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A longitudinal study involving 455 Black young adults living in Canada investigated whether gender and autonomous motivation influenced the relationship between perceived racism threat and Black Lives Matter (BLM) activism, and whether BLM activism influenced life satisfaction over time. A moderated mediation analysis using PROCESS Macro Model 58 tested the indirect effect of autonomous motivation on the relationship between perceived racism threat and BLM activism varying by gender. Multiple linear regression assessed how well BLM activism predicted life satisfaction. Black women perceived greater racism threat than Black men related to increases in BLM activism via the influence of autonomous motivation. BLM activism had a positive influence on life satisfaction over time, regardless of gender. This research suggests Black young women are playing pivotal roles in the BLM movement and helps us understand how motivation may be influencing involvement and well‐being in social justice issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper frames two generations of war resister migration from the United States to Canada and the social movements that supported them as contrapuntal histories, disparate yet woven together, and entangled across space and time. We argue that Canada has functioned at key historical moments as safe haven for war resisters from and others fleeing conflict led by the United States, but that this role was always provisional, historically contingent, and never guaranteed. It is therefore crucial to understand the social movements that arose to support the search for safe haven at different points in geopolitical relations and histories. We develop this argument with empirical research about people who migrated to Canada during wars led by the United States in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. In documenting both generations of resister migration, we move across scales to understand the highly embodied geopolitics of these journeys, which run parallel and diverge in key ways. Our analysis thus maps the shifting history of Canada as a safe haven for those seeking refuge from the violence of war and militarism in the United States. Key messages: Two generations of US war resister migrants faced disparate outcomes in their search for protection in Canada.We offer a contrapuntal history of their migrations to Canada, the enforced patriotism, masculinity, and militarism that fueled their flight, and the social movements that supported them.While Canada has functioned as a safe haven historically, this role is always in flux and influenced by shifts in geopolitical relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a mixed‐method research design involving interviews and a survey, we examined how union officials in Quebec perceive social movement unionism (SMU). We show that union officials view SMU as a multifaceted phenomenon with ideal and pragmatic dimensions. They are torn between strong support for the ideals of SMU and a practical reluctance to use members' dues to provide services to non‐members. Experience with civil society organisations mitigates this tension, encouraging union officials to defend the interests of everyone not only as an ideal, but also as a strategy that allows unions to protect members and unrepresented workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity is an important aspect of group politics in Canada. This article examines the impact of gun owner's social identity on the political participation of gun owners and, thus, the success of the Canadian gun rights movement. It investigates whether Canadian gun owners are politically active, and if so, why? The article is based on an online survey of 16,880 Canadian gun owners. Cross‐tabulation, probit regression, and negative binomial regression were used to assess the impact of gun owner's social identity on political participation. Results indicate that gun owners are avid political participants and that this can be explained by the existence of a strong gun owner's social identity within a subset of Canadians. This has implications for our understanding of how social identities tied to serious leisure communities can impact politics. Related Articles: Cagle, M. Christine, and J. Michael Martinez. 2004. "Have Gun, Will Travel: The Dispute between the CDC and the NRA on Firearm Violence as a Public Health Problem." Politics &Policy 32 (2): 278‐310. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2004.tb00185.x Joslyn, Mark R., and Donald P. Haider‐Markel. 2018. "Motivated Innumeracy: Estimating the Size of the Gun Owner Population and its Consequences for Opposition to Gun Restrictions." Politics & Policy 46 (6): 827‐850. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12276 Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. " Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States." Politics & Policy 44 (6): 1053‐1088. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12187 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian Refugees Welcome Movement (2015–2016) was one of the most sizeable, visible, and effective instances of collective action in recent Canadian history. It had a nationwide scope and grassroots initiation. It comprised a wide variety of participants and actively employed social media in its constitution. This article reports the results of a multimethod case study that seeks to explain how collective action frames emerged in the context of the Canadian Refugees Welcome Movement; which actors were involved in their articulation; and how they generated a following, collective action and humanitarian and political effect. The focus is on the discursive processes of construction of solidarity across difference as they unfolded in the social media environment. The Facebook event pages calling for rallies in support of Syrian refugees, it argues, served as a discursive space that helped transform the moral shock experienced by members of distinct moral communities into a process of concerting of voices and construction of solidarity and collective action frames across differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012, the province of Quebec witnessed the largest and longest student strike in North America of the last fifty years. The objective of this article is twofold: first, present an account of the events as they unraveled, by relying on both first and second-hand sources, in order to lay the ground for future comparative studies. Second, on a more theoretical level, to assess the class character of the 2012 movement, using the concepts of class relations and class recomposition. While the Printemps Érable might not be at first sight a "classed-based movement," a study of more recent mobilizations in Québec helps to shed light on its effect on class relations. By doing so, I hope to engage the conversation on the question of class in contemporary social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the field of political sociology in French-speaking province of Quebec, focusing on the social and political mobilization of its citizens beginning with the 1995 Quebec referendum, and including other events such as the feminist march of 2000, the pacifist rally of 2003, and the student strike of 2012.

