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The "escalator region" concept became a key element of migration literature after Fielding's work on South East England and fuelled a welcome growth of interest in the links between spatial and social mobility. More recent research has shown that London has continued to perform an escalator function since the 1970s, but little attention has been given to how its strength has altered both over time and compared with other parts of the UK. Against the background of the declining rates of internal migration observed in the United States and several other countries, this paper seeks to identify whether London's escalator role was waxing or waning over the four intercensal decades between 1971 and 2011. The primary emphasis is on the chances of people shifting up from noncore to core white‐collar work during each decade for London's nonmigrant and in‐migrant populations, in both absolute terms and relative to England's second‐order cities. It is found that over the three decades since the 1970s London's escalator was still performing in the way originally conceived, but although its net gain of young adults from the rest of England and Wales steadily increased over this period, it was not operating as strongly in 2001–2011 as during the 1990s in terms of both the career‐progression premium gained by its in‐migrants and the extent of its advantage over England's second‐order cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a new analysis of intergenerational mobility across three cohorts in England and Wales using linked decennial census microdata, focusing on occupation, homeownership, and education. Four main results emerge. First, area‐level differences in upward occupational mobility are highly persistent over time. Second, measures of absolute and relative mobility tend to be spatially positively correlated. Third, there is a robust relationship between upward educational and upward occupational mobility. Last, there is a small negative relationship between upward homeownership mobility and upward occupational mobility, revealing that social mobility comparisons based on different outcomes can have different trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Smoking in high‐income countries is now concentrated in poor communities whose relatively high smoking prevalence is explained by greater uptake but above all by lower quit rates. Whilst a number of barriers to smoking cessation have been identified, this is the first paper to situate cessation itself as a classed and cultural practice. Drawing on ethnographic research carried out in a working‐class community in the North of England between 2012 and 2015, I theorise smoking cessation as a symbolic practice in relation to the affective experience of class and social mobility. I show that ambivalence about upward mobility as separation and loss translated into ambivalence about smoking cessation. The reason for this was that the social gradient in smoking operated dynamically at the level of the individual life course, i.e. smoking cessation followed upward mobility. A serious health problem was an appropriate reason to quit but older women continued to smoke despite serious health problems. This was linked to historical gender roles leading to women placing a low priority on their own health as well as the intergenerational reproduction of smoking through close affective links with smoking parents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the roles of migration and group-specific ethnic penalties in minority groups’ life chances. In relation to existing knowledge of extensive diversity between ethnic groups, and outlining a range of frameworks within which to understand that diversity, the paper first explores the relationship of class origins to parental educational and economic assets for three groups of migrant parentage and a comparison white non-migrant group. Second, the paper investigates for the different ethnic groups how the probability of having a professional or managerial class outcome is influenced by class origins and by the educational achievements of the “second generation”. Analysis is based on the ONS Longitudinal Study, which enables the study members to be tracked from 1971, when they were children living with their parents, to their own social class outcomes in 1991 and 2001. Because processes of occupational achievement may take different lengths of time for different groups, occupational outcomes are modelled in both 1991 and 2001, and also outcomes in 2001 conditional on position in 1991. The paper shows that there is evidence of differential processes operating for different ethnic groups that go beyond their class background, but which cannot be attributed to discrimination operating equally against all minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

School science courses have widely varying participation rates across a range of student characteristics. One of the stated aims of the 2006 Key Stage 4 science curriculum reforms in England was to improve social mobility and inclusion. To encourage students to study more science, this reform was followed by the introduction in 2008 of an entitlement to study the three separate sciences at Key Stage 4 for the more highly attaining students. This paper uses longitudinal national data over a five-year period to investigate the extent and change of participation across science courses at KS4, focusing on student gender and socio-economic status. It finds that whilst there is some evidence of a move towards a more equitable gender balance for some courses, there is as yet little evidence of substantial change in differential participation rates by socio-economic status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines upward social mobility in England in the eighteenth century with reference to the Whitbread family of Bedfordshire, England. Among those families often cited as notably successful in using wealth from trade to found a landed family are the Whitbreads of Bedfordshire, who in the eighteenth century took the circuitous route from Bedfordshire lesser gentry, to London brewers, and finally back to Bedfordshire as great landowners. The Whitbreads provide a good opportunity for studying upward social mobility in the eighteenth century from the viewpoint of one family's experience over several generations. Their rise is analyzed by applying to eighteenth-century England the five scales of the social hierarchy: the ideological, economic, social status, legal, and political. The article examines both the particular combination of these scales that was important to the rise of the Whitbreads and the height to which they climbed each of them. By the seventeenth century the social status of the Whitbreads was already well advanced.

