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In conflict-affected situations, aid-funded livelihood interventions are often tasked with a dual imperative: to generate material welfare benefits and to contribute to peacebuilding outcomes. There may be some logic to such a transformative agenda, but does the reality square with the rhetoric? Through a review of the effectiveness of a range of livelihood promotion interventions-from job creation to microfinance-this paper finds that high quality empirical evidence is hard to come by in conflict-affected situations. Many evaluations appear to conflate outputs with impacts and numerous studies fail to include adequate information on their methodologies and datasets, making it difficult to appraise the reliability of their conclusions. Given the primary purpose of this literature-to provide policy guidance on effective ways to promote livelihoods-this silence is particularly concerning. As such, there is a strong case to be made for a restrained and nuanced handling of such interventions in conflict-affected settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to challenge reductionist mental models widely used to evaluate the effects of conflicts or disputes. These models are frequently used intuitively by people, or recommended in the dispute resolution literature in fields such as negotiation or mediation. It is argued that they harm people's ability to deal effectively with conflicts and learn from them. The authors propose an alternative systemic framework for evaluating the results of conflicts, which is illustrated by making reference to a severe conflict, the Colombian guerrilla war. This case serves to show the advantages of using the proposed framework instead of more traditional models. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic conflicts have proved to be inherently dangerous and repressive across the globe. While this signification cannot be negated, a deeper articulation of liminal existences in the conflict‐prone areas requires more attention. Using case studies with a qualitative research design, the paper emphasizes on conflict as a social force, facilitating the (re)structuration of communities entangled within it. The paper explores the mundane lived experiences of the Adivasis and the Bodos, two of the ethnic communities living in Assam, a Northeastern state of India, by making a few claims. First, ethnic conflicts reorient social relations, intercommunity interactions and economic exchanges between the Adivasis and Bodos. Second, ethnic conflicts recourse varied negotiations and emotions in their being(ness), aspirational values, and embodied meanings in mundane life‐processes. The complex realization of identities for the Adivasis and the Bodos is fostered by the exposure of fear, past loss of life, and the varied interactions between victims and perpetrators in everyday social life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apron safety is critical to aviation operations and aprons are prone to wingtip scraping accidents. However, few studies have been conducted on wingtip conflicts. In this paper, a class of aircraft conflict detection models based on wingtip keypoint detection is devised to solve the problem of wingtip scraping that may occur during the aircraft taxi‐in process on the apron. Firstly, a concise camera calibration technique is designed for the conversion between the pixel coordinate and the airport actual coordinate, which allows for the acquisition of high accuracy activity posture within the apron. Secondly, the static and dynamic safety protection zone delineation methods for wingtip conflict detection are given, taking the apron standard operating procedures and aircraft kinematic model into consideration. Then, the corresponding conflict detection models and algorithms are designed for the possible scraping between the vehicle and aircraft wingtips and between the aircraft and aircraft wingtips during the aircraft taxi‐in process on the apron. Finally, HRNet is selected to detect the keypoint of the wingtip by comparison, and the corresponding models and algorithm validation are carried out based on the apron physical sandbox. The verification results indicate that the models have strong accuracy and real‐time performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a list of editorial reviewers for the magazine, which includes Elisa Benes, Tim Gindling and Kelle Howson, and a call for papers about responses to the impacts of interlinked crises on people, especially in the world of work.

A great deal of attention in systemic family therapy has been given to the process and technique of developing ‘therapeutic’ rituals for families. In this paper we address the process of the therapist developing the ritual of practising respect. By practising respect the therapist shifts to a position similar to that of an anthropologist who is attempting to understand another culture and its epistemology. The ritual of practising respect has the potential of changing the therapist's tendency to move toward social control and moralist judgements. A case example is presented in this paper which illustrates the therapeutic ritual of practising respect for the client/family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the "Minimal Group Paradigm" which is defined solely in terms of the independent variable, social categorization per se. It is not defined by dependent variables or response techniques and strategies. For example, the paradigm cannot be considered in advance as being a "conflict situation." It was initially, and it remains, a minimal categorization situation." To introduce "conflict" in the initial definition is to put the cart before the horse and to confuse results with independent variables: "conflict" is hardly "minimal".

