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In this paper, we explore Goffman's social order in an emergent organisational form featuring global dispersion, technology mediation, and the lack of established structure and routines. In a 14-month case study, we documented practices of ordering, disordering and individual ordering. We propose a processual approach of social order and highlight the importance of identification in social order practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Standard growth theory is based on atomistic agents with no strategic interactions among them. In contrast, we model growth as resulting from a one-off, strategic game between 'workers' and owners of capital ('capitalists') on factor shares, in an otherwise standard 'AK' growth model. The resulting distribution of income between factors further determines the marginal revenue product of capital and the rate of growth. We analyse the properties of four equilibria: competitive, Stackelberg equilibrium, a hybrid non-cooperative regime and cooperative, in terms of labour shares, growth and welfare. Our model thus endogenizes key aspects of the 'social contract'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of citizenship is currently the subject of extensive, and often heated, debate on the part of policy makers and social scientists. Many of the key concerns encapsulated in the idea of citizenship-collective identity, solidarity, pro-social behaviour, group boundaries, intra and intergroup conflict-also represent longstanding concerns on the part of social and community psychologists. However, at present, very little psychological theory or research directly addresses the subject of citizenship. The aim of this Special Issue is to explore how the construct of citizenship might contribute to social psychological understandings of social conflict and solidarity and, conversely, to consider how existing social psychological theories and methods might contribute to contemporary understandings of citizenship. The authors of the six articles in the Special Issue apply a range of theoretical perspectives (self-categorization theory, social identity theory, rhetorical psychology, the theory of social representations) and methods (experiments, surveys, interviews, ethnography) to examine situated understandings of citizenship in a variety of domains (civic and political participation, immigration attitudes, minority identities, nationalism). Despite their different approaches, the authors display a common concern to recognize complexity, contradiction and contestability as inherent, and often productive, features of the everyday construction and performance of citizenship. As a consequence, social psychological perspectives may have the potential to restore the damaged reputation of the citizen currently apparent in much policy and social scientific discourse. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the axiomatization of polarization contained in Esteban and Ray (1994 ) and Chakravarty and Majumder (2001 ), we investigate whether people's perceptions of income polarization are consistent with the key axioms. This is carried out using a questionnaire–experimental approach that combines both paper questionnaires and on-line interactive techniques. The responses suggest that important axioms which serve to differentiate polarization from inequality—e.g. increased bipolarization—as well as other distinctive features of polarization, i.e. the non-monotonous behavior attributed to polarization, are not widely accepted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of income polarization on individual health. We argue that polarization captures much better the social tension and conflict that underlie some of the pathways linking income disparities and individual health, and which have been traditionally proxied by inequality. We test our premises with panel data for Spain. Results show that polarization has a detrimental effect on health. We also find that the way the relevant population subgroups are defined is important: polarization is only significant if measured between education-age groups for each region. Regional polarization is not significant. Our results are obtained conditional on a comprehensive set of controls, including absolute and relative income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A bibliography on the subject of violence and social conflicts in Latin America is presented, including the articles "Amnesty International Criticizes El Salvador for Using Anti-Terrorism Laws to Punish Social Protesters," by the Amnesty International, "How the Street Gangs took Central America," by A. Arana, and the book "On Violence," by H. Arendt.