In the spring of 2012, students in Quebec went on strike against a proposed 75% increase in university tuition and the further privatization of education that it signaled. The strike lasted 6 months and repeatedly mobilized hundreds of thousands of students and supporters in collective action. Emphasizing the 'broader dreams of a student movement now sparking the popular imagination', some activists began calling for a 'rêve général illimité' (unlimited general dream). This article brings together scholarship on creative tactics and the role of space in protest to analyze a range of imaginative and affective interventions as well as the debates that emerged concerning their role within the movement. I argue that creative tactics intervened in how space and time were constructed by altering the relationships amongst private and public space. As a result, responsibilities were redistributed and time typically consecrated to the pursuit of private ends was redeployed during the Quebec student strike, broadening participation and generating public spaces where care was collectivized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book Direct Action, Deliberation and Diffusion: Collective Action After the WTO Protests in Seattle argues that the process of diffusion is dependent on social processes in the receiving context. The most important in social movements is an egalitarian and reflexive deliberation among diverse actors. The book traces the direct action tactics associated with the Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization in 1999 and how these spread to activists in Toronto and New York City. It shows how the structure of the political field, racial and class inequalities, identity boundaries, and organizational and conversational dynamics limited deliberation among activists, and thus limited the diffusion of the Seattle tactics. By constraining the spread of the Seattle tactics, this slowed the global justice movement's wave of protest. In this paper, I explore the application of and implications of this model of protest tactic diffusion to the recent Idle No More mobilizations. Le livre Direct Action, Deliberation and Diffusion: Collective Action After the WTO Protests in Seattle fait valoir que le processus de diffusion dépend de processus sociaux dans le contexte de réception. Le plus important pour les movements sociaux est une délibération égalitaire et réflexive entre divers acteurs. Le livre retrace les tactiques d'action directe associés aux manifestations de Seattle contre l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce en 1999 et comment ils se propagent à des militants de Toronto et de New York. Il montre comment la délibération de la structure des inégalités le domaine politique, raciales et de classe, les limites de l'identité et de la dynamique de l'organisation et de la conversation limitée parmi les militants, et donc limiter la diffusion de la tactique de Seattle. En limitant la propagation de la tactique de Seattle, ce ralentissement de la vague de protestation du mouvement altermondialiste. Dans cet article, j'explore l'application et implications de ce modèle de diffusion protestation de tactique pour les dernières Idle No More mobilisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on flexible work practices has focused primarily on social relationships, individual identity, work/work-life balance experience and performance. This paper aims to add another dimension by focusing on space and, specifically, the performance of space by professional flexworkers as they reorder their home and work lives through the process of becoming flexworkers. Drawing on Law's 'modes of ordering' and Latourian actor network theory, as well as on Beyes and Steyaert's recent contribution on 'performing space', the paper considers how flexworkers themselves reorganize space(s) as an ongoing accomplishment. The purpose and contribution is to offer an alternative to the view that the home and work are rigid containers fixed in social structure, to one that views them as self-referential space(s), reordered by flexworkers as they seek to 'keep the social moving'. The paper is based on an empirical study of employees in a Canadian subsidiary of a large hi-tech multinational corporation. It examines organizational policy documents and interviews with managerial and non-managerial flexworkers to identify how social and spatial relations are reordered and performed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a framework for developing a sociology of human rights using social movements to understand local rights cultures. The idea of human rights has historically been highly statist, but grass-roots activism has been at the heart of the most profound human rights advances in Canada. The article also raises questions about the current state of sociological writing about Canada. The author contends that there is a serious lack of engagement among English and French sociologists, and too few scholars provide genuine 'national' studies. Moreover, restrictive access to information legislation represents a serious obstacle to academic research in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2001, the province of British Columbia (BC) became the first Canadian jurisdiction to enact anti-SLAPP legislation. While this legislation proved to be short lived, the BC experience around the issue of SLAPPs is