ABSTRACT This paper considers the importance of the notion of turbulence for the theorisation of mobility. Turbulence, as disordered and unpredictable mobilities, can be contrasted with smooth 'laminar' flow - where everything is moving 'correctly'. This paper borrows from the philosophies of Michel Serres and Manuel DeLanda to think about turbulence as a process which makes visible the always-contingent orderings of infrastructural mobilities. The paper is illustrated with examples from container shipping and, particularly, the grounding of the MSC Napoli container ship off the coast of Southern England. Turbulent mobilities are contrasted with the smooth operation of infrastructural mobilities that are supposed to remain silent and invisible. The dramatic and very visible instances of turbulence, that no system can ever predict or make disappear, provide an entry point into the ordering of a mobile world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the financial implications of the higher education funding regime to be introduced in English universities in September 2012. The analysis is based on simulated lifetime earnings profiles among graduates, linked to imputed information on parental incomes and institution and course choices. We find that, on average, total gross tuition fees will increase by over £15,000 as a result of the reforms; nevertheless, students will be significantly better off while they study due to the increased generosity of student support. The average graduate will be roughly £8,600 worse off over their lifetime, while universities will, on average, be better off as they are more than able to make up for the loss of substantial amounts of direct public funding through higher fees. The taxpayer is set to lose 33p of every £1 loaned to students (up from 25p under the current system) because of the generosity of the loan repayment terms, although the new regime is still expected to save the taxpayer around £3,000 per graduate overall. The reforms involve a substantial shift in the incidence of the cost of higher education away from the public sector and towards the private sector. In terms of the likely implications for social mobility, our work confirms that the new funding regime is actually more progressive than its predecessor: the poorest 29 per cent of graduates will be better off under the new system, while other graduates will be worse off. Moreover, the richest 16 per cent of graduates will pay back more than they borrow, while others will be subsidised. If prospective students from poorer backgrounds are aware of these facts, then, in theory, the new funding system should not dissuade them from applying to university - and thus it would increase, rather than reduce, social mobility in the long run. However, this will require a lack of debt aversion amongst students from the poorest backgrounds, and the ability for the government and universities to provide students with clear information about the likely costs of going to university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on social capital has explored trends in membership in voluntary organizations. However, there is currently little robust evidence on such trends in the UK since the 1970s, nor is there any analysis of whether participation bridges social divisions or accentuates them. This paper explores trends in participation in England and Wales since 1972 using data from the Social Mobility Inquiry of 1972 and the British Household Panel Survey of 1992 and 1999. We are concerned with social exclusion mechanisms in social capital generation in Britain over the three decades. Using binomial and multinomial models to 'unpack' the effects of socio-cultural factors on civic participation and on different types of associational membership, we test the thesis of across-the-board decline in social capital by Putnam (2000) and that of rising levels of middle-class social capital versus consistent low levels of working-class social capital by Hall (1999). The results show significant socio-cultural-gender differences, a relative stability of middle-class participation, and a rapid decline in the working-class access to social capital. We challenge the established accounts of both theses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the question: can the variation that have been observed in class mobility rates in England, France and Sweden be in fact attributed entirely to differences in the evolution of the class structures of these societies - or in other factors affecting the demand and supply conditions attending mobility; or is it rather the case that there are, in addition to such structural sources of variation, differences also among the three societies in the pattern of what we would term their social fluidity or, in other words, in mobility considered independently of structural influences? To use the conceptual language that has been conventional in mobility research- but from which we would wish to depart -- the issue could then be alternatively posed as that of whether the cross-national variation that we have demonstrated is confined simply to structural mobility, or whether it extends to exchange mobility as well. The source of mobility data in England, France and Sweden have been fully described in previous paper of these authors. Here it will be sufficient to say that the data derive from nationally-based sample survey inquiries undertaken in the three countries during the early 1970s.