We develop a model to explore the inter-relationships between conflict and economic activity. We construct a simple two-period model where consumption and investment decisions are made in the presence of governments who consider initiating diversionary conflict to raise their chances of remaining in power. Economies with selfish leaders and lower gains from capital formation may fall prey to engaging in avoidable conflicts thereby lowering investment and hence future growth. Using panel data for over 152 countries from 1950 to 2000, we find evidence for conflict lowering economic growth and, after conditioning on the initial conditions of geography, private, public, and human capital investment, lower growth raising the likelihood of conflict. These results are broadly consistent with our model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of the literature on contaminated communities indicates that environmental hazards lead to conflict and dissension. In this paper we examine the salient dimensions of conflict and factionalism in a rural Oklahoma community. The community is heavily contaminated from 80 years of commercial mining operations and was one of the first sites designated on the Environmental Protection Agency's Superfund List in 1983. Despite two decades of remediation efforts, the community remains polluted with lead and other heavy metals. Based on in-depth interviews with community residents, observation, and document analysis, we find that the community has splintered into two competing groups over the environmental controversy. One faction of the community supports a federally sponsored relocation campaign, while the other has organized to oppose relocation. The results of our study indicate that the contentious split is centered around the ambiguity of harm associated with the contamination, conflicting economic concerns, and variations in community attachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arnold Toynbee's ambitious workA Study of Historywas a phenomenal publishing success in its day, but it came under severe criticism from academic historians. In recent years, there has been something of a Toynbee revival among the proponents of the growing discipline of world history. This article suggests that Toynbee makes a somewhat unlikely founding figure for the broadly liberal and cosmopolitan world history movement, and investigates the very particular origins of Toynbee's vision of world history in the intellectual world of the pre-1914 British Empire, and especially in Toynbee's education at Winchester and Oxford. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper proposes that reports of pervasive competition and conflict over land in sub-Saharan Africa belie a current image of negotiable and adaptive customary systems of landholding and land use but, instead, reveal processes of exclusion, deepening social divisions and class formation. Cases of ambiguous and indeterminate outcomes among claimants over land do occur, but the instances of intensifying conflict over land, deepening social rifts and expropriation of land beg for closer attention. More emphasis needs to be placed by analysts on who benefits and who loses from instances of ‘negotiability’ in access to land, an analysis that, in turn, needs to be situated in broader political economic and social changes taking place, particularly during the past thirty or so years. This requires a theoretical move away from privileging contingency, flexibility and negotiability that, willy-nilly, ends by suggesting an open field, to one that is able to identify those situations and processes (including com-modification, structural adjustment, market liberalization and globalization) that limit or end negotiation and flexibility for certain social groups or categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adaptability is important when engaging in Shared Society work, as not only each country or society is different, due to cultural differences and different consideration and complexities, but also in the very same society conditions change and the dynamics of social life call for careful attention to changes that call for recalibration and adaptation, time and time again. HOW TO ANALYZE THE CONCEPT(S) We propose to think about these inclusive visions of society, including the concept of Shared Society, by using five frameworks: (1) level of analysis, (2) the boundaries of the shared society, (3) the political consequences of a vision for a shared society, (4) temporal context, (5) societal context. A more structural approach, such as McCartney's, highlights the society-wide lens, as he claims that "Shared Society directs attention to how society can be more sharing and include all sections of society" (Ibid.). The concept of Shared Society is an umbrella term that was developed in the first decade of the 2000s mostly by practitioners and scholars of conflict resolution, peacebuilding and development studies. [Extracted from the article]

This study provides a comparative survey of policy‐making discourse in the United Kingdom and the United States from 2016 to 2020 around digital threats to democracy. Through an inductive coding process, it identifies six core ideals common in these two countries: transparency, accountability, engagement, informed public, social solidarity, and freedom of expression. Reviewing how these ideals are constructed in policy‐making documents, we find differences in each country's emphasis, inconsistencies in how some democratic ideals are evoked and promoted, conflicts between different democratic ideals, and disconnects between empirical realities of democracy and policy‐making discourse. There is a lack of clarity in what social solidarity, engagement, and freedom of expression mean and how they should be balanced; conceptions of an informed public are deeply fraught, and in tension with other ideals. We argue that policy‐making discourse is often out of step with the growing literature which suggests that political conflicts between social groups, right‐wing extremism, and antidemocratic actions increasingly taken by elites and parties are at the root of growing democratic crises. This state of policy‐making discourse has important implications for attempts to pursue regulation and suggests the need for further reflection by policymakers on the democratic ideals they are solving for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[34] In contrast to this backward-looking assigning of blame, Young insists that we understand structural injustice as "maintained through the behavior of ordinary decent people whose choices are constrained by existing social, political, economic, and cultural institutions."[35] Young does acknowledge the need to publically "criticize powerful agents who encourage the injustices or at least allow them to happen." To describe an injustice as structural is to describe it as a system of practices and processes in which chains of cause and effect are complexly entwined. An obvious consequence of recognizing an injustice as structural is not only that individual responsibilities must be discharged as part of collectives, but also that collective interventions must be made against those structures: The collective does not organize to take on a single agent, but rather a whole host of practices and norms connecting numerous agents. [Extracted from the article]

