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Wei Wu's book, "Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949," explores the spread and reception of Tibetan Buddhism in Republican China. The author highlights the diverse perspectives within Chinese society towards this religious tradition, including both support and criticism. Wu also examines how important figures in Chinese Buddhism found value in Tibetan Buddhism's systematic teachings and practices. The book draws from a range of sources, including speeches, articles, letters, and interviews, providing a balanced analysis of the topic. However, it could have given more emphasis to the political tensions between Tibet and China during this period. [Extracted from the article]

This article questions why Japan has taken a neutral position in the Sino‐American trade tensions in 2018, despite its political rivalry with Beijing. It claims that the Japanese strategy towards China between 2012 and 2018 has moved from confrontational competition to competitive cooperation over third‐country markets; this is because of their shared beliefs and methodology regarding regional development. The paper undertakes three major tasks. Firstly, it compares Chinese and Japanese academic discussions regarding East Asia. It finds that experts on both sides admit the significant implications of the politico‐economic divide in the regional system. However, the realistic Chinese tend to consider the divide as a problem to be solved through power, whereas the more liberal Japanese expect it to provide a coordinating function for the regional order as a whole. Secondly, the article reviews the shifts in the Japanese government's behaviours toward China in recent years. It argues that Japan has moved for collaboration with China to maintain the liberal rule‐based order in the region. Finally, founded on the estimate of China's economic leverage over its neighbours, the paper claims that Japan will expand its responsibility in order formation in East Asia in future, becoming more independent from American influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the relational IR literature on identity politics and Sino-Japanese relations. Theoretically, we develop Rumelili's framework for studying modes of differentiation by incorporating the sectoral characteristics of key discourse signs. Empirically, we apply this framework to the construction of Self and Other in the official Japanese security discourse regarding the Senkaku Islands dispute from 2010-2014, a period of dispute climax that is meaningful for studying the (re)production of Japan's understanding of China. The inclusiveness of the discourse signs that Japan uses to construct China possibly opens up for a positive evolution of Sino-Japanese relations, as there is space for progress if China's behavior-and Japan's interpretation of it-proves to be more peaceful, transparent, and law-abiding. The findings also suggest, however, that the strong sense of superiority in Japan (and China) vis-à-vis a subordinate Other may not bode well for Sino-Japanese relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on extensive island examples with a view to offer 'creative' solutions to the ongoing dispute over the Diaoyu/Diaoyutai/ Senkaku Islands between China (and Taiwan) and Japan in the East China Sea. In spite of the rhetoric and apparent intractability of island conflicts, there are various examples from the past (and the present) that suggest how island disputes may be decided, and in 'win-win' ways, to the satisfaction of the different parties involved. The resolution of island territorial problems can benefit greatly from a critical appreciation of how other small islands, also contested, have had their situation resolved in non-zero-sum ways. In such cases, sovereignty has been shared, split/divided or expunged; in other cases, sovereignty disputes have been put aside in order to co-develop and co-exploit natural resources. There is also one example of a UNESCO World Heritage Site consisting of a string of small islands and surrounding waters whose management is shared between three countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author focuses on the relationship between the U.S. and Japan and how they can contain China by opening the Japanese markets. Topics include the role of former Japanese Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi in the postwar political order in the country, the needed cooperation of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe for the success of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TTP), and the military support given by the U.S. to any confrontation of Japan with China.

The article discusses Japan's military policy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in relation to Japanese relations with the U.S. Topics include U.S. defense treaty obligations to Japan in relation to a potential military conflict between Japan and China, Japan's relations with North Korea, and Abe's support for strengthening Japan's Self-Defense Forces (SDF). Also addressed are Abe's political status in Japan, the impact of the U.S. decision not to militarily intervene in Syria's civil war on U.S. relations with Japan, and the notion of Collective Self-Defense involving the U.S. and Japan.

An introduction is presented which discusses articles within the issue on topics including Japan's relationship with China in regard to the control of the East China Sea, trade routes in the Arctic Ocean and the leadership of Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The article discusses the military policy of Japan under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during the early 2010s. Particular focus is given to role that Japan's perceived threat of China and North Korea plays in Japan's development of its Self-Defense Forces (SDF), including in regard to hegemony in the East China Sea region. An overview of Japan's national security strategy that allegedly focuses on military defense, including the SDF's development of a surveillance unit along Japan's coast, is provided.

