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Why develop leaders? What politics are implicit in our practice? This paper uses the history and practice of Popular Education as a comparative framework to survey the politics of intentional emergence leadership pedagogy, surfacing potential alliances for building social change movements. Using a case analysis, the article elucidates the ways the classroom embodies an opportunity to explore and enact a prefigurative politics of significant social change that upends traditional relationships to authority, hierarchy, and decision‐making. Exploring the opportunities and dangers of connecting the classroom to broader social movements, the article concludes by advocating that such connections could offer a firmer and more explicit stance to the question: why develop leaders? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of communalist self-government and its potential to redefine the roles of citizens and immigrants. It discusses how cities around the world are challenging the authority of the nation-state by organizing initiatives to welcome and integrate immigrants. The article argues that communalism, which focuses on self-governance at the municipal level, offers new possibilities for thinking about identity, belonging, and political participation. It also examines the relationships between municipalities and immigrants, and how communal self-government can secure cosmopolitan norms and redefine citizenship. The article draws on historical examples and political theory to support its arguments. [Extracted from the article]

Key Takeaways: Environmental justice is a significant community and social movement that continues to evolve. As "anchor infrastructure," water utilities are in a good position to meet this movement, using their relationships within their communities and experience with navigating complex issues. New funding sources and "environmental big data" are opportunities for water utilities to improve their infrastructure and better protect public health in underserved communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Global South, non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) face criticism; staff employ strategies to mitigate it. What happens when NGO staff express different levels of awareness about such criticism? How are these differences shaped by whether staff identify themselves as 'community' members the NGO serves or 'non‐community' members whose work serves the community? How do these identities impact NGOs? Through an 18‐month ethnographic study at a large NGO in Bangalore, India, I show that NGO staff members' identification as 'community' or 'non‐community' members shapes their perceptions of the NGO, their work and the NGO's work. I trace these differing perceptions to mission creep. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following bailouts by the Troika (EC, ECB and IMF) due to the 2008 global financial crisis, between 2010 and 2013, new anti‐austerity movements, left‐wing parties and trade unions led large mobilisations against austerity policies in Greece and Portugal, with a deep impact in the political landscape of both countries. Besides the relevance of transnational decisions, these mobilisations mostly addressed national political institutions, whereas the governments that emerged from the protest period showed a clear pro‐European stance. Against this background, using two case studies with primary data on anti‐austerity protests and interactions amongst contentious and institutional actors, this article aims to shed light on a relatively unexplored aspect of Europeanisation in the context of the crisis, focusing on the relation between social movements and institutional politics. Explaining the critical pro‐EU positions that have been adopted in Greece and Portugal, it thereby contributes to the related debates on anti‐austerity social movements and their impact in times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Social movement unionism' (SMU) has been suggested as a suitable strategy for union renewal in Spain, yet the literature on union renewal and SMU has two major shortcomings: (1) a lack of bottom‐up studies, and (2) a lack of dialogue between industrial relations and social movement research. To redress these shortcomings, we make three contributions in this article: first, we provide evidence on the current opportunities for SMU in Spain's feminized precarious service sector; second, we apply a bottom‐up intersectional approach to the study of SMU; and third, we bridge the research on industrial relations and on social movements by adopting a relational framework that looks at both union and non‐union actors as key actors for union renewal. Our results show a landscape of co‐existence, conflict, cooperation and competition between union and non‐union actors, including established unions, radical grassroots unions and emerging forms of collective representation; however, if we are to develop SMU as a strategy for union renewal in post‐Great Recession Spain, then there is still room for promoting deep coalition building between unions and novel forms of worker collectivism, as well as developing intersectional politics to reach non‐traditional membership groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Dialogues of Self and Identity: Foundations for Collective Action" by Francine Tremblay is a valuable work for scholars interested in social movements, activism, advocacy, and sociological theory. Tremblay examines the conceptual foundations of collective action practices, particularly those involving marginalized individuals, drawing from her research on organizing and advocating for sex workers in Montreal. The book explores the connection between the development of self, morality, and collective action, referencing theorists such as Emile Durkheim, Rene Descartes, George Herbert Mead, Michel Foucault, Charles Taylor, and Alain Touraine. Tremblay emphasizes the importance of dialogue in shaping the self and driving social change, and concludes with a dialogue between herself and a young academic, reflecting on her academic career and activism. The book could benefit from further analysis of the social thought of W.E.B. Du Bois and Georg Simmel, as well as more comprehensive interviews with affected groups and practitioners involved in collective action. Overall, the book offers valuable insights into the relationship between theory and practice in advocating for marginalized groups and promoting collective social action. [Extracted from the article]

