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Chinese regional policy has undergone several decades of trials, adjustments and readjustments. The debates and shifts of Chinese regional policy are a product of politics as well as the prevailing philosophies and theories of development. This paper emphasizes the latter. While most existing studies focus on policy and outcome, a better understanding of the logic behind Chinese regional policy and its shifts requires scrutiny of prevailing and influential ideas. The best source of these ideas is the Chinese literature on regional development. This is especially so because many Chinese researchers are also planners or advisors of regional policies and projects. The Chinese literature on post-Mao regional development is rich and diverse, but is also confusing and is muddled by a multiplicity of theories, models and schools of thought. Export-led growth in the eastern region has been greatly facilitated by the designation of open zones. Opening of these zones means that a favorable environment would be created for promoting foreign trade, including state funding for infrastructure development and various financial and legal inducements for attracting foreign investments.

The article presents information on urban society making in China. Though the Chinese society in Mao had never come close to one of equal citizenship as advocated in the Marxist doctrine, the urban social structure in the late Mao's era was relatively homogenous, made up of great mass of wage workers in well protected state or quasi-state sector and a tiny, perhaps not the most visible, class of privileged cadres. New forces unleashed by the Chinese economic reform, since the late 1970s have gradually shaken the basis of previous social orderliness. The Chinese society has become more mobile in social and geographical terms. While various versions of the Chinese socialist constitution, first promulgated in 1954, devoted on e of its four chapters to specifying the fundamental rights and duties of individuals--ranging from freedom of speech to freedom to protest, many of these individual rights have remained largely on paper. Since its full implementation in 1958, the registration regulations have required every citizen to obtain clearance from the public security bureau before changing residences.

Copyright of International Journal of Urban & Regional Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

The process of constitution making in Poland since 1989, and the content of the two draft constitutions prepared separately by the Sejm and the Senate are described in this paper. The relatively weak sense of constitutionalism in Poland's tradition is commented on and compared with the role of judicial review by the courts and constitutional tribunals in the United States and Europe. The latter part of the article discusses the role of the Church, the civil society, the unions and voluntary associations in constitution making and in the post-Communist society in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patterns of Chinese family life are changing under Communism. This paper is a descriptive report on the dating and courtship practices, husband-wife adjustment patterns and problems of the working mother in Communist China. Due to the increasing number of women participating in labor, most young people meet through working together under various circumstances, in offices, factories, or on farm cooperatives. Introductions by friends at parties, dances and pre-arranged meetings are not uncommon. In general, the wedding ceremony consists of obtaining a certificate from the local People's Council or registering at the Commune's registration office. According to informants, sometimes "Dutch treat" wedding celebrations are held by friends of the newly-weds, thus keeping the traditional value of rejoicing without putting too much financial burden on the new couple. The Communist leaders find that there is a new trend toward "early" marriage among the Communist youth. One of the relatively crucial problems working wives encounter is the readjustment of relationships between spouses resulting from the drastic change in the wife's roles.

The article focuses on motivational patterns in Southeast Asia with special reference to the Chinese case. The motivational concerns, which favor economic and social modernization, are more prominent in the Communist Chinese stories than in the China-Taiwan stories at nearly every point. The greater impact of the Revolution on the Mainland is really not surprising: Communism has always stressed the importance of ideology, of propaganda, of whipping up enthusiasm for a new regime whereas the Western democracies have generally been cautious about trying to influence directly the values of countries they help materially. The Chinese case suggests that ideas are in fact more important in shaping history than purely materialistic arrangements. The ideological fervor, which the Russians exported to China, has been more influential in modernizing the country than all the material aid that the Western democracies have exported so far either to China-Taiwan or other countries like India. This is just one piece of evidence to support the growing conviction among social scientists that it is values, motives, or psychological forces that determine ultimately the rate of economic and social development.

