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Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the histories of Unemployed Workers' Centres to consider the politicisation of unemployment in the UK. Drawing upon archive material and over 50 oral histories, it considers the emergence of centres as a response to a crisis of increasing unemployment and retrenchment of the welfare state. The paper indicates how Asef Bayat's concept of "non‐movement" proves useful for capturing a wider sphere of labour organising, moving beyond more conventional spaces and actions. This approach critically revisits the role of centres in conversation with emerging work in labour geography and social movements studies around the fostering of solidarities. It reveals tensions around their making, whilst also stressing the potential of seemingly small acts when held alongside campaigns. Revisiting this repertoire of activity reveals the persistence of trade union engagements with communities beyond the workplace, as well as a critical insight into the politics of space in forging such alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thus, Occupy activists with a commons and anti-capitalist ethos were reluctant to employ proprietary social media platforms. In other words, the advent of social media enriched the communication ecology of social movements and refined the activists' understanding of how to use each medium in the ecology more effectively. Pre-social media phase: the Global Justice Movement, websites and email lists The pre-social media period began roughly in the mid-1990s and ended with the 2011 wave of mobilisations. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the grassroots anti-Brexit movement in the UK and its failure to prevent a hard Brexit. The lack of support from elites, internal divisions, and ineffective messaging are identified as key factors contributing to this failure. The article contributes to the literature on pro-EU movements and social movements more broadly. It analyzes the political context, mobilizing structures, and messaging of the anti-Brexit movement, highlighting its inability to present a positive vision of EU integration. The authors conclude that it is difficult to determine whether the movement's failure was due to its own deficiencies or the overwhelming obstacles it faced. [Extracted from the article]

