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With the recent transnational turn in sexology studies, scholars have been highly effective in demonstrating the dialogical nature of exchanges between sexologists and other professionals. Even so, the problem of what counts as ‘sexological’ still haunts the field. One way to circumvent this impasse on the vexing question of disciplinarity is to, first, think about knowledge production in relation to knowledge exchange and second, bring gender into the frame. Drawing on the critique of popularisation developed by historians and sociologists of science, this article turns to the British Society for the Study of Sex Psychology as a case study to argue that popularisation is a blunt instrument, providing limited understanding of the gendered nature of knowledge acquisition and circulation. A different model – termed ‘ventilation’ – allows the historian to step outside the logic of popularisation to explain how dissemination itself bestowed agency to ordinary women and men, who became co-producers of modern sexual knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analyse the historical constructions of menstruation in mid‐twentieth century Britain. I examine the complex intertwining relations between the female human body and the female nonhuman body. My argument is twofold: firstly, I argue that endocrinological experiments on nonhuman animals' reproductive cycles were mobilised towards affirming a binary division of female/male, animal/human. This facilitated the perpetuation of patriarchal ideologies in British biomedical research. Secondly, I argue that as a result of these dualistic conceptualisations, the female nonhuman body intersected with the female human body in scientific discourses. These bodily transmutations in scientific research contributed towards a form of social control over women, strategically rendering them as 'Other' with nonhuman animals. I illustrate this using Carol J Adams' (2015) concept of the absent referent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the example of the British television series,The Bletchley Circle (ITV, 2012–14), my article explores emotions as cultural processes that are socially generated and publically shared. Set primarily in 1952, the series follows the experiences of four women who, during the war years, held positions in the top-secret, Nazi code-breaking work at Bletchley Park. They reunite to pursue a serial killer stalking and murdering young women in London, using their cryptographic skills to track down the killer. Rather than focusing primarily on the economic, social and political realities of women’s lives during and following the war years,The Bletchley Circle Uses the narrative device of a dual generic structure, interweaving historical drama with detective story, to emphasise how the women feel in the aftermath of those exhilarating years at Bletchley Park. I argue that The Bletchley Circle Exemplifies mediated storytelling’s capacity to explore the felt experiences of what it means to live through an era of historical significance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationships, both real and imagined, that developed between German prisoners of war and women on the British home front during the First World War. Through an analysis of press coverage and archival materials, it adds a new dimension to the history of women’s wartime experiences. Contact with German prisoners challenged the authorities’ capacity to both control and protect British women on the home front. News of women’s interest in German prisoners jeopardised the morale of British soldiers and the idealised image of British women as potential wives and mothers while threatening the balance between the battle and home fronts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 December 1916, in a dramatic coup, Lloyd George supplanted Asquith and became prime minister. This marked the death of a great party and has generated huge controversy. For long, Lloyd George was condemned as the culprit but latterly his reputation has risen sharply. Asquith and Lloyd George came from very different wings of the party, imperialist and Little Englander. Asquith seemed the supreme insider, Lloyd George a supreme Welsh outsider. However in peacetime government, they formed a tremendous partnership. Their close association continued to the formation of the first coalition in May 1915. Then serious division came over military conscription, with Lloyd George moving towards his old foes, the Unionists. As minister for munitions, then secretary for war, he became publicly very critical of the conduct of the war. A great conflict arose over his demand for a new war committee. This was directed against the generals: he did not wish to become prime minister. It looked as if a compromise was possible. On 3 December 1916 Asquith agreed to such a committee but, fatally, reversed his view the next day, Crucial was his misjudgment of the Unionist leaders, especially Balfour. On 6 December the king asked Lloyd George to form a government. Asquith seriously exaggerated his own strength while Lloyd George now had growing Unionist support, the backing of Labour and of a majority of Liberal MPs mobilised by Addison. So Asquith fell and a governmental revolution followed - a new small war cabinet, a cabinet secretariat under Hankey, a secretariat of private advisors in the 'Garden Suburb' and an inexorable move towards prime ministerial (or quasi-presidential) government. In May 1918, the 'Maurice debate' saw the Liberals divided into pro- and anti-government factions; they were crushed at the subsequent general election. The party was thereafter haunted by December 1916 and responsibility was bitterly contested. Yet it should be remembered that before 7 December 1916, the two Liberal leaders formed a dynamic and commanding partnership, which changed British politics profoundly and irreversibly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the small number of British subjects who visited China and North Korea during the Korean War with a view to influencing British opinion. Although none were brought to trial, all experienced some form of punitive action, whether the loss of employment, loss of passports, or damage to their reputations. The subject is placed in the context of the Cold War, and the wider concerns about disloyalty on the Left at the time, as well as the controversies surrounding the Korean War in Britain. It concludes that the actions of these individuals have to be understood in terms of their alternative loyalties (such as to the 'new' China, or to an alternative vision of the United Nations), which ultimately outweighed allegations of disloyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the evolution and future of the Labour Party, a British political party. Topics mentioned include the work of British politician Tony Benn, the media report on the crisis faced by the party in the 1980s, and how the Labour Party's leaders should reorganize the party and choose a new program.