This study aims to grasp the process of modernization in rural China during a period of social transformation that saw the overlapping of Communism and Modernism. Founded in 1958, Weixing Commune was the first funded People's Commune and a group of architectural professionals participated in its design. The analysis of the concept and planning method of Weixing commune clearly indicates that, when facing the task of designing the commune in the 1950s under the communist ideology, the design group tried to adapt the concept of modern urban planning from the west. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: Previous studies of American English isms terms have uncovered as many as five broad factors: tradition-oriented religiousness (TR), subjective spirituality (SS), communal rationalism (CR), unmitigated self-interest (USI), and inequality aversion (IA). The present studies took a similar lexical approach to investigate the Chinese-language isms structures in both mainland China and Taiwan.Method and Results: In Study 1, exploratory factor analyses with 915 mainland Chinese subjects uncovered four interpretable factors dimensionalizing 165 mainland Chinese dictionary isms terms. These factors represented contents of a combination of TR and SS, USI, CR, and a culturally unique Communist Party of China (CPC) ideology factor. In Study 2, exploratory factor analyses with 467 Taiwan Chinese subjects revealed four interpretable factors categorizing 291 Taiwan Chinese dictionary isms terms. These factors represented contents of a combination of TR and SS, USI, CR, and a culturally unique dimension expressing aspirations for happiness.Conclusions: The results gave evidence for the existence of the isms factors TR and SS, USI, and CR in Chinese culture. Cultural uniqueness was reflected in the merging of TR and SS into the factor Syncretic Religiousness and the culture-specific factors of CPC ideology in China and Happiness/Peace Promotion in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: During the 1960s, the Yugoslav Socialist authorities gradually recognised Bosnia and Herzegovina's Muslims as a nation. Interestingly, in the 1940s, the Yugoslav Communist leaders refused to consider Muslims even as an ethnic group and saw them only as a religious community whose members had to designate themselves as Serbs or Croats. Why did the regime decide to recognise Muslims as a nation in the 1960s, whereas 20 years earlier they supported the opposite position? To understand the shift, this nation‐building process must be understood as the result of a dual dynamic on the federal and the republican level, where important changes occurred. At the federal one, the Communist authorities initiated a decentralisation process within the context of Yugoslav self‐management in the 1950s, which significantly reinforced the republic elites. This coincided with the resurgence of the national question in the whole of Yugoslavia. Simultaneously, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new elite progressively rose to power in the 1960s and put the ‘Muslim question’ on the political agenda. This led to the gradual increase in status of the Muslims from a religious community to an ethnic group at the beginning of the 1960s and then to a nation at the end of the decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of Cuba's far-reaching, halting economic reforms, geopolitical rapprochement and trade openings with the United States (US) offer opportunities and risks for Cuban small-scale farmers and agrarian cooperatives: pressures, paradoxes and potential abound. Meanwhile, on the margins, agro-ecologically oriented tours bring admiring US students, farmers and agrarian advocates. Cubans concur that the country must solve key problems in its agricultural sector to overcome the contradictions of its agri-food model, and that this entails more exchange with the US - but in what capacity and on what terms? The current crossroads begs the classic agrarian question, even as it updates it. Having experienced and survived the promises and disasters of both capitalist and communist agricultural economies, Cuban farmers expand the original 'peasant' protagonist. As they navigate new non-state markets and recent re-entrenchment of state control of prices, Cuban farmers and cooperatives struggle to avoid monopolizing tendencies of unfettered capitalist as well as communist agricultural economies - both of which have historically been ecologically damaging. US agribusiness courts Cuba, but not as mere unidirectional capture: Cubans are inviting and leveraging trade to end the embargo, which is increasingly being modified altogether. Key Cuban agrarian principles of resilience and cooperativismo have persisted through capitalist and communist crises: could they influence prospects for agro-industrial hegemony from the North? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Essays by Karl Marx, Selected from the Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts," translated by Ria Stone. This work makes available for the first time in English translation three essays by Karl Marx which deal with basic positions in his system. They are his papers on alienated labor, private property and communism and a critique of the Hegelian dialectic.