This paper contributes to experimental geographies in the context of scientific, research‐based institutions. This focus is under‐explored but increasingly under siege in a "post‐truth", "alternative facts" and "fake news" era in the US and UK. I respond to the current cultural, political and social challenges presented to institutions against this backdrop, arguing for a solution to these challenges: experimenting with institutions. The paper first outlines how experiments have recently become used in experimental geographies. The paper then applies these understandings of experiments to the context of institutions, arguing for engaging with new, key situations rather than necessarily with key "experts". The paper lastly explores one example of such experiments, termed "artist‐led institutions", and their merits for addressing the challenges outlined. I argue these artist‐led institutions demonstrate potential solutions to current institutional difficulties through expanding engagements to include more practitioners and groups rather than just "experts", as part of a turn towards recognising more forms of expertise, and their value for wider conversations. By engaging with wider groups assembled around key situations rather than "experts", artist‐led institutions open up the value of conversations as part of the process of knowledge‐making, rather than solely focusing on the production of outputs in pursuit of certified expertise characteristic of scientific, research‐based institutions. In doing so, the paper contributes to a discussion involving experimental geographies and institutions which may yet become increasingly audible in an age of uncertainty, as 21st Century challenges unfold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces some of the rhetoric flowing from Jeremy Corbyn's leadership of the Labour Party to the New Left, a political and intellectual movement in the UK which rose up to challenge the Stalinisation of socialism. These New Left lineages appear most clearly in the value denoted by both movements toward extra‐parliamentary politics. Indeed, the work of the New Left intellectual Ralph Miliband considers this factor to be a criterion by which we can assess the extent to which Corbyn's party has surpassed the traditional 'Labourist' mould. By going beyond the movement's early rhetoric, I show that it hasn't. Instead, I present evidence that Corbyn's Labour is a deeply social democratic one. The article offers an explanation for this assessment based on comparison of the contexts from which both the New Left and Corbynism emerged, and outlines an analytical path for future scholarship that emphasises continuity as well as change, and wards against ideological bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and how do social movements form to mobilize action across national boundaries? In the context of the 2015 movement to support Syrian refugees, we develop an integrative model of transnational social movement formation shaped by pre‐existing world‐views (social dominance orientation and right‐wing authoritarianism) and social media exposure to iconic events, resulting in an emergent group consciousness ("we are", "we believe", "we feel"). Group consciousness is, in turn, the proximal predictor of solidarity with refugees. Participants were from six countries: Hungary (N = 267), Romania (N = 163), Germany (N = 190), the United Kingdom (N = 159), the United States (N = 244) and Australia (N = 344). Multi‐group structural equation models confirmed that group consciousness, shaped by individual differences and exposure to events through social media, was the proximal predictor of solidarity. The subjective meaning of group consciousness varied across samples, reflecting national differences. Results support the importance of considering individual and national differences, and group processes in understanding emergent social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing survey data from the largest (known) sample of Black, Asian, and minority ethnic staff in British higher and further education, I respond to King's call to examine minority leadership within trade unions. Drawing on theoretical insights from the psychology of social movements, I examine how perceptions/experiences of racism, exclusion, bullying, and barriers to promotion impact on minority union leadership through different types of union involvement (e.g., attending local meetings, seeking union help, etc.) The findings suggest that perceptions of racism and experiences of bullying have a positive indirect effect on minorities taking up union leadership through attending union meetings and raising issues of racism with the union, but not through other forms of union involvement. In line with theory, this pattern of results suggests that union efforts to increase attendance and positive contact at local group meetings, along with efforts to build trust in the union's position on racism, may be important for increasing the representativeness of union leadership. As an ancillary goal (not explicitly stated in King's call), I test various intersectional accounts of experiences of racism across ethnicity and gender and find commonality across difference. Employing appropriate (Bayesian) methods offers intersectional researchers with the opportunity to examine such similarities across social categories that may form the basis for action against common systems of oppression–echoing King's own practice of intersectional solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the least understood aspects of the world-wide 'greening of markets' is the emergence of local 'ethical marketplaces' and the subset of alternative business models described as 'ethical businesses.' But previous research has demonstrated the ability of local politicians to encourage their regions toward more ethical marketplaces. This paper explores the impact radical centrist third party representation has on the emergence of ethical businesses across Great Britain. To understand this relationship, we utilize a novel data set of organizations with membership in Ethical Junction, the United Kingdom's largest network for ethical businesses. We use a zero-inflated Poisson regression to model the connection, and find a meaningful relationship, between third-party political representation on British local councils and the presence of ethical businesses within local authorities. This presents an example of the way in which radical political change may be part of a wider social movement toward greening markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent development in addressing the longstanding problem of low pay in the United Kingdom has been the emergence of a social campaign for a 'living wage'. Using a case study approach this article explores an employer's decision to pay the living wage that, in turn, provided both challenges and opportunities for the unions in their dealings with contractors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British Labour party's recent adoption of a partially open primary for the selection of its leader conforms to a trend seen across many European political parties of increasing rights and privileges in internal party decision-making and expanding opportunities for more loosely affiliated supporters to participate in party activity. This dual trend can be seen as a response to changes in the membership environment, greater individualisation of political participation and growth in social movement politics and online activism. Yet as much as parties are responding to a changed membership environment, they are also driving that change, increasingly blurring the distinction between members and supporters. This article examines the recent impact of this change within the British Labour party and argues that, in line with Susan Scarrow's theory of 'multi-speed' membership, the Labour party's experiment in expanding affiliation options has led directly to a tension in locating the source of authority within the party, creating a challenge for its new leader in accommodating his new supporters within his party's representative traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on political participation asserts that protest has increased over the last four decades, all over the world. This trend is derived from surveys asking questions about participation in various forms of protest, including demonstrations, boycotts, and unofficial strikes. The latter question made sense in the context in which it was formulated, Britain in the early 1970s, and with regard to the original methodological aim, measuring 'protest potential'. The absence of a generic question on strikes, however, distorts our understanding of protest. Two sources of data on Britain in the 1980s and 1990s - a population survey and an event catalogue - comprehensively measure strikes. They show that strikes greatly outnumbered demonstrations and other forms of protest. Another claim in the literature, that protesters are highly educated, no longer holds once strikes are properly counted. Strikes in Britain, as in many countries, have dramatically declined since the 1980s. This decline more than offsets any increase in demonstrations and boycotts, meaning that the total volume of protest has decreased. The episode illustrates how survey questions, when replicated without scrutiny, can misconstrue social trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energised by highly visible, media-friendly issues of sexualisation and representation, new'fourth-wave'feminism must not dismiss concerns of structural inequality as relics of a previous age, argues Melissa Benn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we compare recent innovative union campaigns: the ' sans papiers' campaign in France and the 'Justice for Cleaners' campaign in the United Kingdom, both based on a sustained grass-roots mobilization of immigrant workers. Rather than focusing on the 'usual suspect' explanatory factors, such as contrasting national settings, union power structures or traditions, our cross-national comparison highlights important underlying similarities in unions' strategic responses to a growing precarious immigrant workforce. In the absence of established channels of representation, both unions decided to act like social movements fighting for social protection. Using Polanyi's framework, we view both case studies as examples of countermovements against heightened levels of global liberalization and precarious employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a fuller synthesis between two relatively disjointed literatures to create synergy. Union commitment research has a long tradition and a relatively rigorous orientation grounded in industrial psychology. Recently, it has been eclipsed by emerging research on union renewal, and specifically that on union organizing. Renewal research has largely ignored union commitment research even though union renewal literature stresses the importance of activism, and this concept is strongly linked to commitment. A critical synthesis of these literatures yields progress in terms of addressing key qualitative and quantitative aspects of the contemporary crisis of labour unionism. A tentative framework is constructed that stipulates the main components and variables, and offers guidance for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the complex inter-relationship between evangelicalism and the formation of an organised vegetarian movement in Britain in the period 1847-1860. As well as adding insight into existing historical research into the diet, I will comment on the potential of evangelicalism's influence to reach into various areas of society, a claim that has often been contested in the existing historiography. I will explore the manner by which religious belief interacted with medico-scientific views pertaining to diet; and how it penetrated views on the role of diet to family life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though China had never been part of Britain's formal empire, a century of trade and warfare had caused China to cede trading and territorial rights to Britain. But from 1925 to 1927 the rise of the Kuomintang and the anti-imperialistic movement began to threaten British interests in China, alarming policy makers in London. At the same time, the China issue also captured the attention of MPs, who spent long sessions debating British policy towards China. These debates reveal much about MPs' perceptions of China, and can be seen as a microcosm of the British public sphere, encapsulating the multivalent British opinions on the world around them. Discussions of the 'China Situation' became an opportunity to express opinions on most of the important topics of the day - the economy, the General Strike, the Red Scare, disarmament, and the future of empire. A close reading of these debates can tell us much, not only about assumptions MPs held about China and the Chinese people, but also about issues closer to home. Three major events in China grabbed the attention of parliament in the period 1925-7. They were: (1) the May 30th Movement and the subsequent anti-British boycott in 1925; (2) the decision to send troops to Shanghai in January 1927; and (3) the so-called Nanking outrages, when British subjects in China were killed by Nationalist Army troops. What follows is a description and analysis of the debates over these three episodes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of the material practices of photography and its archiving in interpretive approaches to the relationship between photographs and history. Drawing on work in material culture studies in anthropology and on the concept of “material hermeneutic,” it argues that photographs should not be understood only through forensic and semiotic analysis of content, but as objects that constitute material performances of a complex range of historiographical desires in the negotiation of the relations among past, present, and future. The analysis is grounded in an exploration of the material practices of the photographic survey movement in England between 1885 and 1918. This loosely cohered group of amateur photographers recorded a historical topography of ancient churches, cottages, passing events, and folk customs in order to create a photographic record for the benefit of future generations. As such it was a self-conscious statement of “popular historicism.” The members' concern for key values of permanence and accuracy, expressed through the detail of photographic and archival processes, reveals the ways in which cultural loss and photographic loss become mutually sustaining metaphors for each other, and in which the photographs themselves are material markers of both evidential value and of an affective historical imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I discuss different forms of working-class activism in two steel factories in Sheffield, England, where I conducted fieldwork between 1999 and 2000. Locating the ethnography in the broader context of the U.K.'s financial capitalism, I describe how the models of “community unionism” and “business unionism” were implemented on the two shop floors, affecting the work practices, political strategies, and forms of solidarities of workers. I show, first, how the current financialization of the economy challenges existing labor strategies, leading to new political solidarities and moralities of labor. Second, I use current debates on trade union activism to think anthropologically about class, labor, and the relations between society and the economy under capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the way in which the Labour Party moved from a position of outright opposition to gambling and gaming towards one of relative toleration and acceptance. This sea change began seriously in 1931 when many of the early Labour MPs, who were influenced by the anti-gambling sentiments of the Nonconformists and the Free Churches, lost their seats in the general election. The changing attitude to gambling was further fuelled by a sense of outrage at the evident bias of the existing gaming and gambling legislation against the working classes but also by the increasing dependence of the Constituency Labour Parties on lotteries and gaming as a vital source of income for paying for their full-time agents. In the end, the Labour Party had to accept that gambling was both a political expedient for the financial well-being of the Labour Party political machine and also an endemic feature of the life of its working-class supporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Younger generations of feminists have mistakenly focused on work-life balance and gender-related pay gaps rather than the hard issues of sexual violence and subjugation of women. We are now experiencing the consequences, argues Jean Edelstein [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the development of the antislavery movement in Great Britain after 1807. The achievements of the movement to abolish the transatlantic slave trade were unparalleled at the time and even today there are only a limited number of campaigns which could claim to have had the same impact. The dynamic relationship between the campaign was instrumental to its success.