instructive for law reformers both in Canada and beyond. In this article, the authors describe the legal and political processes that set the stage for the passage of the 2001 law, and its subsequent repeal. They also provide a detailed analysis and critique of key aspects of the debate surrounding the design of the law, and consider its efficacy in identifying, dismissing and deterring SLAPP lawsuits. They conclude with some observations with respect to the current status of the SLAPP issue in BC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter describes four social movements that developed in the early twentieth century in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter summarizes the area of critically oriented environmental adult education, focusing on the relationship between historical contextual factors and Canada's current leadership in environmental adult education. A comparison of Canadian and American student environmental activism demonstrates how contextual factors shape nonformal learning and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for the study of the middle class in Canada, an overlooked dimension of the scholarly works and public debates on income polarisation. The article includes four sections: (i) original empirical research, sharing snapshots into the status of Canada's middle class emphasising its changing economic performance; (ii) an exploration of the sociological and political functions of the middle class; (iii) an articulation of the avenues through which the middle class can be operationalised for study; and (iv) the implications of a deteriorating middle class, which suggests both a deepening of destructive effects of neo-liberalism yet also highlights opportunities for resistance. Recommendations for social movements are highlighted. While the context of this article is the Canadian experience, the political consequences for this study spread beyond its borders, particularly in the north where the benefits of neo-liberalism are accruing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the invitation of the editor, this article offers an overview of my personal research trajectory in one thematic area—the study of urban form, structure and growth. The purpose of the article is not to assign prominence to any particular research style or approach but to illustrate how ideas and priorities in research evolve over a given time period and under specific conditions, as viewed through the lens of my own experience. The article traces the sequential evolution of my research activity and publications from an initial emphasis on understanding change in inner-city land use and built form, through studies of decision making and the behavioural bases of urban form, to analyses of social change, income inequalities and spatial polarization, and then to issues of planning, policy and governance in emerging city regions. The review highlights lessons learned and concludes with an argument for more inclusive and comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are levels of deprivation and resources associated with participation by First Nations in collective action? Although previous studies have focused on the relationship between deprivation, resources and thetimingof protest, surprisingly few have used these concepts to address the issue ofparticipationin protest. This paper presents the results of a study that compares the characteristics of First Nations with varying levels of mobilization (from participation in none to participation in several protests). Data on First Nation protest were obtained from newspapers and data on First Nation characteristics were obtained from several waves of the Canadian Census of Population. Multivariate analyses reveal that some forms of deprivation (unemployment) and resources (socioeconomic status) were related to First Nation mobilization. Explanations which synthesize theoretical concepts may, in future, provide a greater understanding of collective action than those explanations which are based on a single theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gardening metaphors with English middle-class overtones were widely used in the late nineteenth-century child saving writings in Toronto, Canada to explain and promote the ideal mode of parenting and the objective of child saving. An analysis of gardening metaphors contributes to understanding mechanisms of bio-power on the site of child saving. This paper argues that the child saving movement attempted to install a mode of proper parental control that can be described as “the gardening governmentality”– it was primarily positive/productive (yet without excluding repressive elements), individualized, intelligent, and localized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of religion to civic engagement in Canada and the U.S. Religion is the source of much civic engagement. The great theorist of American civic engagement, Alexis de Tocqueville, saw religious values as the reason people could put self-interest aside in favor of communitarian sentiments that lead people to get involved in their communities. Clergy mobilize people into political and social action. Active membership in a church or a synagogue lets people develop and practice skills that easily translate into civic engagement. Religion may mobilize people to take part in their communities, but perhaps only among their own kind.

