both personal reflexivity and reflexive, evaluative discussions with collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors focus on the intersection of the study of activism and the urban community college. Leveraging the Actors, Contexts, Tactics, and Strategies (ACTS) Framework, the authors (re)examine activism scholarship that illuminates similarities and differences between 2‐ and 4‐year institutions. Ultimately, the article concludes with implications for practice and future research that can deepen and sustain the position of community colleges as contributors to the rich legacy of urban activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines my environmental health work for nearly four decades with many environmental activists and organizations, as well as scientists and government officials. I discuss how I have merged research and advocacy, while mentoring many students and colleagues on how to do that. I discuss my efforts to conduct transdisciplinary work that crosses social sciences, environmental health science, environmental justice, social movement studies, and science and technology studies, while centering that work on community‐based participatory research. I examine my ability to do the practical work of serving public health and the broader social good, while also developing theoretical and analytical concepts along the way. I discuss the importance of continually being reflective about these many areas of work, both personal reflexivity and reflexive, evaluative discussions with collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic and activist conversations about the position of men in feminism often operate under the assumption that women are the movement's key beneficiaries and men are privileged outsiders lending their support. I use 59 interviews from a broader project on feminist and LGBTQ+ activism in the United States to illustrate how men's orientation to feminism is shaped by whether social movement organizations adopt what I call woman‐centered or identity‐fluid politics. While woman‐centered politics treat men as allies whose intentions must be vetted by women, identity‐fluid feminism imagines men as insiders with their own independent investment in the movement. I argue that the tension between these two models of identity politics gives men a liminal "insider‐ally" position within feminism. Although feminist men are given a tentative authority to speak for the movement, the persistence of woman‐centered understandings of feminism means men's insider status is contested, especially when they dominate feminist spaces, compromise women's sense of safety, and seek leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A longitudinal study involving 455 Black young adults living in Canada investigated whether gender and autonomous motivation influenced the relationship between perceived racism threat and Black Lives Matter (BLM) activism, and whether BLM activism influenced life satisfaction over time. A moderated mediation analysis using PROCESS Macro Model 58 tested the indirect effect of autonomous motivation on the relationship between perceived racism threat and BLM activism varying by gender. Multiple linear regression assessed how well BLM activism predicted life satisfaction. Black women perceived greater racism threat than Black men related to increases in BLM activism via the influence of autonomous motivation. BLM activism had a positive influence on life satisfaction over time, regardless of gender. This research suggests Black young women are playing pivotal roles in the BLM movement and helps us understand how motivation may be influencing involvement and well‐being in social justice issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even in Marx's and Engels' writings, the strive for popular legislation in the political sphere increasingly became a focal point - be it that Marx lauded the laws that limited the working day as "magna carta" (Marx, [56], 306 f.) or that Engels argued that the "rebellions of the old-style" should be replaced by new-style ones. Marx and Engels argued that the French insurrectionist circles undermined the "process of revolutionary development" because they envisaged launching "a revolution on the spur of the moment, without the conditions for a revolution" (Marx & Engels, [61], p. 318). One can say that Luxemburg proceeded from a left-populism - understood as invoking the people in order to further certain political objectives and advance in the struggle for political power - to a transformative populism: it should establish a process of collective learning "from below" and overcome the Jacobin flaws that Luxemburg saw - again - resurfacing in the Russian Revolution of 1917: "The Bolsheviks are the historical heirs of the English Levelers and the French Jacobins" (Luxemburg, [51], p. 342). In the established landscape of research in the social sciences, populism is seen as a type of politics that chiefly revolves around the distinction between the "people" and the "elite".[1] Within this, different forms of populism can be distinguished - ranging from right-wing and authoritarian to liberal-centrist and religious varieties. This was the unifying thread of European Social Democracy that spread from the works of Marx and Engels to very different activists and intellectuals, such as Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky, Vladimir Ilych Lenin, and Rosa Luxemburg.[6] It needs to be noted that the Second International was a broad political movement. [Extracted from the article]