This article considers change in academe in Sweden and England, focusing on gender equity and the new public management reforms. In drawing on social movement theory, it is argued that public sector agendas in these countries have been affected by the influences of their respective women’s movements as well as by the new public management. The article explores these developments through the experiences of a group of employees whose voices are heard infrequently in the literature, those in middle-level academic positions in universities who are responsible for delivering change. It is argued that the rational, hierarchical, masculine discourses of the new public management offer challenges to women’s movement supporters, whose influences and responses are examined. It is contended that the use of social movement theory, as a vehicle through which to conceptualize change, offers a number of insights. These are: the contribution made to gender equity by women who are not self-defined feminists or strongly committed to equal opportunities, known as femocrats; the contribution made by some supportive men to gender equity; and the potential for future collective opposition to the new public management from women’s movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This lecture on the character of British sociology provides a pretext for a more general inquiry into public intellectual life in postwar Britain. The argument put forward falls into several distinctive sections. First, British social science has depended heavily on the migration of intellectuals, especially Jewish intellectuals who were refugees from fascism. Second, intellectual innovation requires massive, disruptive, violent change. Third, British sociology did nevertheless give rise to a distinctive tradition of social criticism in which one can argue there were (typically home-grown) public intellectuals. The main theme of their social criticism was to consider the constraining and divisive impact of social class, race and gender on the enjoyment of expanding social citizenship. Fourth, postwar British sociology came to be dominated by the analysis of an affluent consumer society. Finally, the main failure of British sociology in this postwar period was the absence of any sustained, macro-sociological analysis of the historical decline of Britain as a world power in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the essay "British sociology and public intellectuals: consumer society and imperial decline," by Bryan Turner. David Frisby addresses Turner's thesis that the post World War Two decline of the British empire and the rise of British consumerism is responsible for the state of its public sociologist intellectuals. Public intellectuals such as Karl Mannheim, Walter Benjamin and Siegfried Kracauer are discussed in detail. Turner's observation that scholarship lacks a macro-sociological interpretation of Great Britain's 20th century decline as a super power is evaluated.