The article is a book review of "Transnational Communism across the Americas" edited by Marc Becker, Margaret Power, Tony Wood, and Jacob A. Zumoff. The review highlights the importance of examining communism in the Americas in a transnational manner and discusses the Comintern's strategy in Latin America. It also explores the Comintern's struggle to understand race in the United States and its role in combating racism in the US South. The book covers various topics, including the interplay between the Comintern and local communist parties, migration and revolutionary politics, and transnational travel. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the Latin American Left, communism, transnationalism, race, and global radicalism. [Extracted from the article]

"The Black Antifascist Tradition: Fighting back from anti-lynching to abolition" is a book that reframes twentieth-century African American activism as part of a global struggle against fascism. The authors argue that racism underlies fascism and highlight the ongoing labor of resistance. The book explores the history of antifascist activism, from Ida B. Wells challenging lynching to the Black Panther Party's fight against state repression. It also examines the construction of autonomous zones and the prison abolition movement. The authors provide a broad overview of Black antifascism and its lessons for contemporary activists. [Extracted from the article]

"Peace Advocacy in the Shadow of War" by Francis Shor explores the antiwar campaigns of individuals and groups in the United States during the 20th and 21st centuries. The book is divided into two parts, with the first focusing on individual voices of peace advocacy, including Albert Einstein, Alice Herz, Martin Luther King Jr., and Cindy Sheehan. The second part examines different organizations and social movements that contributed to peace advocacy. While the book lacks original research and fails to tie its examples together with a significant argumentative exploration, it offers a readable exploration of peace advocacy through various examples. [Extracted from the article]

Around the world, we witness not only growing levels of economic inequality but also the rise of protests whereby people from different social classes are demanding a more equal society. Our research uses a person‐centered approach to examine subgroups of participants in a social movement against inequality on the basis of their social class, intention to participate in conventional and/or radical collective actions, and social identification with the movement. We used longitudinal data from the Chilean student movement (two time points; total N = 1226) to conduct latent profile and latent transition analysis. We identified four profiles of participants: (1) inactive supporters (mostly from the upper class), (2) low radicals (mostly from the middle class), (3) moderate radicals (mostly from the middle class), and (4) high radicals (mostly from the middle class). The four profiles were generally stable over the one‐year period. We further found that group efficacy and a "nothing to lose" mindset predicted the profile membership of participants. Group efficacy also predicted transitions of participants between different profiles. Our findings highlight the key role that the middle class plays in diverse forms of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the point that our current political‐economic‐climate conjuncture demands new engagements at the dynamic interface of climate capitalism. Using two cases of climate capitalist responses to climate challenges, I demonstrate the reparative potentials that emerge from the tensions and ambiguities that typify that conjuncture. In the first case, I examine financialised climate infrastructure in Jakarta, Indonesia, that promises to protect the city from flooding while enriching city elites, but against which diverse social movements and collectives have organised. The second case is about a cooperative energy provider in Australia, operating on the terrain of a neoliberalised electricity market and climate change, and working towards multifaceted repair by collectivising and redistributing surplus and modelling democratic engagement. Those involved in these vastly different cases both pursue repair and reparations through climate capitalist projects by reckoning with historical and present climate debts while constructing forward‐looking programs. As such, they chart the first steps towards reparative climate futures. This paper identifies the political and socioecological potentials from two key climate capitalist projects: flood protection infrastructures in Jakarta and cooperative energy in Australia. From this, it builds a framework of repair and reparations for engaging with climate capitalism and argues that the emerging tensions and ambiguities facilitate steps towards reparative climate futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of July 2022, all Fortune 100 companies have made public announcements about their commitments to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI). At the same time, more universities are offering DEI certificates or degree programs. Despite this recent social movement, DEI research in decision science remains nascent. DEI