The Covid‐19 pandemic has magnified existing crises and vulnerabilities, but much remains unknown about how it has affected fragile and conflict‐affected settings. This paper builds on the theory that hazards become a disaster in interaction with vulnerability and response policies, yet often lead to renewed disaster risk creation. It is based on seven case studies of countries worldwide that experienced social conflict at the advent of the pandemic, covering the period from March–August 2020. The findings show that authorities instrumentalised Covid‐19 to strengthen their control and agendas. Responsibility was assumed for lockdowns, but this was not accompanied by care to mitigate their adverse effects. Social conflict shaped the response, as high levels of mistrust in authorities complicated the implementation of measures, while authorities did not support community‐based coping initiatives. Whether Covid‐19 will trigger or exacerbate conflict and vulnerabilities depends on pre‐existing, country‐specific conditions, and how a government and other actors frame the issue and respond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the state of Punjab, the heart of the green revolution in India, a large fraction of agricultural labour is expended by migrant workers. The unplanned lockdown imposed by the Indian government affected paddy transplantation, a labour‐intensive activity in Punjab primarily due to interstate restrictions on movement. Drawing on a primary survey in a village from the Malwa region of Punjab, the paper examines the changes in agrarian relations in rural Punjab due to the Covid‐19 pandemic by critically analysing the dynamics of capital labour relations. The restriction on labour movement and unilateral imposition of transplantation wage rates by a few Panchayats in Punjab (dominated by capitalist landlords and rich peasants) has intensified class conflict in the state. The Punjab government's policies, which are driven by the capitalist landlords and rich peasants, have played a significant role in the increased exploitation of workers. The paper concludes with a brief evaluation of the changes induced by Covid‐19 in the agrarian political economy of Punjab. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although we are aware that nation branding features across the media, discussion and debate continue over its perceived influence in peoples' everyday understandings and lives. This paper, by way of a response, examines peoples' reactions to specific government campaign messages of patriotism and unity designed to combat internal ethnic conflict in Malaysia. Malaysia, at this time, provides a unique subject of analysis as it includes an instance where a domestically focused nation branding campaign is being employed to instigate unity among ethnic groups residing within a country with a history of ethnic conflict and social engineering policies. The project introduces several TV campaign story examples, identified for their prevalence in the 1Malaysia nation branding campaign, to representatives from three prominent ethnic groups in Malaysia to map their responses. The paper finds that group representatives interpret the stories using their shared insider views of the nation or 'ethno‐national imaginaries'. Their acceptance of, and critical challenges to, the images and narratives of the TV campaign stories are seen therefore to reflect group representatives' wider positions, interests and participation in an ongoing political conflict shaped within the logics of the Malaysian nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the processes of market liberalization and globalization increase the confidence of international actors involved in national third sectors, there exists a cosmopolitan tension between 'mobile elites' and 'locked in' nationals. This paper explores the impact of these tensions on the social enterprise ecosystem in the Republic of Poland and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Focused on the internationalized mechanisms of support, the relationship between the social enterprise incubators and international stakeholders, and power distance inherent to the global versus local debate, the findings suggest that normative isomorphic pressures are causing a fundamental ecosystem shift. The monopolization of support and terms of reference have led to entrepreneurs detrimentally being treated as 'organizational heroes' risking burnout, the primacy of international voices within the local context, and the transference of nationals from being 'locked in' to national processes to being 'locked out' of national support. The research suggests the cosmopolitan‐led transformation of activists into entrepreneurs needs to be more carefully considered, to ensure that enforced alignment to international system does not alienate them from other sources and means of sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late 1960s to the mid‐1980s in Britain was a period of intense industrial struggle, with strike levels at their highest since the 1920s. Concerns surrounding trade union power became central to broader anxieties about British "decline" and "crisis." These issues took a spatial form in conflicts around the nature of the picket line. This paper discusses the picket line in 1970s Britain in the context of recent debates on the geographies of violence, particularly in relation to questions of class and property, and the mutually constitutive temporalities of structural and direct violence. Rather than focusing on the diffuse processes of an abstract capitalism, I argue for greater attention to be paid to class conflict in shaping experiences and epistemologies of violence. This paper therefore places more emphasis on agency in the production of violence than has been prevalent in recent debates in geography. Drawing on extensive archival research, the paper focuses on three key disputes in this period. Building on work in labour geography, it explores how the assertive working‐class presence of mass pickets were portrayed as violent through an account of the miners' strike in 1972. It then considers a similar process in relation to flying pickets during the 1972 builders' dispute, emphasising the threat of a politicised working‐class mobility. Finally, the paper considers the coercive state response in the violent policing of the picket line during the 1976–8 Grunwick dispute. The radical right‐wing project of neoliberalism emerged in part as a solution to the perceived threat of the labour movement; critical to its success and consolidation was challenging the "enemy within" of militant trade