The article focuses on the general election in Great Britain in 1997 which was won by the Labour Party led by Tony Blair. Topics mentioned include the crisis faced by the Conservative Party, the other main British political party, the Labour Party's campaign which focused on public philosophy, and the social changes it implies.

The article focuses on the political situation in Great Britain after the general election in 1974 during which the Labour Party won the most seats in the House of Commons. Topics mentioned include the unpredictability of the victory of the Labour Party of the Conservative Party, the country's need for a political coalition, and the report of the elections in the British journal "The Times."

A reprint of article which was published in 1979 is presented. Topics mentioned include the tenth anniversary of the civil rights marches, the violence in Northern Ireland that year, and the work of journalist Conor Cruise O'Brien. The author also discusses the political situation in Northern Ireland.

The article focuses on the evolution of the periodical throughout the 1970s. Topics mentioned include the possibility to purchases previous issues, the social and political situation of Great Britain at that time, and the future of the Labour Party, a British political party. The author also discusses the social issues faced by the country the ones related to education and housing.

An annotated bibliography is presented on topics of twentieth-century European history which includes the books "Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 1872–1967," by Martin Ceadel, "Guarantee of Peace: The League of Nations in British Policy 1914–1925," by Peter J. Yearwood, and "Cosmopolitan Islanders: British Historians and the European Continent," by Richard J. Evans.

Using the private papers of Lord Killearn in conjunction with official government documents from the British national archives and the French colonial archives, this article builds upon previous historical scholarship to highlight the importance of Killearn's South-East Asian diplomacy to the resolution of the international food crisis following the Second World War. As Britain's senior diplomat in South-East Asia Killearn had little choice but to become entangled in various international disputes often centred upon French Indo-China - Killearn's failure to do otherwise would not have preserved adequate international rice supplies. Therefore this article not only demonstrates the magnitude of Killearn's concern for South-East Asian rice production during the immediate post-war food crisis but it also reveals the depth of Killearn's frustration towards the chaotic priorities emanating from French Indo-China, and thus it substantiates a more significant and complex understanding of Killearn's diplomatic mission to South-East Asia than has been formerly stated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the surprisingly muted commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. It was surprising because not only was the Agreement a major innovation in relations between the two states but it was also the defining political issue in Northern Ireland for almost a decade. It is argued that the significance of the Agreement has been diminished because of retrospective narratives which serve the political convenience of the key parties to the Northern Ireland conflict. The article adapts Oakeshott's notion of the 'dry wall' to re-assess and to re-state the Agreement's place in recent history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the British Empire in Asia, focusing on battles which were intended to prevent the Russian Empire from dominating the continent. Aspects of these events which may be relevant to the 21st century Afghan War are emphasized. It is noted that the reputation of Afghanistan as a graveyard for empires is exaggerated. British forces which invaded Afghanistan in the 19th century, like Soviet forces in the 20th, inflicted far more casualties than they suffered and left in an orderly fashion, after determining that the country was not worth occupying. The adventures of Colonel Francis Younghusband in Tibet in the first decade of the 20th century are also recounted, as an edifying instance of the perils of success.

A bibliographic essay is presented which discusses books and scholarly articles published circa 2009 about the twentieth century history and historiography of Great Britain. Some of the subjects considered include economic history, World War I and II, and feminist studies. Some of the books discussed include "Churchill and War," by G. Best, "Medicine, Madness and Social History: Essays in Honour of Roy Porter," edited by R. Bivins and J. Pickstone, and "The British Working Class 1832-1940," by A. August.