can be a politically sensitive topic, but its economic and social impact on organizations and employees deserves careful examination. This article intends to engender a discussion of various DEI research opportunities for decision science researchers to explore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific research on the mechanisms to address global warming and its consequences continues to proliferate in the context of an accelerating climate emergency. The concept of climate action includes multiple meanings, and several types of actors employ its use to manage the crisis. The term has evolved to incorporate many of the suggested strategies to combat global warming offered by international bodies, states, nongovernmental organizations, the private sector, and social movements. The present work offers a classification scheme to build a shared understanding of climate action through a lens of environmental justice and just transitions developed by sociologists and others. The classification system includes major institutional and noninstitutional forms of climate action. By identifying the primary forms of climate action, analysts, scholars, policymakers, and activists can better determine levels of success and how different forms of climate action may or may not complement one another in the search for equitable solutions in turning back the rapid heating of the planet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text discusses two books, "Neither Settler nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities" by Mahmood Mamdani and "Development, (Dual) Citizenship and its Discontents in Africa: The Political Economy of Belonging to Liberia" by Robtel Neajai Pailey. Mamdani's book explores citizenship and subjectivities in various contexts, while Pailey's book focuses on the political economy of belonging in Liberia. Mamdani examines settler colonialism and race, while Pailey emphasizes development and market forces. Both texts address the issue of citizenship from different perspectives, with Mamdani looking at settler colonialism globally and Pailey examining Liberia's exclusionary black immigrant settler paradigm. The texts highlight the complexities of citizenship and the need to address the legacies of colonialism. [Extracted from the article]

This article seeks to advance scholarship on conflict in feminist organizations. Using the theoretical framework on agonistic conflict of Chantal Mouffe, it analyzes a conflict about racism that arose in a feminist lesbian, bi and trans social movement organization, located in Paris (France). The main contribution lies in offering a framework to analyze the mechanisms that prevented this conflict from constructively fostering the intersectional politics of the feminist organization. The ethnographic findings show that the organization's inability to challenge its racism and whiteness is linked to its post‐political vision of feminism, which translates into attempts to suppress conflict related to multiple and competing identifications. Thus, this article contributes to existing research on conflict in feminist organizing by suggesting that the subduing of conflict associated with such a post‐political vision of feminism prevents feminist organizing from being "anti‐oppressive". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with a leading contemporary criticism of social and economic human rights, namely that because such rights are organised around sufficiency norms, they are ill‐equipped to challenge and overturn forms of material inequality. The sufficiency thesis raises issues around the nature of social rights and their capacity to deliver transformative change, and lays a direct challenge to social movements employing human rights talk and practices in campaigns for social justice. This article breaks new ground by taking the right to housing as a case study for assessing the sufficiency thesis. It is argued that while there is some support for the sufficiency thesis in dominant institutionalised legal forms of the right to housing, the wider claim of the thesis, that social rights are incapable of challenging forms of material inequality, does not hold water. This argument is supported by a broad approach to housing rights that engages with the work of the UN Special Rapporteurs on housing and which takes seriously the way in which contemporary social movements in Spain and Scotland employ housing rights in their struggles for housing justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

University students actively participated in the 2019 Hong Kong protests. In this context, the students expected that their universities would support their political stance. Drawing on data from interviews with student leaders, this article documents and examines students' expectations for their university heads, how they interacted and negotiated with university management and how university leaders variously responded to the students' expectations during the social movement. Noting the difficulties in reconciling conflicts over the positioning of the university amid strong political polarisation and social divisions in the society, this article argues that university leaders can only passively adapt to political unrest, and that such passive adaptation exemplifies university's vulnerability to political crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically employs the case of association football in England, from 1980 to 2023, as a social movement timescape, to examine the political consciousness and long‐term mobilisations of a generation of football supporter activists, and their capacity to influence politics, and respond to new, emerging, critical junctures, through networks of trust and shared memories of historical events. This is of crucial importance to sociology because it reveals the tensions between what are considered legitimate and illegitimate social practices