The article discusses a maritime boundary dispute and potential naval conflict between China and Japan regarding the Senkaku Islands or Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea as of January 2014. Topics include the modernization of China's People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), conflict between the China Coast Guard (CCG) and the Japan Coast Guard (JCG), and China's creation of an East China Sea area Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ). Japan's naval policy and its alliance with the U.S. are addressed.

This study aims to analyze the possibility of a multilateral Northeast Asian free-trade agreement ( FTA), a China- Japan- Korea FTA ( CJK FTA), and estimates the optimal path towards achieving it. Although there have been a number of studies examining why a CJK FTA should be formed given its likely welfare-enhancing effects, studies on precisely how and through what paths it might be formed are extremely scarce. Investigating the influences from industry interest groups and national security relations among China, Japan and South Korea, this study finds that a multilateral path (rather than a sequential path) wherein South Korea plays a key role as a hub (rather than a leader) is the optimal route for establishing a CJK FTA. Although two possible bilateral FTAs (a China- Korea FTA and a Japan- Korea FTA) are more likely to be feasible, in particular, they are less likely to serve as a stepping-stone to multilateral FTA formation. Consequently, this study mainly argues that China, Japan, and South Korea, the three main economies in Northeast Asia, should simultaneously participate in a single round of trade negotiations in order to establish a CJK FTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that nationalism has always been a constant feature of Chinese politics. Indeed in order to understand the implications of China's nationalism vis-à-vis its emergence of China in global and regional politics, one has to examine the delicate equilibrium between state nationalism and ethnic nationalism. We put forward two hypotheses: first, if ethnic nationalism is more likely to be mobilized vis-à-vis state nationalism then an aggressive and assertive nationalism may emerge which is likely to lead to more confrontational foreign relations; second, when ethnic nationalist interests are suppressed, a more affirmative (or pragmatic) brand of nationalism tends to prevail. We argue that it is in the balancing act conducted by Chinese political elites that we can understand how nationalism has affected domestic politics. We then translate this understanding to regional politics, in particular China's relations with Japan and Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The large and rapidly growing trade relationship between Japan and China has occurred against a backdrop of political tensions. This study measures performance of the trade relationship, benchmarking it against other trade flows worldwide, and examines the impact of the politics on bilateral trade performance. To do this, a frontier gravity model is estimated using core determinants of trade. This gives a benchmark against which to measure trade performance, explained using resistances to trade. While the economic relationship is not independent from the politics, an important conclusion is that trade has not been diminished or disturbed by politics to a significant extent. China's commitment to the global trading system from the mid-1980s and its accession to the WTO in 2001 has meant that tensions in the political relationship with Japan from time to time have not derailed, but rather have increasingly come to be dominated, by the economic relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study validated implicit animosity as a unique determinant of consumer behavior in the context of Chinese animosity toward Japan. The Implicit Association Test (IAT) was employed to measure implicit Chinese animosity toward Japan. The results showed that (a) implicit animosity was distinct from consumer ethnocentrism; (b) implicit animosity was significantly correlated with war animosity, but not with economic animosity; and (c) implicit animosity exerted negative impacts on purchase intention, independent of explicit animosity, consumer ethnocentrism, and product judgment. Taken together, these findings provide initial evidence of discriminant, convergent, and predictive validity for implicit animosity, highlighting the importance of taking implicit animosity into account in future animosity research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs concepts and analytical frameworks drawn from Sociology, particularly collective memory, to examine China's attempts - and the limitations of those attempts - to improve relations with Japan in the new century. In particular, it focuses on a specific episode, the attempt to bring 'new thinking' to Sino-Japanese relations. It concludes that the difficulties and complexities are the product of many factors. In the first place, CCP is constrained by its own definition of nationalism and national identity. Secondly, Beijing's control mechanisms and its ability to direct nationalist discourse in ways convenient to itself are challenged by the rise of popular nationalistic sentiment. In addition, the rise of revisionist nationalism in Japan further complicates Beijing's stance toward Japan. The achievement of China's vision of harmonious world and of 'Mutually Beneficial' relations with Japan will depend on how well China handles the delicate matters of