unionism. These violent class struggles around picketing in the 1970s, I argue, are crucial for understanding the long‐term, structural violence of neoliberalism. This paper discusses the picket line in 1970s Britain in the context of recent debates on the geographies of violence, particularly in relation to questions of class and property, and the mutually constitutive temporalities of structural and direct violence. Through accounts of the 1972 miners' and builders' strikes, and the 1976–1978 Grunwick dispute, the paper explores the mass picket, the flying picket, and police violence. Rather than focusing on the diffuse processes of an abstract capitalism, I argue for greater attention to be paid to class conflict in shaping experiences and epistemologies of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can cost‐reducing technical change lead to a fall in the long run rate of profit if class struggle manages to keep the rate of exploitation constant? In this paper, we derive three results that, taken together, answer this question in the affirmative. First, we identify three properties that new real wage bundles must satisfy to keep the rate of exploitation constant and lead to a falling rate of profit. Second, we derive sufficient conditions for existence of an infinite number of such real wage bundles. Third, we show that, if the initial real wage bundle is such that the maximum price‐labor value ratio is larger than 1 plus the rate of exploitation, then starting from any configuration of technology, there always exists a viable, capital‐using labour‐saving technical change that satisfies the sufficient conditions of the previous result. These results vindicate Marx's claim that if the rate of exploitation remains unchanged then technical change in capitalist economies can lead to a fall in the long run rate of profit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploring how actors translate public policy content into practice provides new insight into policy processes. Because they are driven by contextual circumstances and values, that is, they are socially constructed, studying the interpretations and negotiations involved in the translation process advances our understanding of what shapes implementation agents, and subsequently the success of policy implementation. The Swedish moose policy, a legislative framework for decentralizing moose management in order to balance the various interests affected by the presence and abundance of moose, was used as a case study. In response to the task of implementation, some of the key stakeholders sought their own strategies for successful implementation and to achieve the national policy goals. This response expressed itself as two separate agreements, in 2016 and 2019, between different constellations of implementing actors (landowner and hunter organizations). These agreements provide an example of how key actors can translate policy, and expose inadequate policy designs. Revealing how the implementing actors perceive the policy and each other helps explain the continued presence of social and political conflict. Our results indicate that power struggles underpin the translation process; by constructing the core problem differently, not sharing ideas about management and using language that discourages collaboration, the actors' translations, together with a lack of clarity in policy design, hinder the chances of successful policy implementation. Policy processes have become increasingly complex, and differences between implementers present as obstacles that have to be overcome. The paper contributes to our understanding of implementation processes within a collaborative governance setting, where the responsibility of the implementation process has been devolved to non‐state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars and commentators increasingly wonder whether governments' failure to address socio‐economic inequalities is the result of unequal representation. Recent literature on policy responsiveness in the United States and Europe finds evidence that party and parliamentary policy proposals and actual policy outcomes are closer to the preferences of the rich than of the poor. However, the extent and character of such unequal representation remains thinly understood. Among the most thinly understood mechanisms are the political conditions that link socio‐economic inequalities to unequal representation. This paper thickens our understanding of (unequal) representation by investigating the class composition of parliamentary cabinets and its effect on social welfare policy. With the aid of a new dataset on cabinet ministers' social class, the paper shows that responsiveness to the social welfare preferences of poorer voters varies by cabinet ministers' professional backgrounds, above and beyond the partisan orientation of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government hotline plays a significant role in meeting the demands of the people and resolving social conflicts in China. In this paper, we propose an automatic work‐order assignment method based on event extraction and external knowledge to address the problem of low efficiency with manual assignment for Chinese government hotline. Our proposed assignment method is composed of four parts: (1) Semantic encoding layer, which extracts semantic information from the work‐order text and obtains semantic representation vectors with contextual feature information. (2) Event extraction layer which extracts the local features and global features from the semantic representation vectors with the help of the CRF network to enhance event extraction effect. (3) External knowledge embedding layer, which integrates 'rights and responsibilities lists' with the historical information of the work‐order to assist assignment. (4) Assignment layer which completes work‐order assignment by combining two output vectors from event extraction layer and external knowledge embedding layer. Experimental results show our proposed method can achieve better assignment performance compared with several baseline methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the variety of agrarian classes of labour and the challenges they face in organizing and pursuing their interests. By taking the cotton sector in Burkina Faso as a case study, it analyses how various 'classes of labour' organize and mobilize for collective action to raise their claims: poor cotton farmers and workers in the cotton factories. Poor and middle farmers recently came to the fore when they boycotted cotton production in large numbers. The study focusses on the boycott