An historical and personal account of the 1970s-80s UK anti-sexist men's movement and the journal Achilles Heel, together with an analysis of the movement's eventual end, using the theoretical concept of the 'Patripsych'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that a health consumer movement has developed in the United Kingdom over the last decade. Drawing on two empirical studies of groups that promote and/or represent the interests of patients, users and carers, it argues that groups formed by people with personal experience of a condition are now more widespread. Feelings of pain and loss can lead to the identification of others in a similar position, and to the formation of groups and action in the political sphere. Research shows that groups share a common discourse and follow similar participative practices, and there is extensive networking. Informal and formal alliances have formed to pursue joint action and indicate a wider health consumer movement. As governments have also increased the opportunities for participation, this has the potential for patients and carers to shape services in ways more responsive to their needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the recent literature about local governance of Britain’s cities has examined the power of a newly evolving ‘business elite’. However, in trying to understand changing governance forms, these analyses have generally lacked sensitivity to the role of actors (businesspeople) and their representative organizations. Analytical categories drawn from social movement theory (SMT) are introduced to develop a more actor-centred approach to the role of business interests in urban management. While not attempting to claim that business represents a social movement within Britain’s cities, it does illuminate how effectively or otherwise businesspeople develop an identity based around their representative organizations and specific business agendas, define non-business actors as opponents, and deploy and implement the agendas they create. We then use these SMT categories to examine the creation of business agendas in three English towns – Barnsley, Mansfield and Accrington. Dernièrement, la plupart des textes parus sur la gouvernance locale des villes britanniques ont étudié le pouvoir d’une ‘élite économique’ qui s’est récemment dégagée. Cependant, dans leurs tentatives de comprendre les formes évolutives de gouvernance, ces analyses ont généralement ignoré le rôle des acteurs (dirigeants d’entreprise) et celui de leurs organismes représentatifs. Les catégories analytiques tirées de la théorie des mouvements sociaux sont appliquées ici afin d’aborder le rôle des intérêts économiques dans la gestion urbaine en s’attachant davantage aux acteurs. Sans conclure que les milieux d’affaires représentent un mouvement social au sein des villes de Grande-Bretagne, l’article explique à la fois comment les dirigeants d’entreprise mettent plus ou moins... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political events in Great Britain in 2000. It provides the details on the local government elections, the greater London authority elections and the parliamentary by-elections, as well as national politics issues. Among the highlighted national politics events are the government's continued program of institutional change, the re-establishment of strategic government for London, and the use of an alternative electoral system. Several charts are also presented depicting the changes in Cabinet composition, the changes in the composition of the House of Lords and the summary of the various elections.