ABSTRACT Sidney Mintz's passing on December 27, 2015, obliges us to recall and acknowledge the outstanding cohort of anthropologists who studied alongside him at Columbia University in the years immediately following World War II. Together, they transformed the discipline. They include, among other luminaries, Stanley Diamond, Morton Fried, Marvin Harris, Marshall Sahlins, Elman Service, and Eric Wolf. Armed with new research questions and theoretical interests, they freed anthropology from its Boasian moorings and pushed it in new and exciting directions. The cohort's collective and individual anthropological oeuvre from the 1950s to the 1980s reconfigured the practice of anthropology in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. [ history of anthropology, Columbia University, Marxism, modes of production, capitalism, world-systems, Sidney Mintz] El reciente fallecimiento de Sidney Mintz (27 diciembre de 2015) suscita recordar y reconocer a ese grupo extraordinario de antropólogos que estudió con él en la Universidad de Columbia, Nueva York, al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Juntos transformaron la disciplina. Entre otros ilustrados se encuentran Stanley Diamond, Morton Fried, Marvin Harris, Marshall Sahlins, Elman Service y Eric Wolf. Armados con nuevas preguntas de investigación e inquietudes teóricas, libraron a la antropología de su arraigo boasiano y la impulsaron hacia nuevos y más interesantes horizontes. Su obra colectiva e individual, producida entre las décadas de los 50 a los 80, reconfiguró la práctica antropológica durante el siglo veinte y principios del vigésimo primero. [ historia de la antropología, Universidad de Columbia, marxismo, modos de producción, capitalismo, sistema mundial, Sidney Mintz] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the result of the communist terror in Poland, during years 1944–1956 more than 50,000 people died. Their bodies were buried secretly, and most places are still unknown. The research presents the results of identification of people buried in one of many mass graves, which were found at the cemetery Powązki Military in Warsaw, Poland. Exhumation revealed the remains of eight people, among which seven were identified genetically. Well‐preserved molars were used for the study. Reference material was collected from the closest living relatives. In one case, an exhumation of victim's parents had to be performed. DNA from swabs was extracted with a PrepFiler®BTA Forensic DNA Extraction Kit and organic method. Autosomal, Y‐STR amplification, and mtDNA sequencing were performed. The biostatistical calculations resulted in LR values from 1608 to 928 × 1018. So far, remains of more than 50 victims were identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the various phases in the life of George Rudé (1910-93), starting with the son of a conservative family converting to communism following a chance trip to Russia as a twenty-two year old. He combined teaching modern languages in secondary schools with being an active functionary of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), and in the late-1940s he redirected his interests to the study of French revolutionary history, finally securing an academic position in Australia. The purpose of this article is not to write about Rudé's academic life as such but, rather, to outline the nature and extent of his work on behalf of the CPGB and how this impacted on his life and work. In particular, why did he assume, and then shed, the mantle of party activist, and how did his Marxism affect the type of history he wrote? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop a simple model to study the effect of age structure on the interactions between the state and dissidents. Younger populations are more prone to protest. As the population grows younger, states that can discriminately target repression to different groups, but cannot concede discriminately, decrease repression. In contrast, states that can target concession, but not repression, increase repression. We test these results in nonmilitary single-party regimes and military regimes without political parties. Moreover, we study state response to dissent in East European communist regimes in the late 1980s, showing that state response was more repressive in countries with younger populations. ( JEL D74) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political transformation of Eastern European countries heralded many fundamental economic, social, and cultural changes. One aspect of democracy - cultural democracy - focuses on the situation of minority groups. The treatment of minorities, while largely determined by law and actions of the government, is also influenced by the attitudes and opinions held by the citizens. This article analyses opinion polls conducted between 1994 and 2014 on attitudes towards ethnic and national minorities in Poland. The data comes from the Public Opinion Research Center (Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej - CBOS) and was published solely in the Polish language. This analysis is situated within Poland's shifting political, social, and cultural contexts, and emphasizes current