campaign, and more broadly on class struggle and collective action by farmers and workers, on interclass alliances, and on capital's attempts to play the classes of labour against one another. The boycott campaign provides an outstanding case to analyse the interests of the various classes of labour and of opportunities for rural–urban mobilization and alliances across classes of labour. I argue that poor farmers and factory workers along the chain of cotton production can be considered as various classes of labour that are not necessarily antagonistic to one another but, first and foremost, to capital. In order to achieve radical transformation in the agrarian context, what is needed are networks and organizations to establish interclass solidarity and alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Friedmann and McMichael's work, through their concept of the 'food regime', has been foundational to our thinking about the relation between capitalism, the state, and agriculture. Given the thirtieth anniversary of the publication of their seminal 1989 paper in this journal (Agriculture and the State System: The Rise and Decline of National Agricultures, 1870 to the Present) it seems very appropriate to commemorate this event by undertaking a reassessment of that paper. This article undertakes such a reassessment by examining and critiquing: the theoretical assumptions underlying the paper, particularly in relation to capitalism, class, and the state. This directs attention particularly to: the authors' (implicit) definition of capitalism; the relation between capitalism and the modern state; their treatment of 'class' and 'class struggle'; and their periodisation of food regimes and the dynamics underlying them, these being premised on their theoretical assumptions. The second, third, and, fourth sections occupy the bulk of the paper. The second section develops a significantly revised theoretical foundation for thinking about the dynamics underlying food regimes, while the third section deploys this as the basis for a new periodisation of food regimes. This periodisation includes a proposed Fifth, or 'Post‐Neoliberal' Food Regime, and the final section examines this in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a review of the literature that develops the "socio‐ecological fix" concept, this paper makes two arguments. First, it argues that the concept is trapped in a specific historical understanding of 20th‐century capitalism that goes through "crisis" and "fixes." Second, the paper argues that this understanding of history largely ignores the potential for revolutionary ruptures that create social systems entirely at odds with capital. The severity of the climate crisis suggests that moving further into the 21st century will not allow such clean "fixes." The climate crisis will make revolutionary ruptures not only possible, but inevitable. The "socio‐ecological fix" has become increasingly popular to understand a possible and future energy transition off fossil fuels within the confines of capitalist social relations of production. The concept emerges and builds off David Harvey's famous "spatial fix" concept to understand how capitalism can temporarily transcend the current climate crisis. The "socio‐ecological fix" helps see how capitalist crises and fixes are economic and environmental at the same time, intertwined together. Through a review of the literature that develops the "socio‐ecological fix" concept, I make two clear arguments. First, I argue that the concept is trapped in a specific historical understanding of 20th‐century capitalism that goes through crisis and fixes. According to this framework, from which the "socio‐ecological fix" functions within, the capitalist mode of production is here to stay indefinitely and can only be reformed through series of fixes. This understanding of capitalism not only downplays class struggle but also has too much of a narrow sense of politics in the context of the ongoing climate crisis. Second, I argue that this understanding of history largely ignores the potential for revolutionary ruptures that create social systems entirely at odds with capital. The severity of the climate crisis suggests that moving further into the 21st century will not allow such clean fixes. The climate crisis will make revolutionary ruptures not only possible, but inevitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social scientific work on argumentation is yet to address the perennial tension between social cognition and social constructionism. Moreover, argumentation‐based qualitative analysis protocols are needed for interview and textual data. Nonetheless, argumentation models remain too complex to reflect everyday argumentation and are not necessarily reflective of underlying cognitive processes. This presents the need for further theorising social behaviour, with a view to formulating a model of argumentation that (a) is parsimonious, and (b) aligns with the literature on joint projects, due to the fact that in social cognition terms, argumentation is for doing. In this paper, we draw upon interdisciplinary literature on argumentation, noting convergences among different approaches. We then proceed to consider the socio‐cognitive bedding provided by Lay Epistemic Theory, to present our Minimal Model of Argumentation (MMA). In MMA, interlocutors are held to make claims concerning an issue of concern, and defend them using warrants, evidence and qualifiers. We end by providing empirical examples supporting the utility of our model in qualitative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1990s Chilika Lake saw a conflict over aquaculture practices that culminated in a process of de facto privatization of the lake waters and the implementation of illegal shrimp cultivation. An earlier article explored the class dynamics of the conflict and the present paper, based on a 2015 fieldwork revisit, reviews the unfolding of the socioeconomic dynamics underlying the illegal aquaculture activities. Looking at recent developments in the implementation of illegal shrimp cultivation in the lake, it interrogates the underlying balance between coercion and consent, and the implications for the livelihoods and protest politics of the fishing people. The paper draws attention to the reality of occupational displacement, analysing its implications for the viability of the fisher people's oppositional movement. Through doing so, it draws renewed attention to the complexity of state–society relations underlying the dynamics that govern conflict and critically contributes to recent debates on subaltern politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore approaches in establishing cross‐cultural relations between indigenous people and internal migrants in the district of West Seram (Maluku, Indonesia). According to current data, the number of people from other islands exceeds the local population but the district government neglects the ethnic issues. Emerging inequalities are becoming a challenge for internal migrants, especially in the areas of leadership and land tenure. I argue that the sense of exclusion among 'outsiders' impacts on growing social tensions and creates immobility within the social structures, giving less room for negotiations and dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aging of the population has created a direct effect on economies and tension on social security systems. Policymakers have been senior entrepreneurship as an option to reduce unemployment and delay the age of retirement. The positive effects, of creating a firm increase when is operating in technology‐based sectors. This paper explores the technological and senior entrepreneurship relations, analyzing if age influences technological entrepreneurship and if determining factors for senior and non‐senior groups are different. By using a sample of 8637 entrepreneurs in 22 OECD countries based on Global Entrepreneurial Monitor 2018 data, the results firstly show a negative effect of being a senior entrepreneur, understood as an entrepreneur aged 50+ years, on technological entrepreneurship. Secondly, it has been detected that in some way senior entrepreneurship follows a different pattern of the probability of entrepreneurship in technology sectors than the sample of the non‐senior entrepreneurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A social license to operate (SLO) has become imperative for extractive and resource‐intensive industries due to their high potential for conflicts. Firms are still struggling to maintain their SLO despite its growing importance. Because most of the extractive industries orient on sustainable development strategies (SDS), this paper investigates the relationship between SLO and SDS through an exploratory study by means of eight semistructured in‐depth interviews. Content analysis of these interviews is done by Atlas.ti software. In essence, this paper provides a perspective on how firms working in extractive industries can employ SDS to gain and maintain an SLO. Along with focus SLO, the study reveals the growing importance of stakeholders in the said industries and gives the direction of how managing the stakeholders can help the firms in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the topic of Chinese migration, diaspora, and mobility. It highlights the impact of these migratory movements on institutional reforms, urban development, labor markets, and social tensions. The article presents five papers that focus on different dimensions of Chinese mobility and their interaction with socioeconomic dynamics domestically, inter-regionally, and globally. The papers cover topics such as rural mobility, international student inflows and city innovation, class inequality among service workers, educational policies for migrant children, and the experience of migrants in the Greater Bay Area. The research presented in this special issue aims to provide insights into these topics and inform policy responses in the post-pandemic era. [Extracted from the article]

Against premature claims about the declining political relevance of social class in post‐industrial democracies, recent research indicates that class continues to be a relevant determinant of political preferences. In post‐industrial societies 'old' class divides on economic issues coexist with 'new' class alignments on cultural topics. While there is cumulated evidence of social classes' distinct placement on these issues, this paper argues that the strength of class divides depends on the extent to which these issues are politicized by political parties. Studying preferences on economic and cultural issues (attitudes towards redistribution, immigration, gay rights and European integration), this study shows that class divides in preferences are context dependent. The multilevel analyses drawing on data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 27 European democracies demonstrate that classes' differences in preferences are accentuated on issues strongly contested and emphasized by parties, and mitigated on issues where party conflict is weaker. Adding to recent literature on parties and class conflict, this study identifies another stage at which parties can affect the strength of class voting. The varying strength of class divides across contexts also has implications for parties' ability to garner support beyond a single class. This becomes increasingly unlikely in contexts of high issue politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the ethno‐political socialization of young children in the context of intractable conflict, drawing on the case of Israeli society. The analysis is based on the integrative developmental‐contextual theory (IDCT), which proposes that in the context of intractable conflict, from a very early age onward, in‐group members acquire a socio‐psychological repertoire that consists of narratives, beliefs, attitudes, and emotions related to the conflict and to the rival group. IDCT highlights three central components that dictate the nature of this socio‐psychological repertoire: children's normative developmental trajectory, the context in which the development takes place, and the ethno‐political socialization that is performed by societal agents. We discuss the interaction between these components in socializing children's socio‐psychological repertoire, and ways to change the course of socialization in the context of intractable conflict towards peace‐oriented socialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have cited inequality as a major factor relating to conflicts in Indonesia, while consideration of polarization and fractionalization as drivers of conflict is limited. The current paper examined the roles of three indices (polarization, inequality and fractionalization) in explaining the incidence of conflicts in Indonesian provinces over 2002–2012. This study used income (proxied by expenditure) differences to measure polarization and inequality, with subnational data as the unit of analysis. In addition, to complete the analysis, the present study used a variety of socioeconomic indicators as additional control variables. This paper verified that the high degrees of income polarization, ethnic fractionalization