Shows that the New Left, which emerged in the late 1960s, was in some ways the engine of both programmatic renewal in the Labour party and the revitalization of social democracy in Great Britain. Transition from materialist to post-materialist values in affluent societies; Labour's lack of interest in environmental issues during the 1970s and 1980s; Emergence Green electoral challenge to social democracy.

This paper traces and explains the emergence of the mental health users movement in Great Britain, focusing specifically upon the formation of the Mental Patients Union in the early 1970s. The analysis presented in the paper draws, to some extent, from conventional movement theory. In addition, however, it draws from the work of Pierre Bourdieu. This represents an innovation in movement analysis and the necessity of this innovation is argued for in an early section of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study of the British Mental Health Users' Movement (MHUM) is reported based upon interviews with some of its participants. These accounts are analysed in terms of three main themes: ideology and policy; relationships between users and non-patients: and relationships between the movement and statutory and voluntary agencies. The data are discussed in relation to international comparisons and with regard to preceding opposition to traditional psychiatric theory and practice in Britain. The emergence of the MHUM is accounted for within the context of existing theoretical analyses of new social movements. Strengths and weaknesses of the movement are highlighted and prospects for its future discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historic preservation has, to date, received relatively little attention from sociologists, usually meriting only brief mention under topics of urban gentrification or community organization. But within the context of its history and its significance in modern society, preservation emerges as a multilevel response to industrialization and related processes of social change: what gets preserved and how it is symbolically interpreted depends upon the class structure of society and the related social mapping of time and place. The folio wing comparative analysis of preservation in Great Britain and the United States demonstrates the importance of these factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article does not aim to be a systematic review of women's studies and its ramifications in British sociology; rather it aims to present some of the key themes and areas attended to, and in the process reach some assessment of the extent to which the exercise of doing sociology has been in any way transformed by the feminist impetus. Three prior remarks are called for: one is that, since, by its very nature, women's studies is an interdisciplinary activity, restriction of the field of vision of sociology per se is not always possible or desirable. In particular, work done in the fields of social policy, social psychology, and social anthropology has fed into the concern of women's studies in sociology over this period. A cross-cultural perspective was especially important in the early years, when concern with the origin and meaning of observable social differences between men and women was high on the agenda. A second preliminary qualification relates to the exercise of locating women's studies within the academic domain. There are those who argue that this is, itself, improper; that, insofar as feminism is concerned with political action, the introduction of women into the academic syllabus is inappropriate and may even lead to political stasis.