which characterise contemporary society's moral economy. Focusing on temporal contestations over regulation, policing, governance and cultural rituals, the article deconstructs the role of generations in social movements, and critically synthesises relational‐temporal sociology and classic and contemporary work on the sociology of generations, to show how legacy operates as a multifaceted maturing concept of power and time. In English football's neoliberal timescape, the supporters' movement has reached a critical juncture; the future will require a new generation of activists, to negotiate, resist and contest the new hegemonic politics of social control and supporter engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our research develops a framework that explores how to fuel the climate movement by accelerating grassroots, community‐based climate action. Drawing on insights from consumer psychology, our framework identifies the psychological mechanisms that encourage and motivate people, both individually and collectively, to take climate action, thereby contributing to our understanding of how to advance social action and propel a social movement. Our climate action framework builds on: (1) individuals we describe as climate upstanders who rise up to take climate action with like‐minded others, and (2) communities of climate upstanders who engage in collective action aimed at addressing the climate crisis. Our framework expands the field of consumer psychology by redefining the role of consumers to include the practice of social action and broadening the study of consumers to include collective, community‐based action. We call on consumer psychologists to research individual and collective consumer practices related to social action and contribute to making social good central to the study of consumer psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political demands are a relevant factor in protest participation. However, most studies examined demands as a tactical tool, and it remains unclear how the endorsement of collective demands may contribute to creating the mobilization potential. This analysis examines how collective demands facilitate links of collective identity, efficacy, and grievances with sympathy for normative and non‐normative protest actions in the context of Hong Kong's anti‐extradition law amendment bill social movement. The results show that collective demands are directly and indirectly related to sympathy for protest action and moderate the role of political dissatisfaction in forming the mobilization potential. The analysis also reveals distinct associations of sympathy for normative versus non‐normative protest action with facilitating factors. These results are discussed with respect to their theoretical and practical relevance in forming the mobilization potential and how they may contribute to understanding social movements more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 25 January 2017 then‐President Trump issued Executive Order 13,767 "Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvement" which designated dozens of new miles of barrier construction in Hidalgo County and surrounding municipalities in the Texas Rio Grande Valley (RGV). In response, a multitude of political organizations known as the No Border Wall Coalition (NBWC) mobilized in an effort to demilitarize their communities. Our analysis focuses on three organizations within the NBWC—the RGV Sierra Club, Texas Civil Rights Project, and the South Texas Human Rights Center. These organizations, and others, are calling for an end to encroaching physical walls, a proliferation of surveillance technologies, and an expansion of military‐police enforcement personnel. Using a triangulation of qualitative methods, we identify three campaigns of resistance used by the NBWC: protecting the environment, defending landowner rights, and preventing migrant deaths. Our analysis reveals how each of these campaigns helps bring together a diverse set of political organizations and interests into a collective web and narrative structure, and underscores the common formation of what we designate as a multitude. We show how this multitude transforms RGV communities "from below," as the NBWC reckons with environmental degradation, the suspension of civil and political rights, and humanitarian harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the gendered politics of care in global environmental activism. Drawing on interviews with 96 Extinction Rebellion activists worldwide and a close analysis of 10 older women within this dataset, we contend that 'care' both replicated and contradicted the patriarchal order. Older women in Extinction Rebellion have often been relied upon to take on much of the caring labour involved in the maintenance of the movement at local and national levels. However, care also involved these women undertaking powerful—and empowering—forms of political action, often grounded in their knowledge and experience of organising social justice movements over decades. In contrast to prior research in the area, we found that women's participation in leadership roles within the movement against climate change appears to have increased over time. Using Sara Ahmed's (2004) concept of affective economies, we argue that the emotion of care came to be accumulated and attached to older women within Extinction Rebellion, producing inequalities in expectations for who would 'care for the movement' while also opening up opportunities for empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements possess transformative and progressive power. In this paper, I argue that how this is so, or even if this is so, depends on one's explanatory framework. I consider three such explanatory frameworks for social movements: methodological individualism, collectivism, and complexity theory. In evaluating the various appeals and weaknesses of these