Along with the other sectors of the banking industry over the last two decades, the savings and credit cooperatives have been affected by deep currents which are radically changing their form and structure. In Quebec, the Desjardins movement is at present involved in a fundamental reform of the organizational structures which have characterized its growth since the period between the two world wars. This article deals with the major transformations which the Desjardins movement experienced, from the creation of the first caisse populaire in 1900 to the situation existing at the end of the twentieth century. Using an approach at the junction of history and sociology, it considers the Desjardins movement as one of the components of what Alain Touraine calls a ‘social development movement’. We aim to show that the present changes affecting the savings and credit cooperation fall within the long-term historical trends, while at the same time reflecting new phenomena. We shall point out the most significant aspects of these new developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the role of the Negro Urban League for African-American travelers in the U.S. and Canada in the 1930s. Social concerns of the organization; Contributions of the organization to the improvement in the lives of African Americans; Functions of the Negro Urban League's Department of Research and Investigations.

This paper addresses the impact on midwifery of its recent integration into the provincial health care system in Ontario, Canada. Data are derived from participant-observation, primary and secondary source documents, and key informant interviews. Based on these data. I argue that midwifery has changed throughout the integration process but it has also successfully resisted change Specifically, the organisation of the midwifery community evolved from an amorphous social movement to a more bureaucratically organised professor The regulation of midwifery also shifted from direct-regulation by clients to professional self-regulation. The educational model of midwifery also changed from an eclectic apprentice-based approach to a more standardised baccalaureate degree programme. The midwifery model of practice, however, was sustained. Although these changes occurred at the hands of key members of the midwifery community, they were made in response to the structural context of the health care system into which they were attempting to become integrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The alternative agriculture paradigm has been a useful device to both define and direct a social movement toward a more sustainable agriculture. But because that paradigm was defined by male movement leaders, it reflects their gendered perspective and may he lacking elements that make it more useful for both women and men. In-depth inter- views of women involved in sustainable farming organizations and on family farms experimenting with new practices validated the elements of the Beus and Dunlap paradigm: independence, decentralization, community, harmony with nature, diversity, and restraint, but also suggested the addition of two other elements that the women identified as part of an alter- native agriculture vision: quality family life and spirituality. The highly gendered nature of agriculture in the U.S. and Canada, where male identity is highly conflated with the role of farmer in the conventional paradigm. may make it more difficult for men who have just joined the movement to articulate the aspects of quality family life and spirituality which the women saw as critical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policing of protest at international events conflicts with the political and policing culture of the host nation. Previous research shows a trend toward softer, more tolerant styles of policing protest within various Western democracies. We present a case study of an exception: the repression of protest at an international event in which one Western democracy hosted rulers of less democratic regimes in a ritual celebration of economic globalization. We explore reasons why, in the face of protests about undemocratic regimes elsewhere, the Canadian government and police were willing to use blatantly undemocratic tactics popularly believed to be more characteristic of those other regimes. Implications are discussed concerning protest policing, economic globalization, the nation-state and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines how community unionism in Canada may offer the labor movement significant opportunities for growth in the late 1990s. Brief overview of how researchers have theorized the effects of capital's reorganization of production on the geographies of trade unionism; Details on the emergence of community unionism; Discussion on the collective bargaining of the postal workers and the Canadian community.