legislation concerning minorities in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory responses to natural disasters are currently considered to be the primary tool for disaster risk reduction. However, the implementation of this tool in post-communist Central European countries is constrained by the strong position of the central government and a weakened civil society as a heritage of the former communist governments. This study analyses documentary sources to reconstruct social responses to five disastrous flash flood events (1897, 1907, 1925, 1926 and 1927) in northern Bohemia, Czech Republic. The reconstruction of social responses has revealed their complexity and strong component of a participatory approach. The analysis shows that certain historical measures and approaches to recovery from flash floods can be useful for re-establishing and reinforcing former social patterns in post-communist transition countries in terms of strategies for disaster risk reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'culture war' has become a generic expression for secular-Catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain, and Russia. This article argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler's appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. As revealed in Vatican and Comintern correspondence, Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilise the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against 'godlessness' did not lead to the return of a 'Christian State' desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilised the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the debate between the philosophers Moses Hess, an advocate of social communism, and Max Stirner, a supporter of capitalistic individualism. Issues covered include how Stirner's work "Der Einzige und sein Eigentum" aimed to present the atheistic and liberal humanism of his contemporaries as a deceptive restoration of religious faith and Hess's tripartite division of history in his "Holy History of Mankind."

Introduces articles related to European Communism published in the October-December 1978 issue of "The Political Quarterly."

The article presents information on several books on communist economic relations. The book "Peaceful Co-Existence: An Analysis of Soviet Foreign Policy," by Wladyslaw W. Kulsky, uses 41 years of documents to show that the main aim of Soviet policy is, and has been, to subjugate the West. In the book "Soviet Foreign Economic Policy," by Robert L. Allen, an appraisal of world trade competition between the U.S. and U.S.S.R. is made, and particular attention is paid to Russia's trade and aid program in underdeveloped areas. The book "The Communist World As Customer and Competitor" presents an analysis of the Soviet economy including the seven-year plan, industry, housing, consumer goods, agriculture, and foreign trade. The book "The Communist Challenge to American Business," by Clakence B. Randall, presents a discussion of the problems of the U.S. and U.S. business in meeting the Communist challenge to capitalism and an expression of hope that the problems can be solved if American businessmen face them with good sense.

The article focuses on the enlargement plans of European Union (EU). It states that Croatia, as well as several countries of Soviet Union are trying to get closer to EU, and discusses that the fall of communism is encouraging the countries to be members of EU and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It mentions that the open markets and open societies, exhibitted by EU, attract the countries which have always stayed under socialism. It discusses the laws and regulations of EU and its relation with other foreign countries.

I study the preferences for redistribution in Eastern Europe. After the collapse of communism c. 1990, preferences for redistribution did not decrease by 2000, and if anything, they increased. One explanation is the so-called 'public values effect': individual beliefs shape preferences for redistribution. East Europeans continue to believe that it is the responsibility of the state to provide for the poor, and hence, they prefer redistribution. Income and expected income also affect preferences for redistribution but to a lesser degree than relative income and income history. The 'winners' of the transition, i.e., those who are better off after the collapse of communism, prefer less redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transitioning from outright communism and central planning, China has already plucked the low-hanging fruits of marketization. Reforms have stalled well short of a free economy. In this transcript of a recent presentation, a widely recognized authority on Chinese corporate governance recommends necessary steps for an enlightened Chinese leadership if they are to avoid economic stagnation or a crisis that could undermine social stability. Even in a one-party state without an electoral mandate, you can govern only with the consent of the people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that because Jennifer Luff broke with the reigning paradigm about how to investigate anticommunism, her Commonsense