frameworks, I show that complexity theory is uniquely poised to capture the complex and dynamic reality of the social world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural wine is produced with organic grapes without the use of additives. As a social phenomenon, it comprises rural winemakers and urban consumers interconnected by a vibrant global community of distributors, bloggers, experts, and associations. Despite its continuous growth since the early 2000s, the movement has sparked global public interest since the French recognition of the vin méthode nature certification in 2020. Here we delineate the evolution of the natural wine phenomenon from its origins to its current situation. It will be argued that rather than a social movement or an alternative food network, natural wine can be better understood as a food phenomenon exhibiting a sustainable alternative mode of production and consumption that unites a loose coalition of diverse actors. In exploring the constant tensions involved in the ongoing redefinition of natural wine by social actors, we will analyze their different understandings of locality, naturalness, and ethical food production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay responds to and reflects on the arguments made by Charles Bosk in the introduction to The Price of Perfection: The Cost of Error, written from the perspective of a former sociology doctoral student of his who now works in academic medicine. The author highlights two innovative and persuasive threads running through Bosk's work critiquing the patient safety social movement: (1) the consequence of the social constructedness of medical error and safety solutions, and (2) the importance of the personal, relational, and social dimensions of occupational rituals in clinical practice. The legacy of Bosk's work and impact beyond sociology is considered. The author demonstrates the enduring value of his insights and the impact they can have on current debates about how to transform clinical practice to reduce patient harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines my environmental health work for nearly four decades with many environmental activists and organizations, as well as scientists and government officials. I discuss how I have merged research and advocacy, while mentoring many students and colleagues on how to do that. I discuss my efforts to conduct transdisciplinary work that crosses social sciences, environmental health science, environmental justice, social movement studies, and science and technology studies, while centering that work on community‐based participatory research. I examine my ability to do the practical work of serving public health and the broader social good, while also developing theoretical and analytical concepts along the way. I discuss the importance of continually being reflective about these many areas of work, both personal reflexivity and reflexive, evaluative discussions with collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements must find ways to intensify their efforts to maintain political relevance—and potential influence. But escalation comes with risks in the potential reactions from authorities, supporters, potential supporters, and opponents. I argue that recognizing two elements of escalation can help. First, we need to acknowledge that movements are not unitary actors and that a large movement cannot always stop putative allies from escalating in risky ways. Second, I argue that scholars and activists can do better in making sense of the dynamics of escalation by disaggregating three dimensions of aggression by tactics, claims, and venues, assessing the range of responses to escalation on each of these dimensions. Social movement organizers face continual pressure to find ways to escalate, but responses from authorities and allies can provide a brake on escalation. I illustrate my arguments with reference to contemporary movements of the left and right in the United States and conclude by discussing the importance (and danger) of certain government responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors focus on the intersection of the study of activism and the urban community college. Leveraging the Actors, Contexts, Tactics, and Strategies (ACTS) Framework, the authors (re)examine activism scholarship that illuminates similarities and differences between 2‐ and 4‐year institutions. Ultimately, the article concludes with implications for practice and future research that can deepen and sustain the position of community colleges as contributors to the rich legacy of urban activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the changing dynamics of urbanization and urbanism in the contemporary US through three lenses. First, it examines economic shifts spurred by the rise of the knowledge economy, which position higher education institutions (HEIs) as drivers of innovation and urban growth. Second, it draws attention to new metropolitan geographies. Gentrifying inner cities and the suburbanization of race, poverty, and risk indicate a need for HEIs to reappraise their institutional structures, pedagogical practices, and responsibilities as urban place‐makers. Third, the article considers (post‐)pandemic futures and calls for racial justice to frame the city as both the setting and stake of social justice movements. The analysis pays particular attention to how these socio‐spatial transformations affect the landscape of post‐secondary urban education. The result is a contradictory portrait of an urban America with diverse futures forged at the intersection of rising inequality, segregation, and a desire for a more inclusive and just future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past years, activist movements have increasingly turned to social media to raise awareness and critically discuss current development and future scenarios. As a contribution to the discussion