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When a pregnancy ends in England and Wales, statutory time away from paid employment is limited to circumstances where there is a live birth or stillbirth. Forms of leave, such as Maternity Leave or Paternity Leave, depend on parental status derived from the civil registration of a new person or a post‐viability stillbirth. Other early pregnancy endings, such as miscarriage or abortion, do not provide specific time off work after pregnancy. This paper uses the concept of reproductive governance to analyze current and shifting biopolitical truth discourses, strategies of intervention, and modes of subjectification around post‐pregnancy leaves. It shows how different inclusions and exclusions are generated by the classificatory boundaries which act as political technologies in this field. Contributing to an area that is under‐researched in the literature, we provide a review of post‐pregnancy statutory employment leave entitlements in this context. We then consider proposals for change presented in the United Kingdom political system in relation to more inclusive leave benefits offered by some employers and different pregnancy ending leaves offered in other jurisdictions. We argue that current arrangements and proposals do not adequately reflect the complexity and diversity of pregnancy endings. We conclude with a call to policymakers in all contexts to carefully assess the consequences of new ideas around leaves for pregnancy endings and to formulate inclusive and fair proposals for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite predominantly lower social class origins, the second generation of established immigrant groups in the UK are now attaining high levels of education. However, they continue to experience poorer labour market outcomes than the majority population. These worse outcomes are often attributed in part to their disadvantaged origins, which do not, by contrast, appear to constrain their educational success. This paper engages with this paradox. We discuss potential mechanisms for second‐generation educational success and how far we might expect these to be replicated in labour market outcomes. We substantiate our discussion with new empirical analysis. Drawing on a unique longitudinal study of England and Wales spanning 40 years and encompassing one per cent of the population, we present evidence on the educational and labour market outcomes of the second generation of four groups of immigrants and the white British majority, controlling for multiple measures of social origins. We demonstrate that second‐generation men and women's educational advantage is only partially reflected in the labour market. We reflect on the implications of our findings for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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At the small area scale simple methods for forecasting total populations are often employed because of a lack of data for cohort-component models, concerns about the reliability of these models for forecasting small population totals, and resource constraints. To date, a select number of authors have assessed the forecast accuracy of several individual, averaged, and composite models. This paper extends this stream of work by evaluating a large number of models on new datasets. The aims of the paper are to examine the performance of (a) 10 individual forecasting models (some of which are well known; others less so); (b) averages of every combination of 2, 3, 4, and 5 of the individual models (627 in total); and (c) composite models based on population size and growth rates (200,000 in total). Do averaged and composite models outperform individual models? Using new small area population datasets, forecasts from 2001 to 2031 were produced for three case study countries, Australia, New Zealand, and England & Wales. Both forecast accuracy and credibility (avoidance of negatives; degree of constraining to state populations) were assessed in 2011; for 2031, just credibility was evaluated. Of the individual models, constant share of growth (positive shares only) and constant share of population performed the best. A small proportion of averaged and composite models outperformed the best individual models in forecast accuracy. Several recommendations for the practice of small area population forecasting are made. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a commissioned table based on data from the 2001 Census of Population to explore differentials in migration by ethnic group and occupational class. Employing an area classification based on the minority ethnic population and international and internal migration history of districts in England and Wales, it is hypothesised that those most likely to migrate from ‘immigrant settlement areas’ are those with the greatest economic resources. It is suggested that if migration does vary by level of affluence, then a social gradient may be apparent with respect to migration propensity and occupational class membership. Furthermore, if such ‘affluent flight’ can explain ‘racial’ migration patterns, then a similar social gradient would be expected for each ethnic group, and a similar probability of migrating for people of common socio-demographic characteristics, irrespective of ethnic group. Three main questions relating to these themes were proposed, namely: Does a social gradient exist for the residential mobility of those who live in settlement areas of England and Wales? Is a social gradient associated with moves away from settlement areas and in particular towards other areas to which minorities have dispersed? Is the social gradient, such as it exists, similar for each ethnic group? Clear evidence is presented for a social gradient with respect to movement from settlement areas. It was found that for those who originated in settlement districts, the probability of moving was greater if in higher than lower occupational classes and this was consistent for all ethnic groups. In addition, migrants were more likely to move outside their own (settlement) district, and to a non-settlement district, if in professional forms of employment. Settlement areas in London were modelled separately, and London was shown to have a distinct pattern of migration. London professionals were less likely to move to a non-settlement district than those in less skilled employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SummaryIntroduction1Definitions of ethnic groups and demographics of minority ethnic groups in the UK○ 1.1 Definitions of 'ethnic groups' and 'ethnicity'○ 1.2 Demographics and characteristics of minority ethnic groups in the UK– Countries of origin– Age/sex distribution and life expectancy– Geographical distribution and size of household– Religious beliefs– Education and employment patternsKey points2Overview of the health profile and dietary habits of minority ethnic groups in the UK○ 2.1 Available surveys○ 2.2 Overview of the health profiles among adults from minority ethnic groups– Overall health– Cardiovascular disease (CVD)– Coronary heart disease (CHD)– Stroke– Type 2 