the construction of national identity and the basis of government legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although economically interdependent, political rivalry between Japan and China have brought about the inability of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Plus Three (APT) process to transform itself into an East Asia Summit (EAS) as originally envisioned. The existence of the APT and the EAS as two separate entities not only reflected the politico-security rivalry between the two neighbours but more importantly affected the direction and progress of East Asian regionalism as a whole. Aiming to provide a historical account of the EAS process and examine Japan's role in the development of the EAS framework, this paper argues that Japan has put greater attention on the EAS and made numerous unilateral initiatives to develop it. While Japan does not seek ultimate power, it considers the EAS as an excellent opportunity to: (i) raise its influence in the region vis-à-vis China; (ii) elevate the status of the EAS in region-building and (iii) check Chinese advances by fulfilling its long-held policy of having other Asia Pacific countries, primarily Australia and New Zealand, join. Nevertheless, the decision to expand the EAS to include the USA and Russia will have some adverse effects on Japan's unilateral ambitions and the furtherance of regionalisation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan-China relations in the 2000s have seen both significant tensions, notably during the term of Koizumi Junichiro, and marked improvement in the post-Koizumi period. This article analyzes the way external and domestic factors in both countries have influenced the political and security dimension of the bilateral relationship. It also assesses the extent of the underlying tensions and the prospects of long-term stability in Sino-Japanese relations. The article argues that structural changes and a shifting balance of power in East Asia have led to strategic divergences and security dilemma dynamics in the bilateral relations. Additionally, the rise of conservatism in Japan under Koizumi and China's use of the 'history card' exacerbated mutual distrust and contributed to souring ties in the first half of the 2000s. While the bilateral relations have stabilized in the post-Koizumi era, with the political leaders of both countries emphasizing mutual engagement and alleviation of the security dilemma, this 'cooling-off period' is unlikely to lead to long-term stability in ties between Tokyo and Beijing. Lacking strategic trust on both sides, as well as the significance of the US factor for the bilateral security interactions, suggest that the present stability in Japan-China relations remains fragile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents an analysis of the economic relationship between the two most important economies in Asia. Over the last decades, the Chinese and Japanese economies have become more economically interdependent, a development which will, in the long run, impact the countries' political relationship. The paper seeks to answer the question: How can China and Japan gain from the current economic situation, further enhance their relationship and increase their synergies for regional economic development? Data on trade and Foreign Direct Investment are used in combination with primary data from interviews with Japanese and Chinese companies on how they perceive the current business situation and future potential. The result of the data analysis shows that the countries have much to gain from their economic interdependence. The firms see great potential in their respective markets but are concerned about political turbulence. Three possible scenarios for the future economic relationship are presented, including fierce competition on all markets and a leveraging of resources for mutual development between Chinese and Japanese companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significant role played by Internet on the emerging debates in China on whether and how it should put aside the historical dispute on Sino-Japanese wars and express sympathy and offer humanitarian aid to Japan after the latter was hard-hit by a devastating earthquake on March 11, 2011. It notes the existence of various opinions in Chinese cyberspace regarding the calamity in Japan, leading to a war of words between those gloating over the disaster and others calling for respecting the dead. Meanwhile, a survey conducted by the news portal ifeng.com, showed nearly 80% of Chinese respondents stated that they support the government's efforts to aid Japan despite existing frictions between the two countries.

The United States accuses China of subsidizing its entire export economy through artificially undervaluing its currency. China accuses the United States of fiscal profligacy while flooding the world with easy credit to keep its economy afloat. This dispute reflects the reality that the world's two largest economies are built on opposite dynamics of production and savings vs. consumerism and debt. In Europe, the wages of unsustainable debt that financed the welfare state have also come due. Rebalancing the global economy in this context is not only a matter of fixing exchange or interest rates and extending the retirement age. It must also involve a recalibration of democracy in both East and West. Two Nobel economists, the Greek prime minister, a ranking Chinese economist and the former chief economist of the IMF address these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]