of new social movements and activism in the digital age, this study aims to explore and critically discuss how environmental risks and crisis are visually communicated in activism campaigns on Instagram, through a case study on Extinction Rebellion Sweden (XRsv). The study is delimited to the first 334 posts on XRsv's Instagram between November 14, 2018 and March 1, 2020. Methods used are interview and content analysis. In conclusion, XRsv has adopted aspects of design activism including visual tactics of Informing, Activating and Explaining. These three visual aspects are used by XRsv in an online context enabling interactivity and participatory actions, which in turn forms the core of design activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human dignity, even when analyzed through the lens of human rights, has received surprisingly little attention in the Journal of Religious Ethics, in contrast to a resurgent global interest in it. This article examines some possible reasons for this diminutive interest and makes a case for dignity's integration into the mainstream of religious ethics scholarship. A social conception of human dignity understands it as a conferment that entitles its holder to certain respectful treatments unavailable to those without it. As a naturalistic conception, human dignity assumes certain features to be inherent in human nature. An emancipatory theory of dignity offers a fuller accounting of the concept as it is informed by a grassroots human rights praxis and social movements across a spectrum of historical periods and cultural and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that the recent protests in Iran, ostensibly driven by the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, are a symbol of a far greater dissatisfaction with arbitrary rule, corruption, and incompetence. While compulsory veiling was the immediate cause, the main drivers are the ailing economy and the decline in public services. Given the depth and breadth of street protests and the ongoing civil disobedience, the Islamic Republic simply cannot return to business as usual. At the same time, the regime is incapable of reinventing itself. It faces political and socioeconomic constraints and a mix of demographic and environmental challenges, among others. As for whether outside pressure can help protesters, the West must balance its championing of the movement with its pursuit of diplomatic engagement on Iran's nuclear program. And Iran is now getting more international assistance by looking eastward to China and Russia. With the government and security forces willing to use violence against protesters, civil disobedience may be the only method to systematically challenge the ruling order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of resurgent prejudice in response to marriage equality in Australia. We are using the term "resurgent prejudice" to refer to examples of reactionary collective action directed towards the rainbow community in Australia, with a specific focus on efforts to undermine progressive developments in sexual citizenship. We argue that Australia is currently seeing forms of resurgent prejudice in response to the passage of marriage equality legislation in 2017 by the federal Parliament and use the highly controversial Religious Discrimination Bill of 2022 as an example to illustrate this process. By making use of interviews with members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (rainbow) community, we highlight the concerns members of the rainbow community have regarding their rights, sexual citizenship and social participation. We conclude the article by arguing that vigilance is vital in the face of resurgent prejudice to preserve social and civil rights, and that an awareness of the concept of resurgent prejudice can be used by advocates to strengthen their social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An organized response to sexual harassment (SH) in K‐12 schools in the US traces its development as a social movement to the larger women's rights movement in the late 1970s. It was an outgrowth of the social movement of feminist activists who protested and filed lawsuits to draw attention to SH in the workplace to gain recognition for the problem as one of equity for working women. The focus on SH in K‐12 schools did not begin as an academic pursuit or with an emphasis on research – rather shares its origins as an activist movement to rectify injustices. Authors document the unwritten history of this social movement, by examining the early roots to address and prevent SH in K‐12 schools. The authors review survey and intervention research from the initial movement through the past couple of decades, noting limitations and challenges for future efforts to prevent and eliminate SH in K‐12 schools. The role of youth activism in advancing the movement against SH in schools represents hope of a renewal of activism with a robust gendered perspective. Authors provide next steps for research and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of critical theory, with a specific focus on the Frankfurt School and its impact on contemporary theory. The author highlights the diverse perspectives within the Frankfurt School and emphasizes that there was no unified approach among its members. They also discuss the changing context of theory formation and political intervention over the past century, suggesting that individuals should selectively adopt elements of critical theory that align with their own interests. The article concludes by examining current debates within critical theory, including its connection to social movements and its renewed focus on the critique of political economy. Additionally, the text acknowledges the historical Eurocentrism and anthropocentrism of critical theory, but argues that it contains resources that can be used to address issues such as colonialism, imperialism, and climate change. The author suggests that critical theory should engage in self-critique and challenge existing systems of domination. [Extracted from the article]

