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The author of this passage suggests that hospitality is at the heart of both Christianity and politics. They draw on the writing of Martin Luther, who argues that Christians do not live in themselves but in Christ and their neighbor. This paper invites us to consider that Christian relationships should not be individualistic, as this removes them from the community and movement that Jesus established. Rather, Christians must act collectively to combat societal issues and oppression. By choosing to get involved civically, whether through elections, community organizing, or advocacy, individuals can choose to side with either self‐interest or radical hospitality. The author suggests that choosing radical hospitality is the way to live in Christ and our neighbor, and to truly demonstrate authentic love for those around us. The author is reflecting on their decision to engage in local politics after witnessing civil unrest and racial injustices in their community. They highlight the importance of public witness as a prophetic act, grounded in faith and a desire for justice. The author draws on the teachings of Martin Luther and the tradition of the Black church as inspiration for their political engagement, which they see as a way to serve their neighbors and demonstrate their love and teachings. They also acknowledge the challenges and complexities of political leadership, especially in the face of corruption and unethical practices. Overall, the author's message is one of hope and a commitment to working towards a more equitable and hospitable community for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Representative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17‐country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes how contemporary publics think about the nation along Kohn's classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' nationalism. The article makes three contributes to the existing literature. Firstly, it introduces a new statistical tool, multi-classification analysis, to establish and analyse the two-dimensional structure found in this and previous studies. Secondly, it derives at an alternative interpretation, with a first dimension distinguishing the level of mobilization of nationalist attitudes and a second dimension distinguishing the relative emphasis given to civic and ethnic elements. Thirdly, it demonstrates how this set-up can be used to describe differences within countries, across countries and across time using all three rounds of International Social Survey Programme data on national identity. The descriptions demonstrate a move towards mobilized ethnic nationalism in Eastern Europe, while a stable non-mobilized civic nationalism prevails in many West European countries, despite the rise of new right-wing parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following a Social Representations approach, the article examines the representations of citizenship held by both migrants and Greek citizens in Greece after the announcement of a heavily debated citizenship legislation. Essentialism, a way of representing social categories as holding an underlying essence that determines their characteristics, was used as an analytical tool to understand the inclusive or exclusive function of representations of citizenship towards migrants. Findings showed that Greeks construct representations based on ethnic, civic, and cultural ideas, while migrants construct representation of citizenship based on civic and cultural ideas. Essentialism was a way of constructing ethnic and cultural representations of citizenship and functioned in both exclusive and inclusive ways, but assimilatory terms accordingly. Civic and cultural representations of citizenship were constructed in nonessentialist ways and functioned in inclusive ways. However, from Greeks' perspective, civic inclusion was conditioned upon an often-questioned legality of migrants and upon cultural assimilation terms. Studying both the content and the essentialist/nonessentialist formulation of representations of citizenship is an important tool in understanding the politics of inclusion and exclusion of citizens in the social arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]