This article integrates the global value chain literature with the micro organization literature on negative emotions to explore the drivers of fear and anger among supplier factory senior managers in apparel supply chains after Rana Plaza—a major industrial disaster—and their influence on decisions on CSR practices. Based on a comparative study around Dhaka and Lahore—two key apparel manufacturing hubs—this study elucidates that supplier factory senior managers experienced similar market tensions but different social tensions after the Rana Plaza incident. Crucially, similar market tensions helped create market fear and anger, but different social tensions led to social fear and anger in Bangladesh but not in Pakistan, therefore influencing the way supplier factory senior managers take decisions regarding CSR practices. By conceptualizing communal alignment and competitive CSR, this research finally advances the global value chain literature and contributes to the current conversations on negative emotions in organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutions are altered by conflict, depending on the scale, duration and type of conflict. At one extreme, formal political, social and economic institutions may be completely destroyed (e.g. Somalia), while the importance and type of informal institutions may be changed. This survey addresses some of the current issues in the design and implementation of institution-building and reform in sub-Saharan Africa, and highlights the particular difficulties faced by post-conflict countries. However, research on practical policy interventions toward institution-building is still at an early stage. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

School closures during the first COVID‐19 lockdown in 2020 severely disrupted adolescents' lives. We used a daily diary method for 20 days, including online and physical school days, assessing daily mood, social support and conflict, and academic motivation in 102 adolescents aged 12–16 years. We found that adolescents' academic motivation was lower on online compared with physical school days. In general, positive mood was positively associated with academic motivation, and friend conflict related negatively to academic motivation. Moreover, lower levels of parental support were related to lower academic motivation on online versus physical school days. Overall, these findings identified some critical changes in adolescents' daily experiences during the COVID‐19 school closure and social‐emotional factors that may buffer decreases in adolescents' academic motivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outlaws have been formidable local authorities throughout history and some of their stories survived thanks to poems, ballads, and plays within a culture deeply colored by violence, avenge, injustice, punishment, and state response against them. I underscore the role of power relationship in society to examine the emergence of outlaws and utilize it to deconstruct the social, political, and cultural conundrum. Consulting the British, Mexican, Bulgarian, U.S., Ottoman, and Brazilian archives, I attempt to theorize the activities of bandits, brigands, and militants within the global history of social dissent. I argue that if we employ social dissent as an instrumental concept, we can effectively determine both local factors and uncover global connections that explicate why various outlaws and societal reactions against them demonstrate astonishing similarities in distant geographies and different time periods. This study contributes to our knowledge in the historical sociology of outlaws by offering new theoretical ventures and highlighting methodological challenges in studying outlaws within the conundrum of crime, conflict, and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing studies highlight the importance of the compensatory demand among the conscripted poor to explain why wars lead to income and inheritance tax hikes for the rich. We propose a more nuanced argument that war mobilization leads to a class conflict in which the poor want the rich to pay more taxes in exchange for conscription while the rich seek lower taxes because they expect war‐related losses of their wealth. Mass warfare imposes higher tax burdens on the rich only when elites lack economic resources to prevent such policies. Using a panel analysis of up to 18 countries from the late nineteenth century to the 2010s as well as a subnational analysis of Senate roll call votes on tax bills introduced between 1913 and 2008, we corroborate our argument that elites' share of national income conditions how war mobilization shapes the trajectories of tax regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Covid‐19 generated a crisis in capitalism, but not of capitalism. Capitalism reproduces itself in crisis and in ways that have significant but uneven impacts on the conditions and struggles of agrarian classes of labour. This article explores preliminary studies of how Covid‐19 has affected agrarian social formations in Africa, Asia and Latin America and the farmers, petty commodity producers, labourers and agribusinesses who populate them. It considers some of the implications for wage‐labour, agriculture, accumulation and social reproduction including care work. And it briefly considers Covid‐19's political impacts—in terms of the role of the state and possibilities for challenging capitalism, its violence and its ecological crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's opinion on feminist concerns about moral theories that include rights as a component. Feminism does not exist in the academy alone and feminist intellectuals risk isolation if we reject the moral concepts that inform political debate. The application of absolute rights to the problem of abortion seems no help at all in that its application yields only extreme positions and fails to account for the moral complexity experienced by many women in choosing whether or not to have an abortion. And so rights need to be abstract or absolute but there is still the charge of individualism to be addressed. If a group in our society is being oppressed, conflict arises when that group is aware of the wrong being committed. An awareness of rights can lead to an awareness of injustice and although conflict may ensure, it seems to me we are better off with conflict than peaceful oppression. My point is that this world is worse than a world with rights, even if the presence of rights allows people to voice their concerns in particularly pressing ways. Much feminist complaint about rights and conflict seems to be based on the assumption that without rights, individuals would have shared interests.