and income inequality are associated with the high probability of conflicts in Indonesian provinces. It also found that socioeconomic factors such as poverty, unemployment, population and natural resources, as well as some types of local government spending are significantly associated with conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy boomtowns are a persistent feature of the modern era. Yet such cities have been neglected in energy geography research, despite a remarkable invigoration of the subfield in recent years. Drawing on examples from around the world as well as historical examples, this paper argues that energy boomtowns are a vital feature of the expansive geographies of energy uses. It further argues that energy boomtowns must be seen as the confluence of four areas or dimensions: regional transformation; conflicts in city politics, governance and planning; legitimation of carbon economies; and social disruption. Each of these reveals the social production of energy and the frequently contentious process of urban space production. While the recurring emergence of energy boomtowns is of empirical interest, the turbulent setting of the boomtown can also reveal much about the social stakes of energy uses through their intersections with place‐specific, urban‐focused development agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study conveners' work in establishing change towards sustainability through cross‐sector social partnerships (CSSPs). Applying a paradox lens, we offer a new perspective on tensions in CSSPs: These are not hurdles or challenges to overcome in order to reach success but endure throughout the entire CSSP process. This insight changes the role of the convener, who no longer has to overcome but has to navigate tension. We focus on two tensions related to the convener role: the convener as leader but without formal authority over CSSP‐partners and the convener as both stakeholder and (neutral) facilitator in the process. Through a case study on a CSSP in the Dutch timber sector, we explain how a convener (Forest Stewardship Council Netherlands) responded to these tensions over time. We add to literatures on CSSPs and convening by outlining the relevance of a paradox perspective in this domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Márkus would have certainly also discussed the texts of the later Foucault had these works been available to him, so we are called upon to deduce what Márkus might have made of developments in Foucault's mature thought. However, whatever critical insights follow from Foucault's tenacious pursuit of unacknowledged relations of power, Márkus finds crucial historical failures in the historicising intentions undermining the strengths of Foucault's theory of power. FOUCAULT: THE COMPROMISED HISTORICIST Márkus deeply appreciated Michel Foucault's wide-ranging impact on contemporary philosophy and the critical theory tradition. THE LATE FOUCAULT: RECONSTRUCTING MÁRKUS'S RESPONSE We only have an unfinished, unpublished and undated fragment of Márkus's work to use in reconstructing his critical appreciation of Foucault. [Extracted from the article]

Timor-Leste's nation-building process faces significant demographic challenges because of its current and prospective population dynamics. Based on the 2010 census data this paper projects the demographic structure of Timor-Leste by 2030 and discusses the impact of the same on peace, development and environmental sustainability. This paper projects that Timor-Leste's population will increase from 1.06 million in 2010 to 1.82 million in 2030, and because of a slow decline in total fertility rates, its population characteristics will remain that of a very youthful country with an extraordinarily high dependency ratio. Timor-Leste will have extremely high proportion of excess labour, high concentration of uneducated and jobless youth in small urban areas and an ever-increasing demand on natural resources in the next two decades. In the context of poor performing domestic economy, very low formal sector employment and weak environmental governance, these challenges may well contribute to social conflict which is evident in the nation's recent past. This paper is an attempt to reflect upon the implications of Timor-Leste's population dynamics by 2030 on urbanisation, economy (labour market) and the environment which tend to have a strong relationship with social stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy and research on Tanzania's cotton sector has recently turned to the role of rural institutions in correcting for continued market failures. Current work has, however, not sufficiently addressed how the process of institutional change has proceeded on the ground. Given Tanzania's rich and complex colonial - and more recent 'socialist' - history, it is evident that the process of rural institutional change is not straightforward. This paper focuses on evidence from field research, conducted in 2006-7, from cotton-producing villages in two regions in Tanzania. The paper explores the uneven ways in which the current and new institutional structures are exploited by producers and turns to Tanzania's rural and institutional history to explain these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to understand how the context in mining projects influences the corporate social responsibility (CSR) strategy to earn a social licence to operate (SLO). This paper also presents a comparative case study analysis of four mining operations in Peru. This analysis was qualitative in nature and is complemented with insights from supplementary key informant interviews and the emerging literature on SLO and CSR. The findings show that mining projects with a complex‐unstable context take considerable effort and a longer process to earn an SLO. In this situation, it is not recommended that companies use either a defensive strategy or compliance. Instead, the company must use strategic and managerial strategies to reduce social conflicts. Also, when the context is low or of moderate uncertainty, it is preferable to use strategic and managerial strategies in order to gain an SLO. Copyright © 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The current paper explores perceived norm conflict, social identification, and learning approaches in the applied context of higher education. Research has established the influence of identification with fellow students, and their perceived norms, on student approaches to learning. However, in the current paper, we argue that this model is not entirely ecologically valid and that students are not the only