Utilizing archival sources in both the United States and Britain to describe the changes in American policy in Iraq during World War II, and tracing the emergence of the United States as an important factor in Iraq's politics and history, the authors challenge the notion that the United States was a passive bystander to events there during the war. Washington initially followed the British lead, but, beginning in 1942, the United States became more assertive in its relations with Iraq, with American diplomats, State Department officials, postwar planners, and intelligence officers promoting the ideals of the Atlantic Charter while simultaneously aiming to secure Iraq's petroleum and tying it into a network of Western alliances. Iraq's vital strategic position and its rich petroleum resources made it an important part, along with Saudi Arabia and Iran, of the American effort to secure, militarily and economically, the oil-rich Gulf region for the West in the postwar era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hungarian Revolution and the military phase of the Suez Crisis occurred virtually contemporaneously in the last week of October and the first week of November 1956. While a great deal of historical research and writing has been done on the two crises individually, there has been relatively little investigation of the interconnection between the two episodes. The interconnections were of particular importance in influencing the Soviet decision to use brutal military force to suppress the Hungarian Revolution and in explaining the depth of bitterness in the rift between Britain and the United States over the Suez Crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1945, films of the empire genre, produced in Hollywood as well as Britain, celebrated the masculinity of the British adventure hero, and promoted an imperial world view. This article explores the significance of the incorporation of white women into empire films in the late 1940s and 1950s, focusing on three films from different moments in the period. What are the range of meanings assigned to white femininity in these films, and their significance to the politics of race and gender? How is the white woman represented in relation to colonised women and men? In addressing these questions the article considers shifts in the gendering of the empire genre as part of an attempt to address a range of anxieties – about the transition from empire to Commonwealth, the rise of American power, and the collapse of boundaries between colonisers and colonised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a huge popular and literary interest in detective fiction and an extensive academic literature on the history of policing, there have been very few studies of the history of private detectives/investigators. The work of women investigators has proved to be even more marginal. Histories of women and work have tended, for obvious reasons, to concentrate on mainstream industries, occupations and professions rather than the unusual or the unique. Focusing on the memoirs of Annette Kerner, published in the early 1950s, this article examines the range of opportunities that investigation created in the first half of the twentieth century, analysing the interaction of professional, gender and class identities. It highlights, firstly, women's ‘professional’ commitment to an exciting and challenging area of work, exploring their relationships with other occupational groups including women police. Second, it considers how disguise and masquerade presented opportunities for urban exploration and the crossing of traditional boundaries of gender and class. Investigative work developed, historically, at the same time as detective fiction and it has been deeply affected by fictional portrayals. The cultural mantle of ‘the female Sherlock Holmes’ was a hard inheritance to shake off and it suffused women's public presentations of themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on several books and articles, which addressed issues related to the history of Great Britain during the 20th century. "Neville Chamberlain," by David Dutton; "The British Economy in the Twentieth Century," by Alan Booth; "Gentrification and the Enterprise Culture: Britain 1789-1980," by F. M. L. Thompson; "C.P. Scott, the Manchester Guardian, and the Boer War, 1899-1902"; "Impact of the South African War," edited by David Omissi and Andrew Thompson; "Sense of Belonging: The Politics of Working-Class Insurance in Britain 1880-1914," by Timothy Alborn, and published in the "Journal of Modern History."

Presents several books on British history in the twentieth-century. `Siegfried Sassoon,' by J.S. Roberts; `Liberalism and the Nonconformist Conscience in Edwardian Britain,' by George White; `The British Union of Fascists and the Olympia Debate,' by M. Pugh; `The Ulster Question Since 1945,' by J. Loughlin.

Presents several books about British history in the twentieth century. `A History of Conservative Politics, 1900-1996,' by J. Charmley; `The Conservatives and British Society, 1880-1990,' by edited M. Francis and I. Zweiniger-Bajielowski; `Eden: A Reappraisal,' by D. Dutton; `The Transformation of British Politics 1860-1995,' by B. Harrison.

The article focuses on responses of the citizens of Great Britain to the Cox Report, released in 1990, regarding the educational curriculum and national identity of English literature. Topics addressed include analysis of the report itself, explanation of two different debates on the report, and the Importance of the report for solving questions of linguistic dominance.

Deals with parliamentary revolt against British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain in May 1940. Factors behind resignation of Chamberlain as prime minister; Features of so-called Norway debate; Politics of maneuver; Examination of voting lists; Need for the basis of government to be broadened; Role of Great Britain's Labour Party leaders in Chamberlain's downfall.

Discusses the role of propaganda in both the mobilization of women in Great Britain during World War II and in postwar employment patterns. Remobilization campaign of the government in 1947; Special difficulties faced by the Ministries of Labor and Information in propagandizing women; Inadequate publicity about both the criteria used to categorize immobile women and the types of employment deemed essential; Examination of film propaganda.

The article focuses on the political elections in Great Britain during the 1970s. Topics mentioned include the lack of quality of the political debate, the public opinion regarding this issue, and the government policy regarding education. The author also discusses the importance of the role played by the media.

A correction to the article entitled "'A Spanish Housewife is Your Next Door Neighbour': British Women and the Spanish Civil War," by Roseanna Webster, which appeared in the Volume 27, Number 2, 2015 issue, is presented.

The Conservative Party was in government for almost all of the decade after the First World War, during which it faced not only economic problems but also the political threat of the advance of the Labour Party. Socialism raised the challenge of a greatly extended role for the state, and in response to this and to tackle the difficulties of industry and the high level of unemployment, which Conservatives attributed to the free trade economy, the party returned in 1923 and 1930–2 to its pre‐war advocacy of a system of tariff protection linked to imperial preference. These factors have previously been viewed from separate perspectives, and accounts of the development of the British state have treated Conservative attitudes as simply negative. This article explores the more varied strands of Conservative opinion about the role of the state in the inter‐war period, and links these to the party's governing practice in key aspects of economic policy in the decade after 1918, and its attempts to introduce protective tariffs in 1923 and 1930–2. It is based upon contemporary discussions of Conservative principles and policies by active politicians and propagandists, and upon the private correspondence of the party's parliamentary leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the British Council and the use of cultural propaganda to pursue Great Britain's foreign policy in the 1930s. Promotion of English education and the English language; Efforts of France and Germany in the cultural arena; Great Britain's reason for entering the propaganda race; Attitude towards government involvement in the arts within Britain.