There is a long history of small groups of white activists engaging in social movements for racial justice led by Black Indigenous and People of Color in the United States. Yet organized white antiracism has received much less study than white racism. From forging antiracist identities to crafting racial justice organizing strategies, white people's involvement in BIPOC‐led liberation struggles has proven both promising and problematic. This article explores what scholars know about white people's involvement in US‐ based racial justice efforts in order to pose central questions and quandaries for future study. It focuses on white antiracist activism in the United States beginning in the Civil Rights era. During the late 20th century, US‐based racial justice campaigns became fragmented across diverse networks and issue areas making it harder to locate groups of white people collectively aligning with a visible and unified social movement for racial justice. This appears to be shifting. Racial logics and racist regimes have proven themselves eminently flexible, and investigating how white people have tried to join social movements for racial justice illuminates important areas for future study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dugan ([9]) also investigated this category, focusing on young Catholics who serve as missionaries on a US university campus to recruit other young people to the faith. For example, Smith et al. ([19]) include the category of "devout" in their classification of emerging adult Catholics (18-23 years old) in the US, even though they were not able to identify any fitting this category for their interview sample. This special issue focuses on highly religious young Catholics in various parts of the world. Why younger Catholics seem more committed: Survivorship bias and/or "creative minority" effects among British Catholics. [Extracted from the article]

With this in mind, I congratulate Chancer for taking on this job and laying out an analysis of where feminism has been and where it needs to go. After the Rise and Stall of American Feminism: Taking Back a Revolution. Written in the time of #MeToo and other movements, Chancer lays out a careful argument of where feminism has been and what still needs to be accomplished. [Extracted from the article]

This article focuses on imagination and the role it can play in bringing about transformation. Through telling stories of feminist activism and teaching, we consider how imagination can extend our understanding of transformative learning. We examine how creative expression and various art forms have enabled imagination and consider the conditions needed to support such processes. We bring attention to the central role of imagination and hope in movements for social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY: Immigrant rights activism in rural Western New York involves collaboration between im/migrant farmworkers and their non‐immigrant supporters, aliados (allies). Ally ride‐giving in particular plays a crucial role in mobilization. Because allyship is a cornerstone of contemporary US social movements and a role to which ethnographers are likely to be assigned when working in activist settings, I approach the constructs of allyship and rides as objects of critical inquiry and in relation to conversations about complicity in ethnographic practice. Using experiences from my fieldwork as an aliada (ally) and volunteer raitera (driver), I unpack how rides become more than a mechanical means to a transportation end. When racialization and illegality constrain people's use of roads and cars, I posit that rides can constitute a collaborative means of resistance and an intervention in the politics of mobility. For engaged scholars, this political aspect of rides should not be divorced from considerations of rides as an intimate space‐time shared between drivers and passengers and that exceeds their instrumentalization as a political tool. This theorization of rides as simultaneously political and intimate is generative in imagining modes of praxis for ethnographers acting as accomplices in shared struggles for justice. [activism, allyship, complicity, migration, mobility] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thus, Occupy activists with a commons and anti-capitalist ethos were reluctant to employ proprietary social media platforms. In other words, the advent of social media enriched the communication ecology of social movements and refined the activists' understanding of how to use each medium in the ecology more effectively. Pre-social media phase: the Global Justice Movement, websites and email lists The pre-social media period began roughly in the mid-1990s and ended with the 2011 wave of mobilisations. [Extracted from the article]

The past decade has witnessed rapid growth in popular protest, alongside an upsurge in research on collective action. The proliferation of research has been both productive and fragmenting: We have an excellent understanding of the many factors that shape participation in collective action, but we lack a framework that explains how these factors fit together. The Model of Belonging, Individual differences, Life experience and Interaction Sustaining Engagement (MOBILISE) addresses this gap to explain when, why, how, and for whom, collective action manifests. MOBILISE suggests that participation in collective action is shaped by individual differences (micro) and life experiences which, separately and in combination, lead to the formation of a group consciousness (meso) via the collectivization of grievance. Group consciousness is, in turn, the proximal predictor of collective action. Collective action itself has outcomes for people (dis/empowerment) and societies. These micro and meso processes occur in the context of macro societal factors relating to the cultural, political, and economic environment. MOBILISE highlights the transformational role of interaction in explaining the global reach and rapidity with which popular movements can form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: : Political opportunity is considered an important factor in any kind of activism, as it represents the context or norms in which a movement operates. Much of the extant literature has focused on political opportunity on a case‐by‐case basis with little consistency in its operationalization. Our goal in this study is to build toward a generalizable measure of political opportunity. To do so, we measured opportunities as democracy and used data from 90+ countries over a 