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This article uses a survey carried out by the ESRC‐funded Party Members Project in the immediate aftermath of the 2019 election to paint a portrait of Labour's post‐Corbyn membership. They are overwhelmingly white, well‐educated and largely middle class and middle‐aged, with many of them living in southern England. They are also disproportionately likely to work, either currently or previously, in the public or charitable sector. They are left‐wing but also very socially liberal, and they are very pro‐European. This means they have a lot in common with Labour MPs but much less in common with many of the voters Labour desperately needs to win back. A significant number of members, perhaps especially those disinclined to regard antisemitism as a serious problem, could leave as a result of Corbyn being replaced (and possibly removed) by Starmer. Whether this will have much impact on Labour's electoral prospects is debateable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Tony King had a healthy disrespect for conventional wisdom but a deep appreciation for common sense. Drawing on an eclectic mix of sources, both qualitative and quantitative, he wore his learning lightly, the better to highlight and explain to academic and non‐academic audiences how shifts in society and public opinion drove change inside parties and in the party systems in which they operated. King asked great questions and provided answers that simultaneously captured complexity and the big picture. His provocative interpretations and analysis were always stimulating—and many of them proved highly prescient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tim Bale looks back on his 12-step programme' for Labour's time in opposition to gauge, five years on, how the party fared after 13 years on the inside looking out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The chances of Labour winning the 2015 general election with a comfortable overall majority are vanishingly small. It could, however, emerge as the largest party or finish just a handful of seats behind the Conservatives. Either scenario would give it at least a chance-and a bigger chance than many realise, we argue-of forming a government. In that event, Labour may be faced with a choice between getting together with another party (or parties) to form a majority coalition or else forming a minority government (either on its own or with one or more partners), which could assemble different majorities for different pieces of legislation or try to negotiate a 'confidence and supply' agreement. Given the precedents from the UK and overseas, we argue that, faced with this dilemma, Labour should do all it can to form a majority coalition. We also argue that Labour can learn some useful lessons from the Cameron-Clegg coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under pressure from voters, and from other parties, Europe's centre-left has had to re-evaluate its position on migration. The UK Labour party is no exception. Public concern about large-scale immigration clearly contributed to its heavy defeat at the 2010 general election. Since then it has been slowly but surely hardening its stance on the issue, although this is by no means unprecedented: while the rise of UKIP may have upped the ante in recent months, Labour has a long history of adjusting policy in this area so as to remain competitive with its main rival, the Conservative party. Labour is now asking itself whether it will be possible to do this without challenging one of the fundamental precepts of EU membership-the right of free movement of people. Whatever the result of this internal debate between the party's 'beer drinkers' and its 'wine drinkers', Labour may still have difficulty in neutralising immigration as an issue since, for the most part, it continues to insist on giving an essentially economic answer to what for many voters is actually a cultural question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the modernisation of the Tory party. He states that the Tory modernisation was considered as its most ambiguous in terms of public services and public spending. He says that the Tory modernisation does not deal with a lot of middle-aged men who tried to tell everyone that the Conservative party had recovered from the era of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.

The idea that Labour has already lost the argument on welfare with the Conservatives, and with it the general election, is probably overplayed. If truth be told, Labour's construction and subsequent defence of the welfare state has always been something of a double-edged sword for the Party, earning it brickbats as well as support, and sometimes as stranding it in the past, committing it to promises that were undeliverable and ultimately self-defeating. The political response by Ed Miliband and Ed Balls to the welfare trap set for them by David Cameron and George Osborne owes as much to New Labour as it does to 'One Nation Labour'. That said, the latter does seem to be informing the Party's policy response, in particular its emphasis on restoring the contributory principle. Whether, however, this is practical politics given the inherently hybrid nature of Britain's welfare state and its heavy skew toward help for the elderly is a moot point. And whether 'One Nation' actually helps or hinders the Party in its quest for workable policies and a winning electoral formula is similarly debateable. Certainly, however much it is tempted to do so, Labour shouldn't waste too much valuable time trying to counter widespread myths about welfare. Nor should it overreact and obsess about the issue-or, indeed, pour out detailed policy too soon, if at all. Obviously, Labour needs to provide a direction of travel. However, that should focus not so much on welfare itself but on what the Party is proposing on the economy, on housing and on wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing 60 years of shifting ideological fortunes, Tim Bale argues that the left wing of the Conservative party has atrophied and is impotent, posing major challenges to the party's ability both to govern in coalition now and to secure electoral success in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The May 2010 general election represented a change in tone on immigration and asylum policy for the Conservative party. Although its manifesto still contained a promise to limit numbers and expressed concern about the abuse of student visas, the Party's previous fixation with asylum seekers had disappeared. This article considers the rationale for these developments in the light of David Cameron's election as leader in late 2005 and his efforts from then on to reposition his party. Cameron's initial silence on this issue and his appointment of a moderate as immigration spokesman were part of an attempt both to shift the focus onto the economic impact of migration and, more broadly, to 'decontaminate the Tory brand' in order to gain 'permission to be heard' by small-l liberals who were critical to the Party's electoral recovery but alienated by hard-line stances. That said, immigration was never entirely forgotten even in this early period and was always seen, so long as it was carefully handled, as an issue capable of benefitting the Tories. As such, it was skilfully factored back into the Party's offer from late 2007 onwards. In government, the Conservatives may have the upper hand on immigration over their junior coalition partner, but this is no guarantee that they will be able to deliver the outcomes they promised [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Labour Party gears up to share early findings from its wide-ranging policy review at the autumn party conference, author and academic Tim Bale looks for lessons in over 60 years of Conservative party policy reinvention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insider and journalistic accounts of the formation in May 2010 of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition actually, although not explicitly, rely on types of explanation familiar to those who study politics. They tell us that structure (or at least the economy) was important. So too, they suggest, were institutions (timing and the rules of the game). They also stress the importance of contingency ('events, dear boy, events') and agency (who did and said what to whom). While none of these things were unimportant, they only served to make certain an outcome that anyone with a passing acquaintance with the theory and the practice of coalition formation would have predicted-namely a 'minimum winning coalition'. The only thing that could have made that outcome uncertain was a fundamental ideological difference between the two parties involved; however, it quickly became apparent-to the surprise of those of us who failed to appreciate how much the Liberal Democrats had changed-that no such difference existed. Indeed, it is possible to argue that the coalition formed was not merely minimum winning but 'minimum connected winning'. As such, its formation was not so much breathtakingly bold and exciting as pretty much inevitable. In the end, the maths and the physics mattered more than the chemistry. Fortunately for the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats seriously underplayed their hand in the negotiations, with possibly disastrous consequences for them in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the authors discuss the political data assembled to compile the reports in this issue of the journal. It is noted that world politics during 2009 was significantly influenced by the global financial crisis of 2008-09 and the subsequent world-wide recession. A number of topics are addressed including countries that needed the assistance of the International Monetary Fund, the issues of asylum and immigration in several European countries, and the elections for members of the European Parliament.