Anticommunism is a major achievement. She asks historians of all kinds to look differently at the interwar period. Despite several flaws, this book deserves many readers and much emulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 1938, the World Union of Freethinkers held a conference in London. Fascistant Protestants and many Catholic intellectuals and clerics called the event the 'Godless Congress,' and they viewed it as a part of a communist attack on Christianity in Britain and wanted it to be banned. Mainstream Protestants were also provoked by the conference, but most believed that the congress provided Christianity with an opportunity to re-assert itself. These varied but substantial reactions show that many Christians were ready and able to defend publicly their Christian faith against what they saw as atheistic communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the 1970s, China has changed from a centrally planned economy to a more open and globalized one. Within this context we ask how, under what circumstances and through what means are local governments able to make policy innovations in upgrading the business environment within their jurisdictions. Theoretically, it is possible to learn policy innovations from the past, from neighbours and from aboard. Leading development regions, like the Yangtze River Delta, are unlikely to learn from either their domestic neighbours or their past communist history. Therefore, they must learn from the experiences of other countries. We argue that this transnational learning process occurs through three different but interrelated mechanisms. These are (1) the personal networks of local officials interacting with foreign investors who are familiar with international business standards of global production networks; (2) institutional alliances in which local officials interact with foreign governments that have co-invested in development zones and joint interests; and (3) hegemonic discourse, wherein local officials interact with foreign consultants who have essential development knowledge. We examine this contention by analysing three empirical cases of local governments in the Yangtze River Delta - Kunshan, which demonstrates the personal network learning mechanism; Suzhou, demonstrating institutional alliance learning; and Shanghai, which exemplifies learning through hegemonic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is frequently argued that unemployment plays a crucial role in the occurrence of right-wing extremist crimes (RECs). We test this hypothesis empirically using data from Germany. We find that right-wing criminal activities occur more frequently when unemployment is high. The substantial difference in the numbers of RECs occurring in the East and West German states can mostly be attributed to differences in unemployment. This finding reinforces the importance of unemployment as an explanatory factor for RECs, and it questions explanations based solely on the different socialization in former communist East Germany and the liberal West German states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Kennedy administration's rejection of French President Charles de Gaulle's critique of American intervention in Vietnam. In discussions with their American counterparts, de Gaulle and his officials consistently touched on four major themes from his first meeting with Kennedy in May 1961 until Kennedy's assassination in November 1963: recognition of the principle of Vietnamese self-determination, the withdrawal of American troops from South Vietnam, acceptance of controlled neutrality for Southeast Asia, and the necessity of dealing with mainland China directly. Kennedy rejected all elements of this platform. He was highly sceptical of neutrality, which he viewed as a stalking horse for communism, and believed that the United States needed to show resolve in Southeast Asia or risk jeopardizing its prestige with allies across the globe. The manner in which Kennedy's New Frontiersmen framed their rejection of de Gaulle's position on Vietnam reflected long-standing American cultural antipathy toward Europe, France, in particular. At no point did the Kennedy administration recognize the Gaullist position on Vietnam as a legitimate expression of relevant French experience nor did it believe that France was capable of acting as an honest broker and negotiating a real truce between North and South. As a result, the Kennedy administration missed out on a perfect opportunity to disengage from a grim and distant conflict late in the summer of 1963, when de Gaulle had the resources and the will to broker peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination of American attitudes towards toy guns during the early Cold War era. During this period representations of cowboys and the Old West flourished among the toys and behavior of white male youths. The article explores how the context of the Cold War, attitudes towards gender roles and the threat of nuclear war and communism helped promote an environment that allowed youth gun culture to thrive in the United States. It explores issues such as children's play in the atomic age, masculinity and parenting.

