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States across the Global South have witnessed historic privatization of their migration systems over the last few decades. This article explores the cultural and cognitive processes through which migrants make sense of and navigate a broker‐centric migration system. Based on 224 interviews and 15 months of fieldwork across Vietnam—a country whose migration system is reliant on migrant brokers—this article examines how migrants develop and deploy broker wisdom, a unique cultural schema, where migrants refashion migrant brokerage activity to be more legible and subsequently manipulable. I first show how migrants mobilize distinct forms of everyday resistance to make sense of and navigate migrant brokerage. I then explore how the development and deployment of broker wisdom have implications for migrant brokerage and Vietnam's broader migration project. This article contributes to international migration, economic sociology, social movements, cultural sociology, and labor scholarships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing recent research and monographs from participants and observers, this paper reports on the underanalyzed Vietnam antiwar movement. Key events are placed in a historical context that help to explain the origins of the movement. Particular attention is given to the various responses of the state to the challengers and the complex interrelationships with the media. As the antiwar movement grew and developed, there were multiple factors that contributed to solidarity and factionalism within the movement. Despite state repressive actions and internal factionalism, the movement was successful in helping to end the war. The effects on U.S. policies were more indirect than direct. The antiwar movement mobilized millions of citizens to public protest. The demonstrations helped to shift public opinion away from supporting the war and activated third parties to question and demand an end to war policies. The political system did respond to the antiwar movement’s demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little attention has been given by social scientists to the attempt by a minority of military personnel to create an antiwar, antimilitary protest movement in the Vietnam-era military. The purpose of this article is to briefly describe and analyze the GI movement. Particular attention is focused on: (a) some of the factors that were instrumental in the genesis and development of the GI movement, and (b) the military's response to internal resistance. The article concludes with an assessment of the movement and a discussion of some of the reasons why the GI movement was less than successful in mobilizing resistance on a large scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical activism in sociology can be explained as reaction against developments in American society, university structure, social theory and the American Sociology Association. Beginning in 1967 with a controversy over a Vietnam resolution, it has grown to include organized opposition through the Sociology Liberation Movement and the separation of the Black Sociologists Association. The assumptions behind sociology as an academic field and an occupation, have been and are being tested and found erroneous by an increasing number of sociologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protest movement against the war in Vietnam surfaced in the Spring of 1965 with teach-ins and with the march on Washington in April of that year. As American involvement in the war in Vietnam escalated, so too did the protests. The assumption that a new wave of student radicalism inundated much of the student population in opposition to the war in Vietnam may have been good for press copy and bad for relations with university old-grads and the public, but it was a poor reflection of how things really were on the campuses in the 1960s. Two manifestations of student anti-war feelings are considered here: first, protests, and second, opinions. At least three national institutional surveys of American student protests took place during the 1960s: one for 1964-5, one for 1967-8, and one for 1968-9. All three studies showed that Vietnam war protests on American campuses were a good deal less widespread during these academic years than the talk about college student radicalism might have led to believe. Researchers reported that among the accredited four-year colleges and Universities in the U.S. in the 1967-8 academic year, the war in Vietnam was the most popular protest issue. Organized student protests were reported at 38 per cent of such institutions in that year. By comparison, the second most popular issue was living group regulations which was an issue for protests at 34 per cent of colleges and universities in 1967-8.

This study began as a study of attitudes toward the war in Vietnam and self-reported plans for military service. The burgeoning literature on sociopolitical activism has produced a very consistent portrait of student activists concerned with such issues as peace, civil rights, the selective service system, and free speech. Activists are more often nonreligious, though a disproportionate number have Jewish parents. Academically, activists tend to be more intellectually oriented and better students than control populations. Other studies have suggested that distinctive levels of moral reasoning, socialization experiences, and perceptions of both parents and self characterize activists. The basic hypothesis underlying this study is that the relationship between private attitudes and public actions that in some sense express or implement these attitudes is far more complex than has been commonly recognized.