diabetes– Obesity○ 2.3 Possible causes of increased disease risk among minority ethnic groups○ 2.4 Smoking, drinking and physical activity habits○ 2.5 Dietary habits and nutritional status○ 2.6 Overview of the health profiles and dietary and health behaviour patterns of children from minority ethnic groups– Overall health– Diet and health behaviour patterns○ 2.7 Gaps in data availabilityKey points3Factors affecting food choice– Income and socio‐economic status– Food availability and access– Awareness of healthy eating– Religious beliefs– Food beliefs– Time and cooking skills– Generation and genderKey points4Traditional diets of minority ethnic groups○ 4.1 Overview of traditional diets of minority ethic groups– South Asians– African‐Caribbeans– Chinese○ 4.2 Dietary acculturation○ 4.3 Nutritional composition of ethnic‐style cuisineKey points5Nutritional interventions and health promotion among minority ethnic groups○ 5.1 Effective nutritional interventions○ 5.2 Health promotion interventions to prevent problems associated with fasting○ 5.3 Priorities for nutritional interventions and health promotion○ 5.4 Using behaviour change models○ 5.5 Current community initiatives○ 5.6 Catering for institutionalised individuals○ 5.7 Recommendations for future research, policy and practiceKey points6Conclusion• Acknowledgements• References Summary: According to the latest census, non‐white minority ethnic groups made up 7.9% of the UK's population in 2001. The largest of these groups were South Asians, Black African‐Caribbeans and Chinese. Studies have shown that some minority ethnic groups are more likely to experience poorer health outcomes compared with the mainstream population. These include higher rates of cardiovascular disease (CVD), type 2 diabetes and obesity. The differences in health outcomes may reflect interactions between diet and other health behaviours, genetic predisposition and developmental programming, all of which vary across different groups. As is the case for the rest of the population, the dietary habits of minority ethnic groups are affected by a wide variety of factors, but acquiring a better understanding of these can help health professionals and educationalists to recognise the needs of these groups and help them to make healthier food choices. Unfortunately, to date, there have been few tailored, well‐designed and evaluated nutritional interventions in the UK targeting minority ethnic population groups. Further needs assessment and better evaluation of nutritional interventions have been recommended to enhance the understanding of the effectiveness of different approaches amongst minority ethnic groups. This briefing paper will provide an overview of the health profile, dietary habits and other health behaviours of the three largest non‐white minority ethnic groups in the UK, explore the factors affecting their food choices, provide a summary of their traditional diets and review the evidence base to identify the factors that support successful nutrition interventions in these groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: People with an intellectual disability and/or autism experience low employment rates compared to the general population. This study shows what the determinants of success are in getting this group of young people into paid employment. Method: The research is based on data collected on 1008 young people, aged 16–25, participating in the Engage to Change project across Wales, to support young people to achieve employment. A real‐time data collection system was used from their engagement and throughout their journey to employment. Results: This research indicates an overall employment rate of 23% for the project to date, based on total referral. Young people who engaged in 'significant work experience', such as paid placement or supported internship, had a greater employment rate of 37%. Conclusion: Previous and current real work experiences increased the chances of young people of becoming employed, above the effect of supported employment and job coach support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prostate cancer is the most common cancer in men in the UK accounting for 25% of all new cases of cancer. It is predicted to become the most common cancer overall by 2030. A national survey of the specialist nursing workforce caring for men with prostate cancer was completed across the four countries of the UK during June and July 2014. In total 302 specialist nurses completed the survey and data from 285 was used in the analysis. This is the biggest whole population survey of this workforce in recent years. The most common job title was clinical nurse specialist (185) and the most common band was agenda for change band 7 (174). However in Scotland 50% of the respondents stated that they were paid on band 6. Over half the group (158) had worked in prostate cancer care for more than 10 years. Few (48) had come into specialist posts from a specific specialist nurse development role. There is wide geographic variation in the provision of specialist nursing for men with prostate cancer. This is reflected in available hours and caseload sizes. The respondents reported frozen and vacant posts across the UK. This equated to 58·3 full time equivalents. The work of specialist nurses caring for men with prostate cancer is clinically complex and appears to cover most key times in the cancer journey. However workload appears to be limiting the care that the nurses are able to provide with over half the respondents (163) saying that they left work undone for patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the unemployment in Wales. Paragraph from the first report of Leo Abse's Select Committee on Welsh Affairs; Committee's call for additional funds for the Welsh Development Agency's factory-building program; Predictions of the political and social consequences of unemployment; Increase in unemployment in the steel industry.

Until recently, rural areas were characterized by a declining demand for labor, low wages, population decline and a dearth of new investment. In Great Britain, successive Governments have attempted to counteract these problems by encouraging the growth of indigenous and in-migrant, manufacturing firms and potential entrepreneurs through financial assistance, factory premises, advice and training. This policy and the trend for manufacturing firms to move from highly urbanized to rural locations has led to a considerable increase in manufacturing employment in rural areas at a time when such employment is declining nationally. Studies suggest that the incidence of low incomes and poverty is more attributable to the types of jobs that are available to a population than to individuals' failings such as lack of skills. The main implication of the segmented labor market theory is that the success of rural industrial development depends on providing the "right type" of jobs. This article first briefly examines the rationale for using Mid Wales as a case study and discusses the methodology used. The main section of the article then examines the labor market and social effects of the factories.