source of normative influence in the study context. In this first step to unpack these complex normative influences, we examine the next most‐proximal source of normative information—the educator. In essence, we explore the ways that the normative communications of a within‐field educator can also influence student learning approaches and the ways these two sets of normative effects may interact. Testing a sample of undergraduate students at Australian universities, we explore how students resolve conflicting intragroup norm sources. Findings suggest that, in line with previous literature, stronger identification with the field of study is associated with deep learning approaches, and this effect is moderated by perceived student norms such that the valence of the study norms can undermine or accentuate this effect. Novel results unpacking the effects of normative conflict suggest that this moderation effect is only present when educator norms are ambiguous and that, in instances of clearly conflicting normative messages, the identification main effect prevails. The implications and applications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social conflicts are often discussed in the form of public scientific controversies in knowledge societies. This paper analyzes several public controversies tackling issues of gender inequalities between evolutionists (evolutionary psychologists and evolutionary psychologically oriented journalists) and feminists (feminist scientists and journalists) in US media between the early 1980s and the early 2000s. The inquiry focuses on rhetorical strategies of "boundary work" participants used to make their point and strengthen their public authority on the issues discussed. By practicing boundary work, scientists distance themselves from ideology. It is suggested that Antonio Gramsci's works on hegemony and the intellectuals allows to think about intellectual's roles in ideological struggles in a different way: the public scientific controversies analyzed occurred at a time when "traditional" gender and family models had lost their hegemonic role and gender relations were rather thoroughly rearranged. They can thus be understood as part of a larger social struggle for cultural hegemony on issues of gender and sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experience is the most primitive kind of intentional contact with reality. Metaphysical inquiry is one of the heights of human thought. It would not be surprising if experience was often silent on metaphysics, failing to offer support to one metaphysical disputant over the other, forcing them to fall back on nonexperiential considerations. I argue that the dispute between A‐ and B‐theorists about time is a dispute about which experience is silent. B‐theorists have typically conceded that the manifest image of time conflicts with how time turns out to be, on their own view of time. They have offered an array of accounts of why that conflict should not worry us. I argue here that these accounts are unconvincing. I also argue that they are unnecessary. Nothing about how time is experienced conflicts with B‐theory. An independently plausible method for discovering what properties experience represents—the method of phenomenal contrast—implies that experience does not favor A‐theory over B‐theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes that as the nation move toward the 2020 election, civil harmony might be possible with an ideological shift. Using the words of writer Sylvia Wynter in her work, " 1492: New World View" who suggest that although this country was structured with domination and subjugation from its inception, this nation could be reimagined to embrace diverse people co‐existing. Understanding too that reconciliation must be defined by those who are marginalized, the author using an Afro‐futuristic ideology for a 2020 New World Order suggest that the Black Lives Matter movement could carry the torch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In augmented reality, people can feel the illusion of virtual humans (VHs) integrated into a real (physical) space. However, affordances of the real world and virtual contents might conflict, for example, when the VHs and real objects 'collide' by occupying the same space. This implausible conflict can cause a break in presence in real-virtual human interactions. In this paper, we address an effort to avoid this conflict by maintaining the VH's spatial and behavioral coherence with respect to the physical objects or events (e.g., natural occlusions and appropriate help-requesting behaviors to avoid implausible physical-virtual collisions). We present a human subject experiment examining the effects of the physical-virtual coherence on human perceptions, such as social/copresence and behaviors with the VH. The basic ideas, experimental design, and results supporting the benefit of the VH's spatial and behavioral coherence are presented and discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a political economy interpretation of the 'parliamentary coup' that took place in Paraguay in June 2012. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of the protracted transition to democracy between 1989 and 2008, the rural class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary agro-extractive capitalism, and the long-standing class struggle for redistributive land reform. By examining the Paraguayan agrarian reform impasse under the short-lived government of Fernando Lugo (2008-2012) through an 'interactive state/society' framework, this paper attempts to locate the sources of current social and political conflict in the country, and the demands of rival social groups. In doing so, the paper argues that the rise and fall of Lugo occurred in the context of structural legacies from the Stroessner era (1954-1989) that have remained largely unchanged and that coexist today with an expanding agro-extractivist development model. They lead to the conceptualization of the continued 'predatory' or 'oligarchic' state in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that attending to social and political factors in development-induced displacement is critical even for projects that involve resettlement of small populations. Taking the resettlement of two villages by the Lihir Gold Mine in Papua New Guinea as a unique case study, I analyse why one village was relatively successfully resettled, while the other has been very complicated, leading to hostility and conflict. In these cases the initial focus of all concerned in reaching a resettlement agreement was on the adequacy of compensation and