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Skowronek's theory of "political time" posits that presidential success follows historical cycles, but it does not specify a unique causal mechanism. Each president merely reacts to their predecessor or to historical circumstance. Scholars of "political time" also suggest that the power of history may be diminishing over time. This article uses theory and evidence to address the causality issue in both instances. First, it shows that economic crises drive political time forward. Second, it argues that recent political commitments to a combination of New Deal and Reaganite ideas and policies have been used to attenuate economic crises. Hence, it is not that the power of history has waned. Rather, the causal nature of political time has been under‐specified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective Work on economic news argues that U.S. coverage focuses primarily on changes rather than levels of future economic conditions; it also both affects and reflects public economic sentiment. Given that economic perceptions are related to policy preferences and government support, this is of consequence for politics. This article explores the generalizability of these findings. Methods Using nearly 100,000 stories over 30 years in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, we compare media tone, public opinion, and economic conditions. Result Analyses demonstrate that media tone and public opinion follow future economic change in all three countries. Media and opinion are also related, but the effect mostly runs from the public to the media, not the other way around. Conclusion These results confirm the generalizability of prior findings, and the importance of considering more than a simple unidirectional link between media coverage and public economic sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines radical social, cultural, and political changes taking place in Amazonia from the perspective of indigenous children and youth: a group who, despite their demographic prevalence, have received limited attention in the regional literature. Drawing on fieldwork with Matses people in Peru, I consider how children and youth are playing a critical role in the transition from a hunter-gatherer, forest-based society towards a riverine lifestyle that is increasingly engaged in trade, the market economy, and exchanges with chotac, or non-indigenous people. I argue that by engaging with their surroundings through playing and working, Matses children are becoming affectively attached to some parts of the world rather than others. This represents a purposeful shift from the lifestyle and worldviews of older generations and highlights how children are active agents who shape possible future directions of Matses society and transform the community's relationships with the world. Accordingly, I propose a child-centred view of social change that seeks to demonstrate the implications of children's creativity and agency for society at large and its future development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how China's economic cooperation affects authoritarian persistence elsewhere. For the period 1998-2008, the article assesses quantitatively whether the effects of economic cooperation from China vary, conditioned by the regime type of the recipient. The analysis finds that China's economic cooperation is associated with regime durability in party-based regimes. In non-party regimes, in contrast, it is associated with regime collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature has shown that the long established link between economic performance and electoral outcomes is conditioned by a country's institutions and government, what is often termed 'clarity of responsibility'. In this article two distinct dimensions of the clarity of the political context are identified: institutional and government clarity. The first captures the formal dispersion of government power, both horizontally and vertically. The second captures the cohesion of the incumbent government. Analysing survey data from 27 European countries, it is shown that voters' ability to hold governments to account, for both the economy and management of public services, is primarily influenced by the extent to which there is an identifiable and cohesive incumbent, whereas formal institutional rules have no direct impact on performance voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

W. Arthur Lewis, originario de la isla de Santa Lucía, fue profesor de economía política en varias universidades y trabajó para las Naciones Unidas en el decenio de 1950, tras lo cual continuó el ejercicio de su carrera en la Universidad de Princeton. Fue galardonado con el Premio Nobel de Economía en 1979, junto con T. W. Schultz, por sus trabajos sobre economía del desarrollo. Su contribución más importante a esta rama de la disciplina, todavía balbuceante en 1954, fue un trabajo publicado en dicho año en el que presenta un modelo simplificado según el cual la economía de los países pobres está dividida en dos sectores, el tradicional y el moderno. El primero comprende la agricultura de subsistencia, el trabajo por cuenta propia y diversas actividades urbanas, y el segundo está constituido por las grandes plantaciones, la agricultura comercial y la industria. Esta dualidad, que se conceptualiza en la actualidad en términos de sector formal e informal, ha perdurado, ya que la transición del sector tradicional al sector moderno, que en aquel entonces se daba por descontado, no ha adoptado la forma esperada. Destacaremos asimismo el pesimismo de Sir Arthur Lewis en relación con la posibilidad de que el comercio internacional sea el motor del crecimiento en los países poco desarrollados. En esto difería de Jan Tinbergen1, como puede verse en el artículo que reproducimos a continuación, en el que Lewis resume las conclusiones de una reunión de economistas convocada por la Oficina Internacional del Trabajo en 1969 con el fin de recabar asesoramiento en cuestiones de investigación para el Programa Mundial del Empleo que acababa de iniciarse. Los economistas reunidos analizaron las posibles causas macroeconómicas del desempleo en los países poco desarrollados: superpoblación, restricciones a las exportaciones, sobrevaluación de la moneda, productividad escasa del trabajo y propensión excesiva a la importación. Las cosas han cambiado bastante desde entonces, pero siguen manteniéndose ciertos elementos en el debate sobre economía y desarrollo, concretamente las cuestiones de los tipos de interés y del papel de los intercambios. Destacaremos asimismo la conclusión de Sir Arthur Lewis de que «la solución del problema, en su mayor parte, depende de la política macroeconómica, y no de expedientes aislados». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]