40‐year period, testing the long‐theorized inverse‐U relationship between opportunity and protest. Methods: : We used all seven waves of the World Value Survey, which represents much of the world's countries, to examine the link between political opportunity and political behaviors (signing a petition, joining boycotts, and attending peaceful protests). Results: : Results confirmed the inverse‐U effect on all three protest behaviors; that is, middle‐of‐the‐road democracies had the highest levels of protest participation, whereas the most representative and most repressive societies had the lowest levels of protest participation. Conclusion: : Democracy can be used to represent important dimensions of political opportunity, as it was consistent with the long‐theorized inverse‐U. Moreover, our approach to using democracy, a cross‐national index, may serve as a stepping stone toward a unified and generalizable measure of political opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review interrogates the divide between human rights "as ideas for social movements" and human rights "as law" that permeates the literature on human rights law and gender violence by putting it into conversation with the scholarship on Indigenous women's legal activism against the multiple forms of violence that they face. This divide obscures the ways in which Indigenous women across the Americas have appropriated and re‐signified the discourse and practice of human rights by engaging in formal legal processes at the community, domestic, and supranational levels. I problematize this dichotomy and argue that human rights "as ideas for social movements" and "as law" go hand in hand to challenge the multiple injustices affecting the lives of Indigenous women. This review invites sociologists to consider the experiences of Indigenous women's legal activism and its relationship to colonialism in their analyses of social movement dynamics and it contributes to decentering analyses on legal mobilization that are based on the global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on forced disappearances, which refer to state‐orchestrated abductions and disappearances of men and women, has long emphasized the roles of families, specifically mothers, in contesting state violence. However, the family as the locus of social movements resisting inequality and state‐related violence remains underexamined in the broader field of social movement study. In this article, I provide an overview of research in areas of the Global South, specifically Latin America and the Middle East, related to family‐based activism around disappearance to highlight how turning our analytical lens towards the family enriches our understandings of gender, power, and resistance to systemic inequality. In the discussion, I outline a burgeoning literature around other forms of state violence, such as incarceration and immigrant deportation, that centers the family as a site to critique structural inequality. I conclude by identifying future directions for sociological inquiry into family‐based movements that can enrich our understandings of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid‐19 pandemic has seen the rapid growth of collective organizing on the part of patient groups to address scientific and health inequities. This paper considers the emergence of Covid‐19 activism as an embodied health movement that draws on and contributes to broader movements for racial, economic and gender justice. Recognizing the central role of emotion in social movements and in the bio‐politics of Covid‐19, I examine the key presence of the affective domain in social change through three Covid‐19 social movement groups. These organizations draw upon anti‐racist, feminist, and queer and HIV social movement organizing that position Covid movement building in intersectional histories and futures. I argue that Covid movement activists have built "archives of feeling"—or public cultures of trauma—of commemoration, Covid survivor narratives, and direct action that center affective feelings around grief, representation, and anger, respectively. I suggest that Covid‐19 will become a key lens for articulating structural and social inequalities through which broader social movements will leverage their claims for justice—moving towards an integrated social movement. Social movement mobilizing will continue to play a critical role to ensure that the focus in the Covid‐19 pandemic shifts from pathogen to society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the intersectional origins of the Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF) in France through analysis of one of its founding groups: Féminin, Masculin, Avenir (FMA). Complicating historiographical perceptions that the feminist revival of 1970 largely resulted from the revolutionary activity of May 1968 in France, this article argues that Women's Liberation also sprung from a transnational, multi‐issue activist network that predated the events of that year. FMA, though statistically insignificant in the vast arena of late‐1960s activism, boasted a disproportionately influential share of MLF activists who would go on to shape the principle theories of Women's Liberation in France. Their engagement with anti‐colonialism, Black liberation and Marxism facilitated their feminist activism, sharpened their theories of oppression and provided them with models of successful identity‐based social movements. FMA explored the intersections of race, class and gender before eventually abandoning these intersections in the name of 'women' as a class. This turn away from solidarity with anti‐racist and anti‐colonial movements in the name of feminism shaped the priorities of Women's Liberation for years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the significance of unorthodox territorial activisms through the study of Anti‐Fascist Action (AFA), a militant anti‐fascist organisation in the United Kingdom and Ireland that operated at its height between 1989 and 1996. In the literature on activist