housing, which mimicked the focus in the literature during the 1990s on impoverishment and compensation. From the late 1990s there have been calls for greater attention to social and political aspects of displacement and resettlement. Early attention to these factors in the Lihir case, particularly the key concepts of emplacement and disemplacement, would have highlighted flaws in the resettlement agreement and would have made it easier to avert the conflict and resistance that arose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era of globalisation the ‘global’ is very much implicated in the ‘local’. Local events like conflicts therefore need to be understood in the context of the dynamics of globalisation. This paper argues that neoliberal globalisation undergoes a thorough grounding in accordance with the pre-existing socio-cultural and economic specificities of places, which impact upon inter-community alienation and conflict. Using four case studies from a Hindu–Muslim conflict in a neoliberalising city, Ahmedabad, India, this paper illustrates how open market policies are implicated in local industrial restructuring and urban renewal that simultaneously utilise place-specific ethnocentrism to exclude and fragment the poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies Henri Lefebvre's ideas on participatory democracy and spatial politics to the context of “divided cities”, a milieu often overlooked by scholars of Lefebvre. It considers, via Lefebvre, how the heterogeneous and contradictory statist methods to deal with ethno-national violence in Belfast have in effect increased segregated space. State-led approaches to public space as part of conflict transformation strategies appear contradictory, including attempts to “normalize” the city through inward capital investment and cultural regeneration, encouraging cosmopolitan notions of inclusive “civic identity”, and reinforcing segregation to contain violence. These processes have done little to challenge sectarianism. However, as Lefebvre suggests that dominant representations of space cannot be imposed without resistance, this paper considers the alternative strategies of a disparate range of groups in Belfast. These groups have formed cross-cleavage networks to develop ritualized street performances which challenge the programming of public space for segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data on stated subjective well-being to capture the intangible costs of civil conflict. By running cross-national regressions with happiness as the dependent variable, and the number of conflict victims and income as explanatory variables, it investigates if and in which way civil conflict affects happiness, and derives the implied monetary equivalent of the unhappiness caused. The paper finds that the number of conflict victims and their change over time significantly affect subjective well-being directly through health and psychic effects as well as indirectly through reduced income. The non-pecuniary effects are found to be larger than the income-related effect. A change over time in the number of victims has a stronger impact on well-being than the current number. There are sizeable monetary equivalents to these effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers in this special issue are the product of a comparative interdisciplinary workshop on ‘Natural Resources and Violent Ethnic Conflicts in the Asia Pacific Region’ held in Honolulu, Hawaii, 18–20 March 2005. The workshop brought together scholars who study conflicts between ethnic groups and those who study conflicts over natural resource claims in order to examine the interplay of resources and ethnicity and to seek answers to the question of why violence occurs in some cases and not in others. Both sets of scholars agreed on some points but disagreed on others. They agreed that ethnic and resource grievances occur not so much out of objective deprivation but out of ‘relative deprivation’ when groups compare their situation with others, to the past, or to future expectations. They both stressed the role of democratic processes in alleviating resource competition and ethnic conflicts – but they did this in different ways. The perspectives and solutions offered by these papers sum to a deeper and more contextualised understanding of the cause of conflict and to mutually reinforcing solutions for resolving them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few special issues are as important as this one, as we celebrate the work, life and legacy of Professor Joan Acker: sociologist, academic, activist, friend, inspirer, teacher, community-maker. Gender scholars turned to Joan's work to legitimize the work of so many others as she offered ways to think empirically and methodologically about intersectional diversity (see Benschop, [6], for a review of her work). Marieke and Yvonne reflect on the ways in which Joan Acker's work has influenced their research, teaching and consultancy reminding us of the importance of Joan's work for bringing about organizational change. [Extracted from the article]

The dialectical relationship between secularism and capitalism, where contradictions in this relationship are resolved on the basis of class relations, results in various state‐religion relationships in different social formations. The limitations and particularities of secularism are exaggerated in countries that arrived late at capitalism, such as Turkey. These late‐developers are subject to the dynamics of uneven and combined development. This paper borrows from Marxism, particularly the theory of uneven and combined development, in order to explore the relationship between the consolidation of the modern nation‐state and its secularisation process during the bourgeois revolution of 1923 in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to explore the implications of the rationality of accounting thought and practice as a mediating mechanism in the highly-charged, conflict-ridden situation in Northern Ireland(NI). The paper draws on a variety of data sources, including a series of interviews with key actors. There are some indications of accounting information being used to inform discussion and debate at the new Assembly. However, a number of politicians, from a spectrum of political traditions, do not relate to this new language, and the instability of the process(evidenced by frequent suspensions) discourages learning and engagement. Overall, this suggests that, without greater continuity, there is a limitation on the ability of accounting practices to mediate tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]