Culturally responsive personalized learning (CRPL) emphasizes the importance of aligning personalized learning approaches with previous research on culturally responsive practices to consider social, cultural, and linguistic contexts for learning. In the present discussion, we briefly summarize two bodies of literature considered in defining and developing a framework for CRPL: technology‐enabled personalized learning and culturally relevant, responsive, and sustaining pedagogy. We then provide a definition and framework consisting of six key principles of CRPL, along with a brief discussion of theories and empirical evidence to support these principles. These six principles include agency, dynamic adaptation, connection to lived experiences, consideration of social movements, opportunities for collaboration, and shared power. These principles fall into three domains: fostering flexible student‐centered learning experiences, leveraging relevant content and practices, and supporting meaningful interactions within a community. Finally, we conclude with some implications of this framework for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners working to ensure that all students receive high‐quality learning opportunities that are both personalized and culturally responsive. Report Number: RR‐23‐09 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the understudied intersection between migration and contentious politics, focusing specifically on immigrant participation in social movements within their host societies. Drawing upon data from the Anti‐Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti‐ELAB) Movement in Hong Kong, it illuminates the process through which Chinese immigrants become politicized, evolve collective identities, and mobilize against civil dominance. Further, it underscores the transformative potential of social movements in facilitating immigrant political incorporation. However, it also recognizes the unilateral acceptance determined by mainstream society, which often leaves immigrants sidelined in discussions regarding their qualifications for unconventional political participation. To address civil inequality, immigrants establish their civil identities, challenge dominance, and amass political capital for future incorporation. This study extends the migration and social movements literature by shedding light on the political dynamics of immigrant participation and the hurdles they encounter during their journey toward political incorporation. It also underscores the significant role of progressive social movements in fostering immigrant political participation. Furthermore, the research highlights the unique immigrant political identity that emerges and evolves through participation in social movements, contesting exclusion and monopolistic dominance over democratic realization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite calls from researchers for intersectional studies between religion and social movements over the past few decades, scholars have not engaged in fruitful conversation about integrating the two disciplines. This article aims to facilitate such discussion by examining the topic of new religious movements (NRMs). I first review the existing literature on NRMs and discuss why NRM research has been neglected in social movement studies. Then, I explore a few research areas where both NRM studies and social movement research could intersect and benefit from a synthetic approach. Specifically, I suggest that social movement studies could advance through the examination of some relatively ignored subjects of research, such as persistent participation and disengagement, by drawing on empirical cases of NRMs. I also propose ways in which the application of social movement theories would enhance our understanding of different aspects of NRMs, such as their leadership and coalition practices. In making these arguments, I refer to one of the prominent, long‐term NRMs, the Unification Church or Movement, to help illustrate my ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of globalization and neoliberal policies on the middle class in Chile. It highlights how the middle class has become increasingly vulnerable, leading to anxiety and dissatisfaction with the political and economic elites. The book "Identity Investments" focuses on middle-class market behavior in response to this vulnerability, examining five specific market areas: employment, housing, education, home decoration, and leisure. The author argues that the middle class engages in market behavior based on their identities to protect themselves within the neoliberal society. The book also explores the relationship between identity investment and sociopolitical phenomena in Chile, such as student movements for social change. Overall, this study provides valuable insights into the challenges faced by the middle class and offers suggestions for addressing their increasing vulnerability. [Extracted from the article]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines my environmental health work for nearly four decades with many environmental activists and organizations, as well as scientists and government officials. I discuss how I have merged research and advocacy, while mentoring many students and colleagues on how to do that. I discuss my efforts to conduct transdisciplinary work that crosses social sciences, environmental health science, environmental justice, social movement studies, and science and technology studies, while centering that work on community‐based participatory research. I examine my ability to do the practical work of serving public health and the broader social good, while also developing theoretical and analytical concepts along the way. I discuss