The British Conservative Party's decision to leave the European Peoples' Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED) group in the European Parliament and establish a new formation—the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)—has attracted criticism, much of it focused on the supposedly extremist politics and character of the partners with which the Conservatives have chosen to work. In fact, while those parties which have joined the Conservatives in the new group are for the most part socially conservative, they are less extreme and more pragmatic than their media caricatures suggest. Moreover, such caricatures obscure some interesting incompatibilities within the new group as a whole and between some of its Central and East European members and the Conservatives, not least with regard to their foreign policy preoccupations and their by no means wholly hostile attitude to the European integration project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of worldwide political developments in 2008. It focuses on countries which have functioning democratic political structures, such as the U.S., Japan, and those of the European Union. It includes an analysis of party factionalism in several national governments, and commentary on trends in public opinion regarding the events described. Various electoral results, institutional changes, and notable issues in international politics are discussed. These include the challenges faced by national governments in handling the global financial crisis which began in 2008.

While one can overstate the extent to which the Conservative party has changed since 2005, especially in the light of its response to the recession, the upturn in its electoral prospects is undeniable. Not surprisingly, the Conservative leader, David Cameron, is widely credited with turning around his party's fortunes. In fact, he started with several advantages over his predecessors: New Labour was well past its prime; the economy was running into trouble; and an increasingly desperate Conservative party was more willing to listen to the message that it needed to modernise and moderate. That said, Cameron has been crucial. His communication skills are unparalleled. Early success bought him time and 'permission to be heard'. Most important though, has been his determination-despite media criticism-to stick with a staged strategy focused on conveying change and a move to the centre ground while at the same time reassuring and dividing the Tory right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at politics in various countries in 2007, including the Czech Republic, Finland, and Germany. A chart is presented comparing the number of political parties represented in the cabinets of countries such as New Zealand, Poland, and Sweden. Major political issues in 2007 are discussed, including debates over preference for representative versus direct democracies, political corruption resulting from competition between political parties, and the proportion of women serving as cabinet officers.

The article looks at politics in various countries in 2006, including the U.S., France, and Belgium. Topics discussed include foreign policy, the accession of Turkey to the European Union, and the cooperation of political parties. A chart is presented which reviews the cabinet changes of several countries such as Germany, Japan, and Lithuania, focusing on the number of members and the percentage of women in each cabinet. A second chart is also presented which looks at the different types of elections held in countries such as Canada, Australia, and Iceland.

The article focuses on the Power Report, an independent study into Great Britain's government funded by Joseph Rowntree and conducted by a commission led by Helena Kennedy. The authors point out that the report's argument are inherently populist and its recommendations will only exacerbate the problem rather than solving it.

The article focuses on the Conservative Party in Great Britain under the leadership of David Cameron and the symbolic politics of electoral reform. During the first few months of Cameron's leadership it was observed that he is far from being "all spin and no substance." He has ditched policies, introduced new faces and set-up commissions.

It is often claimed that proportional representation (PR) undermines government effectiveness, including decisional efficacy, fiscal prudence, electoral responsiveness and accountability. Drawing on New Zealand's experience since the introduction of a mixed-member proportional (MMP) electoral system in 1996, this article examines the impact of the new voting system on government effectiveness. Although government durability has been substantially reduced and the policy-making process has become more complex, governments under MMP appear to be no less able to address major policy problems or respond to changing economic circumstances. Moreover, New Zealand has maintained continuous fiscal surpluses under MMP — a radical departure from the protracted, and often large, deficits that characterised the previous two decades under a majoritarian electoral system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the political and economic systems in a Labour-led New Zealand. Neo-liberal revolution in the country; Economic and labor market policies; Women in politics and in civil service; Economic and political reforms.

Focuses on the evolution of the political system in Great Britain. Domination of the New Labour system; Consideration of the Christian democracy; Influence of the individualistic and secular political culture.

The article discusses Labour Party in Great Britain. Topics discussed include Jeremy Corbyn, leader of the Labour Party, neoliberalism and elections. Other topics which includes immigration, welfare and working class are also discussed. Foreign policy of Great Britain and social democrats in the country are also mentioned.