territorialities, little has been written on practices that confront other non‐state territorialities. Likewise, despite a small but growing geographical literature on far right populism, anti‐fascism is under‐researched. Through archival materials and interviews with former activists, I argue that geographers can understand AFA's militant anti‐fascism as transversal, following Félix Guattari's theorisation of the term. AFA operated beyond state‐centric modes of territoriality, creating malleable pathways between different operational logics, cross‐cutting state and non‐state forms. Thinking transversally about territory helps to disembed epistemic and ontological framings from dominant statist logics and assumptions, opening up new ways of understanding how movements operate territorially. The paper concludes with reflections for contemporary antifascisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reimagining Academic Activism: Learning from Feminist Anti-Violence Activists As a Pãkehã (white New Zealander) academic in Social Enterprise Management at the University of Technology Sydney, Weatherall came to the collective equipped with the academic tools of theoretical concepts, methodologies and carefully formulated research questions. I Reimagining Academic Activism: Learning from Feminist Anti-Violence Activists i is an inspiring, imaginative examination of how academia and activism are intertwined in complicated, often surprising ways. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses the socio‐political dynamics after the financial crash in two countries governed by the left, Argentina and Brazil. Whilst the economic crisis had an effect on the general distributive capacity of leftwing coalitions, it remains unclear why the political resolution of such a crisis adopted anti‐regime features in Brazil and the form of an institutional alternation of power in Argentina. Our aim is to understand the new socio‐political dynamics and their implications in the crisis of the left turn, especially the relationship between social mobilization and political change in the context of Argentina and Brazil. In doing so, the paper contributes to the growing body of literature interested in the intersections between social movements and the state. Based on the analysis of original qualitative and quantitative data on social protests events in both countries 2011–2015, the paper suggests that the complexity of changes in the socio‐political dynamics can be captured by looking at three dimensions of the problem: grammar of mobilization, social imaginaries, and political representation. The main argument is that the different types of left turn strategy developed in both countries affected in turn the responses to the economic crisis and the new cycle of mobilization. The kirchnerist's movimentista strategy in Argentina contrasted with the demobilizing strategy of the PT in Brazil. Whilst the former contributed to channel the high and polarized levels of activism within the polity, the latter resulted in the crisis of the long cycle of political representation opened with the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The qualitative content analysis examines the motivations and barriers to engagement in activism of 1360 LGBTQ+ people (Mage = 21.05, SD = 7.46). Data on motivators and barriers to activism were collected through force choice and write‐in responses. Content analysis of the write‐in responses revealed six themes for motivation for activist participation (social justice, empathy for others, internal motivation, personal experience with heterosexism, improving one's own situation, and build LGBTQ+ community) and six themes for barriers to activism (lack of resources, concern about others' disapproval, lack of opportunity, concerns about safety, disagree with practices/attitudes of some groups, and no interest/lack of commitment). This study adds to the understanding of various motivations and impediments to activism by understanding engagement or lack of engagement in activism in participants' own words, which can help make opportunities for activism more accessible to more individuals in the LGBTQ+ community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More importantly, Arrington does not show what leads to the emergence of her "accidental activists": who are they before they are activists, and how do their stories and experiences of victimhood reinforce, impact, or otherwise shape their activism? Llamojha's life history helps us to understand what it meant to be a political activist in the decades of the Cold War, and how the war between two world powers affected the lives of ordinary people and activists, as they were accused of communism, jailed and persecuted. I Accidental Activists: Victim Movements and Government Accountability in Japan and South Korea i Celeste L. Arrington (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016) I Now Peru Is Mine: The Life and Times of a Campesino Activist i Jaymie Patricia Heilman and Manuel Llamojha Mitma (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) I Activist Archives: Youth Culture and the Political Past in Indonesia i Doreen Lee (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) Both the recent rise of populist leaders and the success of protest movements in the last decade have brought the study of political and social movements center stage. The youth activist is treated as a generic identity in I Activist Archives i : apart from a few vignettes in which certain activists' voices are heard, it remains unclear who the activists are: their class, gender, social and cultural identities do not come forward. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the grassroots anti-Brexit movement in the UK and its failure to prevent a hard Brexit. The lack of support from elites, internal divisions, and ineffective messaging are identified as key factors contributing to this failure. The article contributes to the literature on pro-EU movements and social movements more broadly. It analyzes the political context, mobilizing structures, and messaging of the anti-Brexit movement, highlighting its inability to present a positive vision of EU integration. The authors conclude that it is difficult to determine whether the movement's failure was due to its own deficiencies or the overwhelming obstacles it faced. [Extracted from the article]

