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In this paper I propose a novel treatment of generic sentences, which proceeds by means of different levels of analysis. According to this account, all generic sentences (I-generics and D-generics alike) are initially treated in a uniform manner, as involving higher-order predication (following the work of George Boolos, James Higginbotham and Barry Schein on plurals). Their non-uniform character, however, re-emerges at subsequent levels of analysis, when the higher-order predications of the first level are cashed out in terms of quantification over individuals: this last step, I suggest, involves knowledge concerning the lexical meaning of the predicates in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with asymmetric complex predicates (combining a main verb and a 'light' verb) in Odia, an Indo-Aryan language. The main focus is on the two most common light verbs - jaa 'go' and - de 'give'. We argue that these light verbs are constructions in their own right affecting the interpretation of the event in two ways: (i) they necessarily refer to the completion of the event (as opposed to the single verb construction) and (ii) they typically express unexpectedness or abruptness and can as such be considered a mirative construction as defined by Delancey (2012). Transitivity plays a major role not only in the distinction between - jaa 'go' and - de 'give' but also in differences of degree of completion and unexpectedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complementation pattern of certain question‐embedding predicates, such as know and agree, presents a puzzle for the compositional semantics of clausal complementation, as the predicates seem to be able to combine with two distinct types of semantic objects: propositions and questions. The traditional approach to the semantics of these predicates, where embedded questions are reduced to propositions, faces two problems. First, it cannot account for the observation that know‐wh sentences require the subject not to believe any false answer to the embedded question. Second, it makes a problematic prediction concerning the interpretation of Predicates of Relevance, such as care and matter. We review three alternative approaches to the semantics of question‐embedding predicates, i.e., the proposition‐to‐question reduction, the uniform approach and the ambiguity approach, and argue that only the Proposition‐to‐Question reduction and the uniform approach can deal with the interpretation of the Predicates of Relevance. The paper concludes with a remark on how lexical denotations of question‐embedding predicates are constrained in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the rise of a functional category Pred(ication) in the sense of in the history of English by investigating the distribution of as, floating quantifiers, expletive it, and inversion of subjects and predicates in small clauses. The results of this investigation reveal that evidence for the presence of Pred in small clauses began to be attested in the fourteenth century. This indicates that they have undergone a change from the structure headed by a lexical category to the structure headed by Pred, which is shown to have been completed during the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agreement is one of the main devices used by languages to signal grammatical relations. In this study, we investigated the neurophysiological processing correlates of subject-verb agreement in Spanish using Unagreement, a phenomenon characterized by a person mismatch between subject and verb that nonetheless produces a grammatical pattern. Unagreement was compared to well-formed sentences with full agreement, and ill-formed sentences with a person mismatch. Compared to control sentences, Unagreement produced a left posterior negativity followed by a more central negativity; no P600 effect was observed. In contrast, person violations generated a negativity that was widely distributed over the scalp, followed by a P600 effect. These data suggest that the comprehension of qualitatively different agreement patterns, which could reflect the performance of different processing routines, recruits different neural generators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frege analyzed the grammatical subject-term ‘ S’ in quantified subject-predicate sentences, ‘ q S are P’, as being logically predicative. This is in contrast to Aristotelian Logic, according to which it is a logical subject-term, like the proper name ‘ a’ in ‘ a is P’– albeit a plural one, designating many particulars. I show that Frege’s arguments for his analysis are unsound, and explain how he was misled to his position by the mathematical concept of function. If common nouns in this grammatical subject position are indeed logical subject-terms, this should require a thorough reevaluation of the adequacy of Frege’s predicate calculus as a tool for the analysis of the logic and semantics of natural language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report an experiment in which we test the relationship between gender and number in subject-predicate agreement. We also test the link between two different number-agreement relations—subject-verb and subject-predicative adjective. Participants saw first an unmarked adjective and then a sentence fragment consisting of a complex subject with a head noun and a modifier containing a second noun and were asked to make a whole sentence using the adjective with the proper gender and number markings. The gender of the subject head and the gender and number of the attractor noun were manipulated. Number errors in the verb and number and gender errors in the predicative adjective were measured. The results suggest gender agreement is computed independently of number agreement. In contrast, subject-verb number agreement and subject-predicative adjective number agreement are a unitary process. The implications for psycholinguistic and linguistic theories of gender and number are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The semantics of natural kind terms has recently been seen as a problem of reference. Kripke and Putnam have suggested that their meaning begins with rigid designation, with any further implications emerging after empirical study. I part ways with this approach and instead offer an account that focuses on the contribution that these terms make to the inferential roles of different sorts of sentences. I note that natural kind terms play an odd array of grammatical roles, both as subject and as parts of predicates, and explain why this dual role contributes something pragmatically significant to explanations of natural phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Develops the outlines of an alternative account in examining the semantic differences in mass-predicates. Explanation of strategies in distinguishing the mass-count dichotomy; Importance of classifying a given non-occurrence into mass or count.