Systems scientists can play an important role in analyzing ethnic tensions and designing innovative approaches to sustaining peaceful relationships between groups with a history of inter-ethnic violence. A social systems approach was applied in a feasibility study sponsored by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The purpose of the humanitarian project was to improve ethnic relations and collaboration between Greek and Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus, and to determine the feasibility of establishing a bicommunal mental health unit. The project consultants conducted a mental health needs assessment of both communities and analyzed information from multiple sources and different perspectives. A follow-up workshop with a bicommunal team was held in the USA to facilitate development of the mental health unit. The study provided useful knowledge on systems-oriented action research to improve ethnic relations in a complex social and political environment. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Similarly, while focused on Anglophone countries (the UK, USA), the present analysis could resonate in other western countries where a neoliberal accumulation regime is dominant. Regulation is not reform This regulatory regime enhances state control over finance. This article contrasts state policies vis-à-vis economic and security crisis and their implications for the political and economic future. The identification of the state with capital in the neoliberal era undermines the state's temporal legitimacy. The audience and its predispositions are the decisive factor for the occurrence of the offence; and they are themselves interpreted by state authorities. [Extracted from the article]

As part of a 2‐year research project, 79 interviews were undertaken with adult social care (ASC) registered managers (RMs) in England. The study aimed to identify the factors that influence the leadership practice and priorities of RMs in their role in ASC at two points, before and after a leadership development programme (LDP). A critical framework of Bourdieu is used to explore and analyse how the RM's disposition plays out as they lead in the ASC sector. A narrative inquiry methodology was applied. Results found that a lack of funding and increasing regulation has added emotional stress to the RM leadership role and their motivation to lead. In order to cope, addressing the localised leadership development needs of the RMs was central and emotional wellness key. There is the potential for the ASC home to become a social arena for conflict between differing agency power relationships. By experiencing their preferred LDP, the RMs had gained insights into their position as a leader in ASC and how, by their own actions, they could both influence and shape it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rapid development of solar energy is reconfiguring global labour geographies. Beneath the formal economy of solar exists a hidden infra‐economy of informal and marginalised labourers that toil in valuable yet precarious nodes of solar development (i.e. mining, generation, disposal). These labourers comprise a lumpenproletariat class (or solar lumenproletariats) that is defined by its informality, flexibility, precarity and disposability. Through political struggles and reflexivity, the lumenproletariats develop class consciousness. Although still precariously positioned in solar's infra‐economy, they develop a praeclarus (Latin: "bright") understanding of their shared class interests and become praeclariats resisting the reproduction of solar capital. Solar praeclariats unified in class struggle can alter the exploitative relations of production and usher in a truly "just" low‐carbon energy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have argued that the implementation of legal reforms in African settings has largely failed because of the persistence of norms and values that privilege collective interests over individual rights. With a focus on the work of the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) in a matrilineal Asante town in Ghana, this article reflects on the potential for state institutions to implement a human rights perspective through family dispute resolution processes. In this context, the key factors that influence the work of institutions such as the DSW, which has a human rights mandate, include the long history of family legal contests outside the lineage and the principle of economic separateness in the context of marriage. The effect of these developments is that the opportunity continues to exist for individuals, in this case women, to advocate for their rights as mothers even in a supposedly collective social setting. The evidence supports the position that "culture" is not always the impediment to human rights that it is often made out to be. [legal pluralism, human rights, matriliny, Ghana, marriage] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on international shopping has the potential of elucidating collective issues such as the eminence of protectionist discourse. Concomitantly, the authors propose a Theory of Social Class Divide (SCD) that explains how the judgments of a consumer segment diverge from classical predictions. The theory received support in an international shopping context, showing that the behavior of lower‐class shoppers diverges from the prediction of consumer ethnocentrism theory. In the two studies, which comprised different methods (cross‐sectional and experimental), measures of social class (objective and subjective), and samples (US and Canadian), lower‐class consumers were notably less affected by their ethnocentrism than upper‐class consumers. Lower‐class consumers generally showed, regardless of their ethnocentrism, low attitudes, and shopping intentions toward foreign retailers. The results underline the ramifications of a widening divide in social class on international marketing, and have potential implications in germane fields such as political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monitoring of socioeconomic impacts has often been ignored in restoration projects. Here, we design a multi‐criteria matrix to evaluate the socioeconomic implications of the Ecuadorian National Plan of Forest Restoration at local scale. We also aimed to identify the drivers that led to project sustainability, which was defined as peoples' willingness to continue restoration activities without economic incentives. The multi‐criteria matrix was translated into surveys for the technicians and local people who participated in the project. They were applied to six parishes of southern Ecuador. Between 2% to 43% of parish populations were engaged with the projects. No local business initiatives were created and economic incentives were only related to monetary payments. In half of the parishes, people were consulted about which species should be planted. About 45% of participants claimed to have received training during the restoration project. Higher community participation was perceived in implementation than in planning or monitoring. Most people agreed that the projects