the importance of continually being reflective about these many areas of work, both personal reflexivity and reflexive, evaluative discussions with collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements must find ways to intensify their efforts to maintain political relevance—and potential influence. But escalation comes with risks in the potential reactions from authorities, supporters, potential supporters, and opponents. I argue that recognizing two elements of escalation can help. First, we need to acknowledge that movements are not unitary actors and that a large movement cannot always stop putative allies from escalating in risky ways. Second, I argue that scholars and activists can do better in making sense of the dynamics of escalation by disaggregating three dimensions of aggression by tactics, claims, and venues, assessing the range of responses to escalation on each of these dimensions. Social movement organizers face continual pressure to find ways to escalate, but responses from authorities and allies can provide a brake on escalation. I illustrate my arguments with reference to contemporary movements of the left and right in the United States and conclude by discussing the importance (and danger) of certain government responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As systems of oppression (e.g., racism) become more evident in public consciousness, Asian American families are grappling with critical discussions about social justice and oppression. To define and explore these increasingly common conversations, we propose critical consciousness socialization as an important construct for socialization research among Asian American families. Critical consciousness socialization is the transmission of knowledge about, skills for, and behavioral orientations toward analyzing and challenging systems of oppression in the interest of social justice. This article applies theories in the developmental and family sciences (Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory and Family Systems Theory) to demonstrate future research directions for critical consciousness socialization among Asian American families. Given research suggesting that families are purveyors of information about social justice and power, research on critical consciousness socialization is important to explore the role of the family system in advancing—and actively participating in—movements towards social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of social media content moderation on activists and organizing. It highlights the reliance on social media platforms for political and social information, and the gap between content that violates guidelines and content that is actually removed. The article discusses different approaches to content moderation, including algorithmic moderation, and the challenges associated with these approaches. It also examines the effects of automated moderation on marginalized individuals and communities, and the higher rates of content removal and censorship experienced by these groups. The article discusses specific examples, such as the Black Lives Matter movement and the Mahsa Amini protests in Iran, to illustrate the challenges faced by activists due to content takedowns and censorship. It also critiques the policy change made by Meta in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which removed Iranian protest-related content containing a common Iranian protest slogan. The article argues for culturally nuanced moderation policies that promote free speech and recommends changes to algorithmic content moderation practices. Overall, the article emphasizes the importance of addressing these issues to support social justice movements and online activism. [Extracted from the article]

There is a tendency in the study of philanthropy to see each new innovation or movement as transformative and distinct from what has come before. Before MrBeast there was philanthrocapitalism and before long there will be another shiny new toy for those of us who research or practice philanthropy to study. Happily, Rhodri Davies' analysis of MrBeast's philanthropy avoids falling into the trap of seeing novelty at every turn. Instead, he presents a nuanced and measured analysis of the criticisms of MrBeast and of his philanthropic endeavours, weighing up where the mud sticks and where it does not. This response explores the relative novelty of MrBeast's approach to philanthropy and of the criticisms that have been levied at it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Subversive Seventies" by Michael Hardt is a book that explores revolutionary forms of political action during the 1970s. Hardt argues that the radicalism of the 1960s was largely defeated, leading to a shift towards more subversive and revolutionary initiatives in response to state repression. He suggests that divisions of gender, race, sexuality, and colonization became the primary sources of opposition to the ruling order. While some advances were made in the 1960s and 1970s, Hardt fails to recognize the potential consequences of violent actions and the need for representation and delegation in large societies. Overall, the book advocates for subversive political action in the face of oppressive systems. [Extracted from the article]

This document is a book review titled "The Twilight of World Trotskyism." The author discusses the challenges of historical research and the abundance of primary sources produced by Trotskyists. The book provides an overview of Trotskyism in the United Kingdom, United States, Argentina, and France, and examines its current state and political tendencies. The author argues that Trotskyism has a record of political failure and questions its continued relevance. However, the author acknowledges that Trotskyist groups continue to attract new recruits, allowing them to persist despite declining numbers. [Extracted from the article]