Focuses on the problems of feminism in Great Britain. Details on the binary opposition between male and female towards a theory of multiple differences; Link between conflict of interests and the organizational basis of political mobilization; Connection between philosophy and politics.

One of the most interesting political phenomena in Western Europe in the 1980s has been the emergence of new parties. Ireland appears to be no exception to these developments and the new party, the Progressive Democrats, with its aspiration to "break the mould", suggests parallels with the Liberal Alliance in Britain. The Alliance in Britain may be regarded as holding the middle ground, but it is doubtful whether the Progressive Democrats could substantiate a claim to hold a similar position between the principal parties in the Republic. The Progressive Democrats' appeal to the electors was limited in a geographical sense, since they did not offer candidates in each of the 41 constituencies.

The article focuses on women's movements in Great Britain. The women's movement has at least three branches. First, there are those mainly concerned with human rights in an unequal industrial society and therefore with the rights of those most likely to be exploited in that society--among them women, who are so often confined to the least skilled and lowest paid roles. In the social democratic center of this movement stand trade unionists and politicians who were winning important gains for women when the feminist movement was thought to be dead.

This is an investigation into the reasons for young people's union membership decisions in the UK. It is carried out by an examination of a survey of London sixteen-year-old school-leavers (1979-80). The data are used in two ways. First, there is a comparative examination of a similar study based on the Bain--Elsheikh propensity--opportunity model. Second, the data are re-examined to identify different and distinct strands of motivation or action, intrinsically and externally determined. These are related to formal theories from different disciplines which are linked together by the establishment ora definition of a trade union as a group, institution and social movement. The theory is extended to develop hypotheses about membership behaviour in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Central to the 'new politics' is the increased salience of non-material issues and a heightened concern with participation. 'New social movements' and 'new politics' parties are contingent manifestations of this new politics, which is also manifest in changed orientations toward established political parties. In most respects, the British appear no less well-disposed toward the 'new politics' than their European neighbours. Yet Britain is distinguished by the absence of either a radical ecology movement or a successful 'new politics' party. British exceptionalism is explained by institutional arrangements which constrain the environmental movement toward integration rather than opposition, and an electoral system which polarises political competition and inhibits the development of new parties. One consequence is the preservation of the Labour Party as a beneficiary of, and vehicle for, the expression of much political dissent. As a result, in Britain the 'new politics' is to an unusual degree combined with 'old politics'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contrasts the role and structure of youth work in modern and late modern societies. Modern societies linked citizenship to inclusion in production and youth work helped the transition of young people from childhood to inclusion into the labour market and citizenship. When postwar full employment eased these transition processes then youth work concentrated on leisure provision and dealing with the small numbers of excluded young people. Late modern societies redefine citizenship in terms of market choices but also create increasing risks, which a declining state can no longer manage, and a growing use of social exclusion as a form of social control. These changes demand a new role and structure for youth work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will also will argue that the NHS, despite its aspirations to provide a universal service of excellence, has not been historically very responsive to the consumers it serves. Under the present Government this attitude has ostensibly changed. "Patients First" has become a catch phrase both nationally and at the local level in Brighton Health District. A recent CHC survey of consumers' reactions to service revealed however that many elderly patients were not consulted in any meaningful way about their needs on discharge from hospital. Why does the reality of consumerism not match the rhetoric? A number of potentially explanatory factors are identified and their relevance evaluated in the context of Brighton CHC's research. It is suggested that the currently fashionable consumerism represents a different concept from active participation which would necessarily involve a fundamental realignment of the NHS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on strategic change is based mostly on research in the private sector. This paper suggests that change in public sector organizations is equally worthy of study and can offer novel insights. Findings from research into the development of services for HIV/AIDS in NHS health districts are used to illustrate six generic themes in strategic change processes. The first theme concerns the role of context in potentiating change, and in promoting a diverse response in different localities despite unifying government guidelines. A second theme introduces the initiators of change, the 'product champions', a less homogeneous group than is sometimes suggested. Although personal status, energy and pro-activity were shared characteristics, individuals differed in style and methods used to attain goals. Theme three highlights social movements as mediators of change. Consumerism has affected both private and public sector industry, but for HIV/AIDS the process has been particularly visible. The mobilising role of crisis comes next. A three phase model is suggested, linking 'crisis-as-threat' and 'crisis-as-opportunity' theories. A fifth theme concerns changes in organizational culture provoked by HIV/AIDS, and the role played by symbolism -- often unpredictable and not easily manipulated by management. The last theme is organizational learning; how learning about HIV/AIDS diffused through the districts, and how well learning generalizes to other issues. In conclusion, it is argued that the study of processes of change in a public sector organization can contribute to general models of strategic change and help to develop organizational theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a list of papers related to economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in different journals. Some of the papers are: "Sixteenth-Century Probate Documents From Manchester," by M.J. Alexander; "The Buckinghamshire Posse Comitatus," by I.F.W. Beckett; "The Governesses: Letters from the Colonies, 1862-82," by P. Clarke; "Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England," by K.D.M. Snell; "Systems of Land Holding Between Landowners and Farmers," by R. Stratton; "The Timing and Pattern of Technological Development in English Agriculture," by R.J. Sullivan; "Dearth and Marketing of Agricultural Produce," by W. Thwaites; "Rural Rebels in Southern England in the 1830s," by R. Wells; "The Union of 1707 and Scottish Development " by T.M. Devine and others. Some other papers are: "Studies in Late Anglo-Saxon Settlement," by M.L. Faull; "Comparative National Balance Sheets," by R.W. Goldsmiths; "The Cambridge Historical Encyclopedia of Great Britain and Ireland," by C. Haigh and the like.