Intersectionality emerged in the border space between social movements and academic politics as a means of better understanding and confronting interlocking systems of oppression. For scholars studying social movements, it offers a framework for better understanding the power dynamics of movements (the inclusions and exclusions). It is also something to be studied. Women of color, and other groups at the intersection of multiple marginalities conceptualized intersectionality as not only a type of integrated analysis or heuristic, but as an active political orientation to be put into practice. In this essay, I review and discuss the benefits and challenges of studying social movements intersectionally (an analysis that might be applied to the study of any movements), as well as the growing literature focused on social movement intersectionality, that looks for and at intersectionally oriented movements and the praxis of intersectionality within movements. This developing area of study provides new ways of understanding and troubling social movement solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the debate about academic activism in organization studies through an exploration of my engagement with recent international policy‐making relating to gender, business, and human rights. It brings social movement theory to the debate to elucidate how our work as academic activists can be conceived of in terms of social movement strategies with respect to political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and strategic framing processes. The aim is to further elucidate what we do as academic activists, and how such actions might advance feminist social movement agendas through a process that is both critical AND engaged in neoliberal contexts. I conclude with a discussion of the implications for Gender, Work & Organization (GWO) scholars and the GWO journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the role of community learning within social movements and the fight for social justice and human rights. To understand contemporary social movements and their role in community learning and advocacy for social change, it is essential to contextualize them within the long history of Black women's activist labor and accomplishments. The #BLM movement is presented as a continuation of Black women's longstanding inclusive activism, punctuated by the Abolition, Suffrage, Civil Rights, and modern feminist movements. It highlights the efforts of specific Black women community leaders in creating counterpublics that make claims to power and work to change the status quo. Black women, through their inclusive, community‐based activist endeavors, continue to carve out fugitive spaces and counterpublics where counternarratives are actively generated to fight for a more equitable and inclusive democracy that serves all. This article conceptualizes the role of adult education in social movements and transformative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a longitudinal study that uses insights from postcolonial feminism to explore women's entrepreneurship as a political form of feminist organizing for social change in Saudi Arabia. Postcolonial feminist approaches challenge Western feminism, which can obscure the diversity of women's lived experiences, agency, and activism. Through Bayat's (2013) theory of "quiet encroachment," I identify the ways in which contemporary Western conceptualizations of feminist solidarity and social movements have dismissed "Other" women's "silent," protracted and (dis)organized activism in parts of the Middle East. By exploring how Saudi women have utilized their entrepreneurial space as a legitimate platform for change, I aim to enrich understanding of women's activism through everyday solidarity practices, which allow them to quietly encroach onto the previously forbidden political space. The findings exemplify how their activism "quietly" developed over time through a three‐step process—from the entrepreneur aiming to empower women within their organization, to developing feminist consciousness within their entrepreneurial network, to becoming a "political activist" lobbying for policy changes for women. These solidarity practices exemplify the West's relationship with "the Other," and reveal that feminist organizing for social change must be explored within its own context in order to fully appreciate its global political potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, social media has been widely used as a tool for feminist social movements, addressing social problems such as sexual assault traumatization. This research aims at understanding how social media users utilized Twitter to describe traumatic sexual assault experiences and reasons victims chose not to disclose their experiences (Study 1), and how users became a part of the digital activism (i.e., social media movement against sexual assault) to increase social actions (Study 2). Tweets using the hashtag #WhyIDidntReport and #MeToo were extracted. Thematic analyses were used to analyze tweets across the two studies. Results from Study 1 revealed that social media victims who self‐disclosed their victimization stories often reported having serious psychological impacts, a sense of helplessness, and issues with the police. Study 2 further uncovered that social media users engaged in hashtag activism through discussing views on relevant political and social issues, sharing resources to help sexual assault victims, and promoting social actions (e.g., protests, voting). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The family is often described as the foundation of Latino immigrant communities. Scholars interested in the political activism of Latino immigrants in the United States have consequently sought to examine the relationship between the family and recruitment to social movement participation. Overall, this research focuses on how the family can promote Latinos' political activism. However, less is known about the conditions under which the family may hinder activism. Family dynamics may be particularly demobilizing for certain segments of the Latino population with liminal or undocumented status. This article reviews two groups of the recent literature on Latino political mobilization: (a) social networks; and (b) collective action frames. By drawing on insights from social movement theory, the article concludes by arguing for more research that theorizes on the family as a group identity, powerfully enabling, and constraining Latino movement participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tsutsui also goes a step further to trace and theorize "feedback loops" in which local social movement activism further consolidates and/or expands the very norms that they draw on, demonstrating that there is an interplay between local minority politics and global human rights norms, with the latter diffusing bidirectionally in a top-down and bottom-up local-to-global fashion. Oft-criticized by international society for its passive stance towards immigration and settlement, refugee recognition, and gender equality, Japan may not be the first country that comes to mind as one that could shed important insights into the intersectional and multidirectional relationships between global human rights and minority social movements. [Extracted from the article]

Undocumented immigrants are removable from the nation at any time and their participation in political activism heightens this risk. Yet, undocumented organisers have been at the forefront of the immigrant rights movement. This article demonstrates how through their use of civil disobedience tactics, undocumented activists are in fact working to re‐conceptualise citizenship to include those who are not legally present in the country. Drawing on three years of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Chicago, IL, we develop a three‐part framework—double vulnerability, extending/expanding risk, and including the excluded—to analyse the role of civil disobedience in the contemporary US immigrant rights movement. We then compare the use of civil disobedience in the US immigrant rights movement with the US Civil Rights and Indian Independence movements. In our analysis of civil disobedience, we demonstrate that activists can simultaneously be complicit with and directly challenge mainstream depictions of deservingness for citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As activism including climate strikes have become a common occurrence around the world, it is important to consider the growth in climate change‐focused activism and participation in social movements as a specific type of civic engagement. Although studies have analyzed climate activism and the climate movement, there is limited research that integrates it into the broader literature on civic engagement and which considers how these forms of engagement are related to specific climate outcomes. Here, we take a first step in understanding the material outcomes of these efforts. Specifically, we provide an overview of climate‐related activism as a form of civic engagement, paying particular attention to the targets of this activism and its environmental outcomes in terms of greenhouse gas emissions reductions. Then, we focus on one of the most common tactics to gain momentum in recent years: the school strike, which has mobilized a growing number of participants around the world. We discuss how the Coronavirus pandemic has changed the climate movement with much activism moving online. We conclude by discussing the overall state of the knowledge about the outcomes of climate activism, as well as highlighting the need for careful research to measure its effects across scale. This article is categorized underPolicy and Governance > Private Governance of Climate ChangeThe Social Status of Climate Change Knowledge > Climate Science and Social Movements [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews existing theory and research on political non‐participation. Spanning the electoral, civic and social movement spheres, it critically compares the different conceptual tools that have been employed to explain why individuals might not participate in politics. This includes the study of rational choice, political socialisation, social networks and political emotions. In doing, this article identifies opportunities for a more holistic approach to studying non‐participation across multiple fields and contexts in the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a white professor who teaches courses that deal primarily with the issue of race, the question of whether pedagogy and activism mix is ever present in my mind. The answer to this question is of course complicated and yet, I answer affirmatively. Drawing upon social movement theory and the central tenets of critical pedagogy, I argue that pedagogy and activism can work very well together in the classroom, but that my allegiance to a critical pedagogy does present some necessary constraints on my classroom activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interactive cultural practices such as songs and storytelling are key to contemporary social movement organizing because they can attenuate the challenges of social difference by expanding participants' understandings of self and community. Yet the precise cultural dynamics through which such practices become effective are not well understood. Using the case of a large faith‐based community organizing coalition, I show that practices focused on personal moral authenticity are especially effective in fostering alignment between social movement goals and individuals' pre‐existing moral commitments. I define personal moral authenticity as the ambition to develop, enact, and perform