benefited the community either through improvements to water or through short‐term cash income obtained during planting activities. High participation and satisfaction levels significantly increased the likelihood of participants continuing with the restoration activities even without monetary incentive. Our results suggest the economic contributions of the project should go beyond short‐term payments and should be rooted in long‐term benefits to land productivity. This study helps to identify additional non‐monetary benefits, such as continuous technical assistance or social conflict resolution, that may be crucial for long‐term sustainability of restoration projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period since the 1990s has witnessed the expanding political influence of the Kurdish movement across the country as well as a transformation in the welfare system, manifesting itself mainly in the emergence of extensive social assistance programs. While Turkish social assistance policy has been formally neutral regarding who is entitled to state aid, Kurds have been de facto singled out by these new welfare programs, as is shown by existing quantitative work. Based on a discourse analysis of legislation, parliamentary proceedings, and news media, this article examines the ways in which Turkish governments and policymakers consider the Kurdish question in designing welfare policies. We illustrate that Kurdish mobilization has become a central theme that informed the transformation of Turkish welfare system over the past three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To deal with the increases in the frequency of popular protests, China's leader, Xi Jinping, has called for "innovative social governance" as a new concept to resolve social conflicts. In this study, we collect and analyze a unique dataset to compare state responses to popular protests during Xi's term and Hu's term. We find that, under Xi's rule, state repression is more frequently employed to handle social disturbances. Violent protests are significantly more likely to be repressed than nonviolent protests during both the rule of Hu and Xi, while protests that involved a population of the middle and upper classes experienced more state crackdown under Xi's rule rather than under Hu's governance. Our empirical analysis suggests that the approaches by which the Chinese government deals with social unrest have not yet been "innovative." Instead, China still relies heavily on despotic power in the Xi era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large and growing literature links stable individual differences established early in life to deviant behavior through the life course. This literature challenges basic premises of modern sociological and economic theories of deviance that emphasize explanatory factors that are more proximate in time and external to the individual. In this paper we present and test a theory designed to link rational choice and social control theories with two leading examples of theories that emphasize stable individual differences (Wilson and Bernstein, 1985; Grottoes and Hirsch, 1990). Based on appeals to the economic theory of investment, we argue that individuals who are more present oriented and self-centered invest less in social bonds and therefore are less deterred from committing crime by the possibility of damage to such bonds. Thus, our theory, which builds from key constructs of the Gottfredson-Hirschi and Wilson-Herrnstein theories, departs from those theories with the contention that social control does matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis of the role of language in historical class formation in light of the recent developments in postmodern social theory and historiography. Revisionists from within this perspective have questioned if not abandoned E. P. Thompson's class struggle analysis, arguing that he fails to account for the constitutive character of language in the construction of collective identities. They oppose his account of the making of the English working class with alternative histories emphasizing populist and other non-class identities. Drawing on the Bakhtin Circle of literary studies, and returning to Thompson's own writings, I argue that we can incorporate language into class struggle analysis as a critical mediating force. I maintain that class struggle occurs largely within a hegemonic discursive formation, and that class consciousness and identity thus in part are formed through counter-hegemonic strategies of resistance to ideological domination. To illustrate this theory I analyse the role of language in the class struggles of the silk weavers of the Spitalfields district in London in the 1820s. I analyse how the silk weavers articulated a class consciousness through their counter-hegemonic struggles with the large capitalists and the language of political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines field and experimental research on third party intervention in industrial disputes. The majority of research has been carried out on the basis of an instrumental, individualistic model of social relations, which conceives of mediators as conciliatory devices and arbitrators as threatening devices. The main aim of research has been to demonstrate, in terms of a relatively simple causal model of behaviour, the effectiveness of such interventions in producing settlements, but the results have been mixed. First, conciliatory techniques, which are directed at improving personal relations, seem to be most useful in disputes where negotiators are not committed to represent a party and where negotiations themselves are primarily interpersonal and without long-term consequences. The same techniques are likely to be regarded suspiciously or interpreted differently in actual conflicts between employers and unions. Second, given that the favoured norm of the parties is voluntary settlement, arbitration is regarded paradoxically as more successful the less it is used. Comparisons of types of arbitration suggest that parties will act strategically, depending on whether they expect the arbitrator to offer a compromise solution or choose the final offer of either side. In general, it can be argued that third parties are also parties to negotiation rather than `neutrals `. The positivist approach adopted by the majority of researchers has resulted in very restricted models of third party intervention and little work has been carried out on the development of an interpretative model of third party processes. Many interesting psychological processes have therefore been excluded: in particular, the normative frameworks which define socially acceptable forms of dispute and legitimate types of argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Centralia, Pennsylvania, a twenty-four-year-old underground coal mine fire has slowly destroyed the physical community, leaving in its wake much community conflict and suffering. And yet, unlike in most cases of natural disasters, local religious institutions and community residents failed to assign religious meaning to the problems associated with the fire.