The article focuses on the influence of pacifism and internationalism in the British peace movement within the League of Nations Union (LNU). It relates that the opposing views of the two component movement in British politics have brought confusion to supporters of peace movement because of a lack in precision in defining terms. Moreover, it adds that the effort of the LNU to impress the government further the problems and obscure the more important issues affecting the organization and the country which eventually led to its failure.

The author discusses the justification of the individual engaging in civil disobedience against government concerning the issue of unilateral nuclear disarmament as of October 1966. The article examines unilateralism, including the unilateralism expressed by Marxists and anarchists, the Catholic Church, and non-religious and non-pacifist unilateralists. The author also discusses the relationship between civil disobedience and British parliamentary democracy and examines the establishment of the organization known as the Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War. The author also examines the constitutionality of civil disobedience, the British Labour Party, and instances of civil disobedience in Great Britain in the early-to-mid 1960s.

Twenty-five years ago, the United States was the only country which could lay claim to a coherent consumer movement. Today, the majority of industrialized Western countries have one or more consumer organizations engaged in the work of consumer information or representation. Discovery of the consumer in its current form, the consumer movement, represents reinterpretation of an idea that is itself far from new. In 1928, Beatrice Webb was proclaiming that the fundamental distinction between the two types of organization represented by associations of producers on the one hand and associations of consumers on the other was perhaps the most pregnant and important piece of classification in the whole range of sociology. As the archetype of an association of consumers, Mrs Webb chose the Co-operative Movement of Great Britain, whose origins dated back to 1844 and which was the precursor of consumer co-operative movements throughout the world.

In this article the author takes a full view of the panorama of events that arose in Europe after the Boer War. The Entente Cordiale was regarded by many Europeans as a pitiful confession of Great Britain's weakness. However, it should not be considered an agreement shaped by the administrations. For, in France King Edward VII was acclaimed the author of it. This the author may assert without fear of contradiction, for much of his life at the beginning of the century was spent among men of great influence in the political parties of Great Britain and France. In 1900 the author became stage director of the Royal Opera, which position gave me many chances of hearing what was said in high social circles about the politics of the day. It is true many of these people knew the author was labeled a pro-Boer, but somehow, in my case, that did not seem to Concern them much, for they were chiefly interested in my work behind the curtain and the part the author played in the then promising movement for a national opera.