The article presents the author's response to the criticism of his article related to Canadian urban reform movements in the 1960s written by Jon Caulfield. Caulfield states that the author goes wrong in confusing urban and local. According to the author, local refers to a specific place and, by implication, the people that live there. The character of any locality will be determined by many things like local topography, geographical situation, climate, history of the place, wider social forces etc. Conceptual issues aside, using Toronto as a case study, Caulfield disagrees with the author's substantive interpretation of events in Canada arguing that he overemphasizes the importance of general forces, as opposed to local circumstances, in determining the chronology of local reform. But, according to the author, to a considerable extent, the high-handed actions of developers and local government at that time became issues because a growing number of people were disposed to make them issues. And they did so because they were influenced by, and indeed very much part of, a much broader social movement for social change. The author feels that Caulfield is tired of theoretical and/or generalized discussions that ignore the historical record and agrees on that.

The article presents an alternative to researcher Richard Harris's interpretation of Canadian urban reform and local conditions. According to Harris, local circumstances did not play the decisive role in the timing and nature of Canadian municipal reform movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s. According to the author, particular instances of social movements do occur in wider social and cultural contexts, but these contexts may provide, at best, some of the necessary conditions for the emergence of conflict, sufficient conditions arise in the concrete dilemmas in which real people find themselves. The author feels Harris mainly goes wrong is in confusing two different issues, namely, urbanness and localness. By local conditions the author means consequences of broader structural conditions that take specific forms in local places, including cities, and that may or may not be amplified by size, density and heterogeneity. It is one thing to argue that Canadian municipal reform movements of the late 1960s and 1970s were not generically urban, but it is quite another to argue local conditions were not decisive in these movements emergence. Grasping the real nature of Canadian municipal reform, or grasping the real nature of any urban movement, requires careful case-by-case study of actual local struggles in which different groups of city-dwellers variously engage.

The purpose of this paper is to outline an alternative interpretation of reform in Canadian cities. This account emphasizes the extent to which local reform was part of a larger movement for social change. Of course it was affected by conditions in cities. In general these conditions heightened the pressure for reform, and in specific cities they influenced the timing and intensity of reform activity. But they did not create, nor define the nature of, reform. For that reason it makes more sense to talk of a social movement in urban politics, rather than an urban reform movement. Previous accounts of Canadian city politics in the 1960s have identified some important truths. Economic circumstances differed from place to place and such differences did find expression in local politics. Most cities were changing rapidly and hence became centers of political activity. But, paradoxical as it may seem, local circumstances did not play the decisive role in local politics. Municipal reform developed only with the emergence of a broader movement for social change. In some cities, local issues kept reform alive after the broader movement had gone into decline.

The article discusses the effects of the business cycle on organizational founding and failure rates of worker cooperatives in Maritime Canada from 1900 to 1987. Organization theorists and those familiar with the cooperative movement have tended to argue that the organizational form of worker cooperatives, based on value-rationality, equality, and workplace democracy, is particularly suitable to employment creation and maintenance. Indeed, the main objective of worker cooperatives, in contrast to that of other forms of cooperatives, is to create employment and retain control over labor power, for example, suggested that the organizational behavior of producer cooperatives tends to create more jobs per unit of output and to require less capital for the creation of each job than do the underlying dynamics of capitalist firms. It is thought that worker cooperatives can create jobs more cheaply than capitalist firms by mobilizing workers' effort, wage flexibility and perhaps even their savings. One of the features of worker cooperatives is to eliminate the conflict of interest between worker and capital owner, which is hypothesized to alleviate asymmetries of information, opportunistic behavior, and structural organizational inflexibilities. This is expected to confer advantages upon cooperatives relative to capitalist firms, especially under adverse economic conditions when employment opportunities are scarce and income levels are falling.

The article highlights the awards citation of Charles H. Levine memorial book prize, 2004. It is named in honor of Charles H. Levine, who was a distinguished member of the research committee and served on the editorial board of its official journal, "Governance." The 2004 Levine prize went to Jonathan Malloy for his book "Between Colliding Worlds: The Ambiguous Existence of Government Agencies for Aboriginal and Women's Policy," published by the University of Toronto. The book explores with great sensitivity a fascinating question in modern governance: how do people whose job it is to bridge the different worlds of public administration and social movements deal with conflicting expectations?