The paper argues that the failure of local religion to respond effectively is related to the chronic technical nature of the disaster agent. Unlike a tornado or hurricane, the mine fire struck slowly, lasted a long time, was caused by human beings, and required sophisticated technical apparatus to detect and abate In addition, the patterns of victimization associated with the chronic technical disaster are different from those resulting from immediate impact natural disasters. These differences resulted in the acceptance of a technical not moral or religious, definition of the problem Implications of this for religion's response to other chronic technical disaster situations are discussed
As Centralians board up their homes and prepare to move, few would deny that something terrible has happened to their town. Their way of life is gone, their homes are being destroyed. And, yet, only a handful of residents interpreted this crisis within the local context of religious meaning. It is not that attributing a religious meaning to the mine fire would have insulated residents from the ecological effects of the blaze so much as it would have encouraged a common understanding of and promoted a collective response to, their predicament. For a majority of residents, however, the environmental disaster that plagued Centralia was interpreted and acted towards in a manner that excluded the relevance of religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical studies indicated little evidence for generational differences on the level of beliefs traditionally referred to as attitudes (see Rokeach's typology). At the intermediate level of beliefs, those concerning authority, there appeared more possibility of generational discontinuity, especially in relation to the legitimacy of national institutions. Although very little research has been done on value orientations, studies of political attitudes have indicated higher parent-child agreement on partisan attitudes than on political value orientations. Data from a sample of college students and their parents indicate striking generational differences on another value orientation, a measure of time perspective. It appears that writers who have argued that a counterculture is emerging among the younger generation are concentrating on the value orientation level, while the debunkers of the notion of a generation gap have focused almost entirely upon the level of attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines approaches to the study of the party-policy link and argues that two generally held assumptions - the unidimensionality of party political conflict and the party as unitary actor - should be treated as matters for empirical dedermination rather than a priori assumption. Having briefly reviewed interpretations of dimensionality in the Irish party system, the article puts forward an empirical approach to both issues based on multidimensional scaling of preference data from a sample of parliamentarians. The results of the application of such an approach in the Irish case indicate at least a two dimensional policy space and considerable intra-party factionalism. This evidence is then used to interpret the party-policy link in three areas: capital taxation, abortion and divorce, and Northern Ireland policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The family therapy literature recognizes the Constraints imposed on a therapist's freedom and impartiality in a statutory agency. This paper shows that clinical settings that are apparently independent are not free of such constraints. The wider professional welfare system has confused expectations ofa clinical agency that it should provide simultaneously both therapy and a measure of social control. An account is given of one hospital-based family therapy team's struggles to find manoeuvrability in child-focused statutory cases, so as to be helpful both to families and referrers. One method of working is illustrated with a case example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although urbanized western society is generally assumed to be increasingly secular, empirical studies of reasons for this increasing secularity are rare, doubtless to some extent because of their methodological complexity. This paper presents findings on generation differences in religious beliefs from a national cohort study of two generations. It compares possible cohort and age effects from a wide range of social and psychological data, and contrasts the effects of apparently important factors associated with generation differences in religious beliefs, amongst them especially higher education, with generation differences in voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Second World War the provision of pre-school education facilities has increased enormously, particularly in the private sector. This paper investigates the use made of pre-school education of all kinds by a sample of parents who have themselves been extensively and frequently studied from birth to adult life. It compares the extent of experience of pre-school education in the two generations, and examines some of the factors that underlie apparent social class differences. Attention is drawn to the wide range of expectation of pre-school experience, and the implications of this for later studies of ability and of apparent ‘effects’ of preschool education are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes issue with psychologized attempts to explain the tragedy of Jonestown and People's Temple, and offers a corrective to the usual treatments that lump People's Temple with a number of other religious groups, especially the so-called new religions People's Temple is compared with new religions on eight points (1) social location