This paper analyzes trends of social mobility in England and Wales. Speculations about trends of social mobility have been prominent in contemporary commentaries on the condition of England, and on the changing structures of highly industrialized societies. Empirical research has given little support to expectations that definite changes would be observable when rates of social mobility were compared over time. The theory that in the U.S. the closing of the frontier and the consolidation of corporate capitalism must have reduced movement up and down the social scale has been questioned by recent research. And the contrasting notion, common in Western Europe, that economic, political and educational changes must have increased chances of social ascent and descent has also been empirically challenged. These studies have made little impact on the general debate about contemporary social stratification. But such evidence has also been only partly relevant to some major issues of the debate. For while the data relate to patterns of social mobility prevailing yesterday, the debate has often in effect centered on those patterns which may prevail tomorrow. It is possible that the occupational experience of those who are still only children or adolescents today will follow new lines–in consequence particularly, it has been suggested, of recent changes in educational policy.

Regional disparities in social mobility have long been apparent in Britain. Recent decades have seen a growing level of spatial inequalities in terms of social, economic and employment opportunities. Empirical studies suggest not only what do your parents do, but also where do you come from, profoundly influences one's life opportunities, London and the Southeast are consistently shown to be areas with more social mobility than the rest of country. This study presents an updated estimate of the extent of social mobility across regions in England, and more importantly, how this has been conditional on cross‐region migration. By using national representative survey data covering a decade (2005–2015), the results show considerable variations in the regional estimates of both absolute and relative mobility. In particular, London was found to be leading on social mobility measures in nationwide comparisons, supporting previous findings that London plays an important national role in Britain's social mobility. In addition, separate analysis for samples of cross‐region 'movers' and 'stayers' suggests that migration is associated with social upward mobility, with London still functioning as an 'escalator' region providing better opportunities for those who move there from elsewhere the country. This persistence of the 'escalator region' effect for the millennial generation in England underlines how unequal economic geography continues to shape opportunity and trajectories of mobility for individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies of social mobility have documented that not only who your parents are, but also where you grow up, substantially influences subsequent life chances. We bring these two concepts together to study social mobility in England and Wales, in three post‐war generations, using linked Decennial Census data. Our findings show considerable spatial variation in rates of absolute and relative mobility, as well as how these have changed over time. While upward mobility increased in every region between the mid‐1950s and the early 1980s, this shift varied across different regions and tailed off for more recent cohorts. We also explore how domestic migration is related to social mobility, finding that those who moved out of their region of origin had higher rates of upward mobility compared to those who stayed, although this difference narrowed over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of studies have explored the link between family background and children's achievement in a cross-national context. A common finding is that there is a stronger association in England than in other parts of the developed world. Rather less attention has been paid, however, to England's comparative position at different points of the achievement distribution. Is the test score gap particularly big between the most able children from advantaged and disadvantaged homes, or are differences particularly pronounced between low achievers? This issue is investigated using the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2009 data set. The association between family background and high achievement is found to be stronger in England than in most other developed countries, and there is little evidence that this has changed over time. However, socio-economic differences at the bottom of the achievement distribution are no more pronounced in England than elsewhere. I discuss the implications of these findings for social mobility and educational policy in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the influence of between‐school ability placement at lower secondary education on earnings across the life course in England and Denmark. We go beyond the mid‐career snapshot provided by previous studies by exploiting the availability of four decades worth of earnings data for individuals born in the mid‐1950s. Members of this cohort who were judged to be among the most academically able attended grammar schools in England (19%) and advanced secondary schools (Realskole) in Denmark (51%) prior to the start of comprehensivization. This key difference makes England and Denmark interesting cases for comparison, not least since pro‐selection policies have re‐emerged in England based on the claim that grammar schools lead to better educational and labor market outcomes. Our analysis of the influence of selective school placement on earnings finds little support for this contention. We find that those from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds were strikingly under‐represented in schools ear‐marked for higher ability pupils in both countries, even after taking into account social class differences in measured ability. Our analysis for England finds only modest earnings returns to attending a grammar school, totalling just £39,000 across the life course, while in Denmark the lifetime earnings returns to attending Realskole are somewhat larger (£194,000). Because those from advantaged backgrounds were substantially over‐represented at grammar schools and Realskoles, these returns accrue disproportionately to pupils from more advantaged backgrounds. Lower secondary school placement in Denmark accounts for 40% of the intergenerational reproduction of socioeconomic advantage and disadvantage, more than half of which is due to selection into school types based on socioeconomic background rather than measured ability. Our findings question the wisdom of expanding grammar schools when they appear to do little to improve individuals' earnings or increase social mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We aim to bring