a moral identity that is "true" to an enduring internal self, and validate that identity through interactions with others. This is an effective basis for organizing practices because it spans the various cultures of commitment that prevail in different racial and religious subgroups and gives individuals a personal stake in social change projects. In highlighting how it animates practices in faith‐based community organizing, one of the most robust fields of grassroots civic activity in the United States, this article illuminates an important part of the cultural dynamics underlying much contemporary social change work, and specifies how religion contributes to progressive social change efforts amid ongoing religious disaffiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to the twinned crises of ecology and political economy, we face today a crisis of care. The crisis of care, I contend, is fundamentally a political and an ethical crisis. In this short commentary, I outline the structural (i.e., systemic) and reproductive (i.e., labour) character of this crisis, using the COVID‐19 pandemic as an example. From here, I argue for the imperative to centre an expansive conception of care in critical community psychology work. Specifically, I posit that by working with and alongside activist care workers, community psychologists can assist in building socially just modalities of care. After reflecting on my work with collective caring initiatives, I offer five (tentative) guiding principles for a community psychology that is committed to addressing the crisis of care, namely: (1) commitment to building political coalitions; (2) commitment to refuting capitalist conceptions of care; (3) commitment to expanding conceptions of care; (4) commitment to embracing the psychological consequences of care work; and (5) a politicoethical commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Acting in solidarity with deprived others has become a central topic in social movement research. The explanations of solidarity activism or political altruism are few. However, social movement researchers have claimed that solidarity with out‐of‐group others is a by‐product of in‐group interaction. In contrast, we argue that out‐group interaction with the deprived other and the formation of a solidary relationship is central to the ebb and flow of solidarity activism. We investigate the Danish refugee solidarity movement and show that the meeting with the deprived other 1) brings about an interaction order which makes an ethical demand on the activists to care for the other both within the bounds of the situations and in the future; 2) enacts and amplifies activists' values and beliefs because the deprived other becomes an exemplar of the injustice and the need to help the broader group of people in the same fragile situation. We develop and test this theory drawing on 42 life‐history interviews and a social media dataset containing a panel of 87,455 activists participating in refugee solidarity groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay, based on a "militant ethnography" of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective action is volatile: characterized by swift, unexpected changes in intensity, target, and forms. We conduct a detailed exploration of four reasons that these changes occur. First, action is about identities which are fluid, contested, and multifaceted. As the content of groups' identities change, so do the specific norms for the identities. Second, social movements adopt new tactics, or forms of collective action. Tactical changes may arise from changes in identity, but also changes in the target or opponent groups, and changes in the relationships with targets and with other actors. Factions or wings of a group in conflict may in turn form identities based on opposition or support for differing tactics. Third, social movements change because participant motivation ebbs, surges, and also changes in quality (e.g., becoming more subjectively autonomous, or self‐determined). Finally, political social change occurs within socio‐political structures; these structures implicate higher‐level norms, which both constrain and emerge from actions (e.g., state openness or repression). Our analysis presents idealized and descriptive models of these relationships, and a new model to examine tactical changes empirically, the DIME model. This model highlights that collective actors can Disidentify after failure (giving up and walking away); they can Innovate, or try something new; and they can commit harder, convinced that they are right, with increased moral urgency (Moralization) and redoubled efforts (Energization). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the Kurdish women's movement in Turkey by bridging two forms of resistance: those of guerrilla women fighters and of activist women. Based on my extensive ethnographic and archival research, I ask how women under conditions of war engage in different modes of resistance. In what ways does the "heroic resistance" of guerrilla women resonate with and/or contradict the everyday, "ordinary" struggles of activist women? The potent image of the Kurdish guerrilla woman that emerged in the early 1990s is constitutive of many other modes of political subjectivities, even among women who do not or cannot become guerrillas. One of those subjectivities is that of the activist woman. My analysis suggests that women's activism opens up a middle ground of action between "heroic" and "ordinary" resistance by reconciling revolutionary politics with everyday activism around gender‐based violence, democracy, and human rights. Although both revolutionary movement participants and scholars of revolutionary resistance often contrast the "ordinary" with the realm of armed resistance, this article challenges this dichotomy. I take the two realms of resistance—the ordinary and the heroic—as the core constituents of revolutionary resistance, and I reconsider the gendered interplay between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]