and time of reception, (2) characteristics of members and potential members, (3) organizational structure and operation, (4) social control techniques and outside contact, (5) resocialization techniques, (6) theology or ideology, (7) general orientation, and (8) ritual behaviors Policy implications of failure to discern such differences are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the expansion and transformation of capitalism, the organization and structure of economy, polity and society can take on, at different spatial scales, new, distinctive and highly conspicuous forms. Changes in spatial structure can be readily demonstrated empirically as the outcome, in part at least, of the dynamics of capital accumulation and class struggle. What is much more difficult, and where considerable controversy is to be found, is in theorizing how, under capitalism, the various relationships between unevenness, space and development may be conceptualized. These difficulties and controversies are especially apparent in the Anglo-American development literature, where there has been a revived interest in the formulation of a theoretical understanding of uneven regional development, notably under the auspices of the restructuring of capital, in advanced capitalist nations. In this literature the approaches adopted in the interpretation of those forces thought to be responsible for the creation and perpetuation of uneven regional development have embraced neoclassical economics, dependency paradigm perspectives on development and underdevelopment, and more recent efforts to transform or to transcend neo-Marxist structuralism. These various approaches are distinctive in the significance they attach to spatial structure.

This paper outlines an historically situated, gender-based perspective on crime and delinquency. The perspective is stated in propositional form and tested with data on juvenile delinquency. The fundamental propositions assert that there is a sexually stratified inverse relationship between structurally differentiated processes of social control, such that women are more frequently the instruments and objects of informal social controls, while men are more frequently the instruments and objects of formal social controls. Implications of our perspective for conflict and control theories of deviance are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the purpose of conflict resolution in the public negotiation field. He refers to the 1992 conference of the Society of Professionals in Dispute Resolution (SPIDR) which discussed the future of conflict resolution. He talks about the role of public conflict resolution as a vehicle for social justice and transformation and its impact on the field. He also discusses the use of conflict resolution in social reform.

The article features a list of information resources on international relations and public policy, compiled as of Spring 1978. Some of the books and article which have been include: "The Statesman's Yearbook," edited by John Paxton; "Introduction to Censuses of Asia and the Pacific, 1970-74," by Lee-Jay Cho et al.; "International Organization," edited by Paul Taylor and A.J.R. Groom; "Politics and Markets: The World's Political Economic Systems," by Charles E. Lindblom; "Desertification"; "Growing Up in Cities," edited by Kevin Lynch; "Ethnic Conflict in the Western World," edited by Milton J. Enman; "Ethnic Conflict and International Relations," by Astri Suhrke and Lela Garner Noble; "Village Moon," by Priscilla Reining; "Major Libraries of the World."

THIS article examines the work of a number of writers who have attempted critical assessments of management science. Each writer has focused on specific areas that any critical management science would need to consider, viz. the origins of values, relations between Organizations and society, the historical development of organizations, and the relationship between management science and developments in the capitalist mode of production. In addition these writers have declined to accept existing modes of organization as given, and have avoided the assumption that management science is inherently, or necessarily, manipulative. Each of the writers, however, has displayed several weaknesses in his analysis: thus Churchman fails to locate the management scientist in the society of which he is a part; Hales has no clear or viable alternative other than to call (in effect) for socialism, and makes the erroneous assumption that managerial strategies are necessarily effective; whilst Whitley too seems to have 'divested management research of its practical dimension'. In conclusion it is pointed out that the actual effects of managerial strategies must be treated as problematic, since they may be modified by various forms of resistance and class struggle, and that developments in the production process may not necessarily be to the detriment of workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hirschi recently (1985) attempted to show the compatibility of social control with rational choice theory. This effort by Hirschi is noteworthy because, if successful, he could provide a connection between positive and classical sentiments which have traditionally appeared in contention. Hirschi fails, however, to achieve his objective and is hindered by what he views as the incompatible objectives of the two theories Hirschi uses the recently accepted findings which indicate lack of specialization among persons involved in illegal behavior to illustrate the difference he sees between criminality and crime and, thus, the divergence between social control and rational choke. This paper attempts to remove the barrier found by Hirschi by providing improved measurement of specialization, such as has been proposed by Farrington (1986) and Klein (1984), and by placing the results in a more realistic criminal careen perspective than has been done in previous studies This study utilizes data from the 1958 Philadelphia Birth Cohort. With information to age 26 for 27,160 persons, these data are perhaps better suited to investigate this topic than any available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For instance, he criticizes Shoshana Zuboff#APT#x00027;s claim that #APT#x0201C;surveillance capitalism#APT#x0201D; is mere #APT#x0201C;#APT#x02018;a rogue mutation#APT#x02019; [#APT#x02026;] of a more normal, socially just version of capitalism#APT#x0201D; (p.