We argue that the communication structures in the Chinese social sciences have not yet been sufficiently reformed. Citation patterns among Chinese domestic journals in three subject areas—political science and Marxism, library and information science, and economics—are compared with their counterparts internationally. Like their colleagues in the natural and life sciences, Chinese scholars in the social sciences provide fewer references to journal publications than their international counterparts; like their international colleagues, social scientists provide fewer references than natural sciences. The resulting citation networks, therefore, are sparse. Nevertheless, the citation structures clearly suggest that the Chinese social sciences are far less specialized in terms of disciplinary delineations than their international counterparts. Marxism studies are more established than political science in China. In terms of the impact of the Chinese political system on academic fields, disciplines closely related to the political system are less specialized than those weakly related. In the discussion section, we explore reasons that may cause the current stagnation and provide policy recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay starts from the presumption that “the communist hypothesis” is still a good one, but argues that the idea of communism requires urgent re-thinking in light of both the “obscure” disaster of twentieth century really existing socialism and the specific conditions of twenty-first century capitalism. I explore the contours of the communist hypothesis, chart the characteristics of the revolutionary capitalism of the twenty-first century and consider how our present predicament relates to the urgency of rethinking and reviving the communist hypothesis. Throughout, I tentatively suggest a number of avenues that require urgent intellectual and theoretical attention and interrogate the present condition in light of the possibilities for creating communist geographies for the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Postsocialist nostalgia” among Turkish immigrant women from Bulgaria is not just strategic performance to negotiate the challenges that face working women in Turkey but is also cross-cultural analysis based on the migrants’ experiences of distinct gender regimes on the two sides of the border. I explore why the competition between established residents and newcomers over scarce resources becomes, in this instance, the ground for negotiation over proper gender roles. I also suggest that the migrants’ appeal to the communist legacy posits an alternative to either “normalizing” or “Orwellizing” communism and that it offers a more nuanced understanding of the norms and practices of gender and labor under communism, as experienced by this particular group of minority women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty years after the fall of communism in the Czech Republic, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) continues to garner public support and maintains its presence in parliament. The party's endurance is surprising given the country's relative economic success and the presence of a strong Social Democratic Party. While the literature on communist successor parties has viewed the KSČM as unsuccessful, we argue that this perspective overlooks the resilience of the party. We analyze postelection survey data from the 2006 Czech Election Study and find that the KSČM has a loyal support base largely comprised of older voters. But even when we control for age in logistic regression analysis, we find that ideological views, satisfaction with democracy, and assessments of the national economy distinguish KSČM voters from Social Democratic voters. These findings have implications for the future of the party. Veinte años después de la caída del comunismo en la República Checa, el Partido Comunista de Bohemia y Moravia (KSČM, por sus siglas en checo) continúa obteniendo apoyo del público y mantiene su presencia en el parlamento. Su fortaleza es sorprendente dado el relativo éxito económico y la presencia de un fuerte Partido Social-Demócrata. Mientras la literatura sobre los partidos posteriores al comunismo ha visto al KSČM como un fracaso, argumentamos que esta perspectiva pasa por alto la resistencia del partido. Analizamos información de una encuesta post-electoral del Estudio Electoral Checo de 2006 y encontramos que el KSČM tiene una base de soporte fiel en gran parte compuesta de votantes de edad avanzada. Aún cuando controlamos la variable de edad en el análisis de regresión logística, encontramos que las opiniones ideológicas, la satisfacción con la democracia, y la valoración positiva de la economía nacional distingue a los votantes del KSČM en relación con los votantes Social-Demócratas. Estos resultados tienen implicaciones para el futuro del partido. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author argues that class is an important but rarely acknowledged dynamic in analytic groups. She suggests that this, in part, reflects the dominant view in contemporary society that class is no longer an important aspect of social identity. This idea developed from a Weberian understanding of society as divided into many classes. She recommends the simplicity of a Marxist analysis of class as a relationship between those who hold economic power in society and those who do not. The author goes on to suggest why class is neglected as a dynamic in group analytic therapy. She suggests that, despite this neglect, class forms a significant aspect of analytic groups in clinical practice. She illustrates her argument with clinical examples. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the many unfortunate results of the long-lived misconception that Marx was a “determinist” is a lack of engagement with his ideas of necessity and negation. Reading the Grundrisse's famous comments on the annihilation of space by time, I trace the Hegelian roots of these concepts to show that for both Marx ahd Hegel, negation is the very act of critique itself, and necessity is properly understood not as the force of history, but as the object of historical explanation–what makes things the way they are and not another. It is therefore crucial to critical geography's efforts to identify the possibilities for social change, for that analysis must be predicated on an understanding for how things have emerged in their present form, i.e. the one we have to work with. I argue that a negative geography of necessity is the essential basis for anything we might call a communist geography, a geography of “the real movement which abolishes the present state of things”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the critical role of corporate governance in Russian business and management and its potential for promoting corporate social responsibility in that country. We describe the current state of these two phenomena and examine their linkages as they exist in Russia, and explain that this situation also applies in other transitioning economies. We conclude with implications for non-Russians who would do business with Russian counterparts, and reasons why they should be aware of how these important issues can affect their dealings in those situations. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sir Oswald Mosley established his New Party in early 1931. It proposed to cut across the party and class divides, with the objective of providing a 'national' solution to the economic crisis of the time. According to Mosley, the 'old parties' - meaning the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Parties - had revealed themselves unable to adapt to the post-war age. In their place, he argued, a modern organisation, based on youth, vitality and a scientifically reasoned economic plan, was needed to save Britain from terminal decline. Few heeded his call, and the party ultimately paved the way for the British Union of Fascists to emerge in 1932. Nevertheless, the New Party fought the general election of 1931, offering an unsuccessful but suitably intriguing challenge to the National coalition and Labour Party. This article will assess the New Party's election campaign, concentrating on those who briefly rallied to Mosley's appeal only to fall foul of the ballot box. In other words, it provides a case study of those who contributed to a dramatic electoral failure, and traces a significant stage along Mosley's journey to fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the collapse of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, the reform process has been considerably influenced by the neoclassical economic approach to transition. This has heavily emphasized competitive markets and economic liberalization measures per se, often ignoring the establishment of adequate institutional frameworks and resulting in high transition costs and the side-lining of environmental concerns. Alternative models of market transformations in post-Communist societies have been forwarded in the literature, though these have been arguably less influential. We explore the role of these economic ideologies in shaping transition paths, with a focus on the Post-Keynesian economic approach as an alternative to the neoclassical paradigm. We further propose a holistic approach to transition to account for appropriate institutional developments in the area of environmental sustainability. We argue that transition economies need to reconsider their ‘market transformation’ process in order to capitalize on their potential and mark their own contribution to positive shifts in sustainable development paradigms. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this intriguing book Duncan Reekie goes to the very basis of the economic order. 1 He discusses the views of the ancient Greek and later writers, and in doing so, moves outside the confines of modern economic analysis. One is reminded of what Schumpeter once wrote: the economist pursues the study of cause and effect until he finds the causal role of a variable to be non-economic. We must then “give place to other disciplines”. 2 Reekie's analysis reverses the order: it starts with the very general concept of the Natural Law in the works of ancient Greek and many subsequent writers, and then shows how they addressed questions that are still relevant today: questions on property and individual freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even many radicals agree with liberals who quote conservatives who assure us that Lenin and his revolutionary communist perspectives were inhumane and authoritarian—but important new scholarship compellingly argues that such allegations are false. In the post-9/11 world, dominant ideologies are being undermined by political and social crises generating insurgent forces that may be ready to see a new relevance in Lenin. Varieties of conservatism, reformism, anarchism, and fundamentalism (secular as well as religious) have been tried, continue to be tried, and yet the times in which we live seem to grow more terrible. What masses of people are experiencing, feeling, and thinking today gives recent Lenin-influenced works a growing resonance, and so they may find a greater “market” than previously has been the case. With the appearance of such scholarship, each offering challenging interpretations, we may be on the eve of a Lenin revival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary topic in this discussion is the brief career of anthropological structural Marxism and the possibility of its continued relevance. That issue is framed by a more general one: on what basis are explanatory theories adopted and discarded in anthropology? The discussion of structural Marxism is framed within recent debates about the desirability of socio-cultural anthropology's traditional associations with other sub-fields of anthropology, and it is argued that the isolation of sub-fields is a regressive theoretical move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]