together two current strands of research into inequalities in individuals' educational attainment that are associated with their social origins: that concerned with the "primary" and "secondary" effects of social origins in creating inequalities, and that concerned with the relation between these inequalities and different components of social origins, taken to represent different forms of parental resources. Our main findings are the following. The secondary effects of social origins—their effects via the educational choices that young people make given their prior academic performance—are clearly operative across five key educational transitions within the English educational system. More specifically, we estimate that 35% of the total effect of social origins is secondary in the earliest transition that we consider, and from 15% to 20% in the subsequent four. Furthermore, mediation analyses reveal that secondary effects are most strongly associated with parental education and then, to a lesser degree with parental status, while little association exists with parental class and none at all with parental income. Primary effects are also at all transitions most strongly associated with parental education and status but in this case both parental class and parental income do retain some importance. We suggest an explanation for our empirical findings as resulting largely from the concern of highly educated, professional parents, and their children to avoid the occurrence of downward intergenerational mobility, especially in terms of education and status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a report of the main findings of a reliability study carried out in association with the 1972 Oxford Social Mobility inquiry. The original sample consisted of some 10,000 men interviewed in England and Wales. The reliability study involved re-interviewing a representative 10 per cent of the sample after a lapse of two years. After initially exploring the reliability of occupation (position on the Hope-Goldthorpe scale) and distinguishing this from its stability over a period of two years, the analysis proceeds to examine the basic set of stratification variables. The raw correlations tot the full 1972 sample are adjusted in the light of the reliability findings, and the adjusted values are employed in path analyses. The main substantive conclusion of the paper is that education is more a disrupter than a transmitter of the influence of paternal social standing on respondent's occupation. The main conclusion of the reliability analysis, apart from the estimates of the reliability coefficients, is that measurement errors are not entirely independent of one another. Finally, some comparisons with a comparable American inquiry are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper which aims to document the impact of the plague-induced demographic crisis of the second half of the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth centuries on the succession patterns of the English landed aristocracy. The figures suggest that there was a high rate of failure of families in the direct male line even in stable demographic conditions and thus, assuming common-law rules of inheritance, a significant degree of land transmission through heiresses. This expansion in the percentage of common-law heiresses must, however, be viewed against the background of the control that landowners could exert over the descent of their inheritances. In the use and the entail they had a potential solution to the problem of natural wastage of male lines. The later medieval period was one of developed and developing avenues of wealth acquisition outside land. The ready convertibility of new money into land was given added significance in the period of demographic crisis and beyond by the connection between the acquisition of land by purchase and its acquisition by marriage.

Proponents argue that grammar schools enhance social mobility by allowing high‐attaining pupils to attend elite schools, no matter what their social background. However, disadvantaged pupils cannot benefit from grammar schools unless they gain access to them. In this article, we use rich cohort data to investigate the strength of, and reasons for, the socio‐economic gradient in grammar school entrance rates. Presenting new evidence for England and Northern Ireland, we find stark differences in grammar school attendance by family income. Although differences in prior academic attainment can partly explain these gaps, parental school preferences and private tuition also play an important role. Entrance to grammar school therefore depends on birth and wealth, as well as academic attainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the potential of taking a genealogical approach to researching social mobility based on empirical insights generated from a qualitative case study in a secondary school located in the South East of England. The study involved interviews with 42 students and the data lead to a deeper understanding of the role of families in inter‐ and intra‐generational social movement. We begin by highlighting some limitations in existing research on social mobility. Next, the role of households and families in conditioning an individual's identity, dispositions, aspirations and choices is emphasised. We then present findings from the analysis of 42 genealogical work histories over three generations and explore the role of education and family background in shaping young people's employment aspirations. We argue that education has had little impact on overall mobility rates and suggest that whilst education has a significant role in mediating social mobility, the importance of family context should not be overlooked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because economic and social opportunities are unevenly distributed across England, the places in which children and young people are born and grow up can have significant influences on both their current well-being and their future life chances. Data now available confirms the expected finding that the level of child well-being found in an area tends to reflect its overall level of disadvantage. However, there are a number of exceptions to this general rule - local areas where child well-being is either significantly better or worse than would be expected given the levels of advantage which exist there. Some of the possible explanations for these exceptions are considered, using additional data available from the mapping of children's services, particularly in relation to the provision of child and adolescent mental health services. It is argued that continued analysis of these different streams of data as they develop and mature over the coming years had an important role to play in assisting policy-makers, service providers and local people, working collaboratively, to promote the well-being of disadvantaged children and young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]