#APT#x000A0;50). The main argument here is that data are #APT#x0201C;both valuable and value creating#APT#x0201D; (p.#APT#x000A0;30), as it is used for instance to build new systems and services. I Digital Capitalism i , for Sadowski, means the still emerging regime of the #APT#x0201C;smart society,#APT#x0201D; which should not be understood as a fundamental historical break, but rather a broad term noting capitalism#APT#x00027;s current variation #APT#x0201C;this time running on some new hardware and software#APT#x0201D; (p.#APT#x000A0;50). [Extracted from the article]

The article offers information on a conference "Peripheral Visions" to celebrate the contribution of Jeremy Holmes and 20 years of psychoanalytic studies at Exter University in Great Britain that held in March, 2018. Topics discussed include programs included in the conference such as group analysis, psycho-sociology and organizational observation; and speech delivered by Arietta Slade on the importance of humanity and compassion in psychotherapists.

Community processes to address fractured social relationships and well-being remain the least examined dimensions in studies of legacies of civil wars. This article addresses these limitations by analyzing how the wartime and postwar generations have negotiated the legacies of the civil war (1976-1992) in a farming economy region in Mozambique. Based on a 14-year (2002-2015) study of community courts in Mozambique, we analyzed the types of social conflicts and the associations with gender, age, risk factors, selfdescribed health impairments, and the timing of farming activities. We identified n = 3,456 participants and found that perennial sources of disputes were related to family formation and maintenance, defamation, accusations of perpetration of serious civil wartime violations, mistrust, debts, and domestic violence. Furthermore, conflict relations were associated with gender, age, risk factors, and health problems. This study concludes that civil wars have lasting multifaceted legacies, but generational tensions, availability of community institutions, and economic resources shape social relationships and well-being outcomes while averting revenge cycles among civilian war survivors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Controversial wildlife conservation and management, such as that involving gray wolves (Canis lupus), can be symbolic of broader social conflicts. We conducted an online survey (N = 420) to determine factors shaping public attitudes toward wolf management among residents of Washington state, United States. We used 12 Likert‐type statements to form a single latent construct that represented attitudes toward wolf management in a multi‐use landscape and fit a simple structural equation model to identify demographic predictor variables. The strongest predictors were that voters self‐identifying as Democrats were more likely to hold positive attitudes toward wolves and management to conserve them than those identifying with other political parties (standardized latent variable coefficient = 0.585) and women were more likely than men to hold negative attitudes (−0.459). Older respondents were also more likely to hold negative attitudes (−0.015) and respondents who tried to stay informed about wolf issues were more likely to hold positive attitudes (0.172). Perceived links between wildlife management issues and political ideology may exacerbate community disagreements, hindering coexistence between rural livelihoods and wolves. We recommend appropriate framing and messengers to account for this linkage and improve communication of policy and promote science‐based decision‐making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of a rent strike against a real estate investment trust in a working‐class neighbourhood in Hamilton, Ontario, this article asks how we might understand class and class struggle against financialized gentrification in a post‐industrial context. While class has been central to gentrification literature, working‐class experience and struggle have often been ignored or conceptualized in a way that precludes agency. New research on financialization of housing often focuses on struggles but has so far paid limited attention to class. In this article I draw on Italian operaismo (workerism) and its concept of class composition to contribute to the current debate by suggesting that financialized gentrification and struggles against it might contribute to a recomposition of the urban working class. Through a qualitative account of the 2018 East Hamilton rent strike, I analyse this struggle as two moments of class composition in the sphere of social reproduction. First, the extraction, exploitation and displacement pressure tenants experienced is analysed through the lens of technical class composition. Second, the rent strike itself is analysed as an expression of political class composition involving a confrontation of urban capital, a politicization of housing precarity, and the building of collective, autonomous power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]